S/PV.1344 Security Council

In accordance with the decision of the Council taken yesterday, I now propose, with the consent of the Council, to invite the representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo to take a seat at the Council table to participate without vote in. the discussion of the item on our agenda, At the invitation of the President, Mr. T, Idzumbtri! (Democratic Republic of the Congo) took a place at the Courzcil table.

The Council will now continue its consideration of the question before it. The first speaker on my list is the representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, who has indicated that he has additional information to present to the Security Council. I therefore call OII him. /-

During yesterday’s debate /1363rd meeting/ I referred to the recent events in Kisangani in an attempt to demonstrate that those events constituted part of a plot to overthrow the institutions of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. 4. I also indicated that it was no coincidence that foreign commandos landed in Kisangani precisely when a unit of Katangese ex-gendarmes mutinied at Bukavu and was joined by armed foreign civilians, all of whom engaged in combat with the loyal units of the Congolese National Army, 5. Today, as the situation develops in the troubled areas and the investigation of the individuals involved in acts of sabotage continues, it becomes clear that the ignorance displayed by some Governments in their official statements cannot go unchallenged. 6. Very early in the morning of 5 July 1967, two planes landed commandos at Kisangani airport. At the same moment, foreigners in the National Army mutinied and joined forces with the commandos, occupied the airport and proceeded to use our military planes to bomb the positions of the units of the Congolese army. 7. In Bukavu, as I have said, fighting took place between the units of the National Army and the ex-units of the Katangese gendarmerie which had mutinied. 8. All this took place some time after certain foreign nationals, whose names and nationalities I shall tell you in a moment, had been arrested for sabotaging vital economic installations of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. 9. Their movements and their outside contacts could not escape the notice of the Spanish and Portugese Governments in particular since, on the one hand, these contacts took place with Tshombe who, according to statements of the Spanish Government; had been forbidden to take part in any political activity, and on the other hand, some of the participants in the plot entered the Congolese territory by way of Lisbon and Angola. 10. The police investigation into the acts of sabotage reveals the following. First of all a Belgian subject named Jean-Paul Lahaye participated in these acts of sabotage. Another Belgian subject named Roger Perricas, who unfortunately escaped, also participated. A third Belgian subject who participated, named Michel Scailquin, also escaped. 11. A fourth Belgian subject was Paul van Audenhaege, born in Ghent, According to the investigation, he admitted that he had accompanied Mr. Lahaye $ the latter’s car from Lubumbashi (formerly Elisabethville) to Kundelungu to take Mr. Savant, of whom I shall speak later, and another Congolese accomplice to Lubumbashi. Presently, I shall inform the Council of the role played by this Mr. Savant 13. Who is this Mr. Savant? Mr. Savant is a French citizen who has unfortunately escaptd. He is a special adviser to Tshombe, and at the same time a liaison officer who entered the Congo several times, through the town of Texeira de Souza in Angola, especially under the assumed name of Laforge. He was Tshombe’s special envoy to the Congo, where he was to make contacts in order t 7 carry out a plan which had been conceived in Madrid. 14. Another accomplice is Mrs. Savant, a native of Belgium, who admitted at the investigation having received a message from her husband, at the time of his arrival in Texeira de Souza, asking her to contact Mr. Thibaut and to ask him for transportation from Texeira de Souza to Kundelungu. 15. Finally, another French citizen implicated in the matter is Michel Thibaut, a resident of Lubumbashi, who admits having taken Mr. Savant in his plane from the town of Texeira de Souza in Angola to Kundelungu in the Congo, at the request of Mrs. Savant, 16. All these persons were implicated in the execution of a plan conceived in Spain, called the “Kerilis Plan”, which a very high ranking Belgian officer, by the name of Van de Walle, helped to prepare. This is the same Van de Walle who was with Tshombe at the time of the Kantangese secession, during his stay in Minshasa, and who is once again with him today in Madrid. 17. This plan had three stages. The first consisted of economic sabotage throughout the entire Congolese territory, especially in Katanga, the mining centre, and in the central Congo, tihich has the seaport and an important line of communications. 18. The second stage of the pIan consisted of inciting mutinies within the Congolese National Army and attempting, inter alia, through the foreigners in the service of the National Army, to stir up discontent and practise subversion among the units of the National Army. 19. The third stage consisted of the physical elimination of the Chief of State. The plan provided that in case of resistance there should be no hesitation in opening fire on the civilian population. 20. Thus, during last June, the first stage was put into effect by dynamiting the Lubudi bridge, an economically strategk bridge, and by blowing up the electric pylons about which I spoke yesterday. The explosives used for this ‘purpose, part of which were recovered by the police, came partly from factoj installations in Katanga and partly from Angola. 22. I should like particularly to stress the part played by Mr. Savant, Tshombe’s special adviser, who was able to travel without hindrance to Angqla, via Lisbon, and then from Angola to the Congo, at a time when no one in the Spanish or Portugese intelligence services could have been unaware of the reasons for these trips. My Government naturally finds it difficult to accept the protestations of innocence made tcdly by those Governments, one of which claims to pave been entirely unaware that such activities could have emanated from< anywhere in Angola or PortLga!, while the other continues to tell any one who will listen that Tshombe is not engaging in any political activity in Madrid, 23. Certainly, many other points have yet to be explained, As I said at the beginning of this statement, we are sure that as the situation develops, as we regain control over our territory and over the trouble spots, and as the investigation in the sabotage activities proceeds, we will be better able to gauge their ramifications and the support which the saboteurs have been able to obtain from certain countries. 24. But even now, it is interesting to note how the arrest of Tshombe in Algiers and the initiative of my Government in .requesting,. h# e$@ition provoked reactions among certain public figures or groups of public figures in some countries. 25. It is particularly interesting to see the reaction of a group of British members of Parliament who, after Tshombe was arrested, hastened to propose a motion which, while aimed at British subjects, also took into account the fate of those for whom they worked. 26. There was also a resounding declaration by the racist authorities of Salisbury, who followed the lead of the metropolitan country in supporting the destructive force unleashed by the hired murderers in the eastern part of our country. 27. Even in Belgium, the site of the headquarters of this international high finance organization for which Tshombe works, a statement was made by a Belgian senator, Mr, Hilaire Lahaye, who reminded his compatriots that Belgium had a moral debt to Tshombe and that his country ought to discharge that moral obligation. One might well wonder whether this was the way those gentlemen chose to repay their debt to Tshombe by staging this landing of .foreign commandos on the territory of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. 28. One thing is certain: certain political and financial circles in some of the Western countries, especially Belgium, Spain and Portugal, were not unaware that political activities were being planned on their soil with the intention of seizing power in the Congo and reinstating their darling Tshombe as the Head of State. 30. We believe that this is an important prerequisite for peace between States. It is also an important prerequisite for peaceful international relations between States and for respect of the sovereignty and independence of States and the freedom of their people to choose their own leaders and tlleir own institutions. 39. In my address to the Security Council I said the problem should be considered in the full context of the struggle which will continue to be waged in Africa for as long as colonialism and racism believe in your support. 40. Shoulder your responsiblilities by curing the disease at the source and prevent it as soon as the symptoms appear. Do not be content to plug the holes in the dykes of peace and justice, do not be satisfied with administering tran. quilizers when specific medication is required, 31, I venture to hope that this Council will never allow international imperialist groups and those who deal in high finance to believe or imagine that they have the right to lnake or break the institutions of small States. We also believe that the COUd will never allow responsible Govermnents, Members of this Organization, to identify themselves with the insidious actions of such groups. 41. DO not do as you did in the Middle East where, over the years, instead of tackling the basic problems in dispute, finding permanent solutions to those problems and seeing to it that they were respected, we had the impression that the Council was content to deal from time to time with border incidents and make a few contributions to aid the refugees, until the day when real war broke out. 32. We believe that it is the duty of this Council to prevent States Members of this Organization from one day becoming victims of such intrigues. 33, There is no need to remind you here that it is essential for the Security Council to examine this problem in its full context. Indeed, there is no doubt in anyone’s mind that as long as colonialist conditions persist in southern Africa, neither our country nor independent Africa will ever enjoy peace, 42. I venture to hope that you will not wait until the Congo is invaded once more, not by a handful of mercenaries but perhaps by an army secure in the knowledge that it can fall back to safe positions in Angola and Rhodesia, before you remember’, too late, the serious threat of coloniali&m and racism in Africa and the protection which their agents, whether States or individuals, enjoy from certain Powers, as in the case ‘of Tshombe in Spain. 34. The collusion between these acts of international banditry and the colonialism of certain western Powers needs no proof. Such an invasion of our territory could never have taken place unless those taking part were sure that they would be given refuge by the colonialists of Portugal and Rhodesia, not to mention the racists of South Africa and the great Powers which support them. 43. The fighting in Kisangani has caused a number of deaths, according to a late report. How many deaths are necessary before measures are finally taken against those who tolerate the activities of murderers and their masters on their territory? I venture to hope that very soon we shall be able to supply you with a complete list of the acts of destruction and murder committed in Bukavu and Kisangani. 35. I have just learned at the last minute that the Kisangani mercenaries, under the pressure of the army approaching the airport, lost no time in fleeing Kisangani in the two planes which had brought them and one plane belonging to the Congolese airline which had been prevented from leaving the airport and which: they cornmandeered, together with the crew, to take them to a destination in the south of the country. According to a radio communication between that plane and another conlmerciaI plane, they were heading towards Rhodesia. 44. However, there is not a shadow of doubt that you must condemn the duplicity’ of the colonialist and racist Powers once and for aI.I and put an end to them.

Now that the Council has heard the additional information supplied by the rep= sentative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and in the light of that representative’s urgent request that the Council do something about this matter, I would propose under de 33 (1) of the provisional rules of procedure of the Security Council that the meeting be suspended for half an hour so that we may consider what to do next. 36. We are defending ourselves with the means at our disposal. We do not have sufficient resources to Cover our immense territory with a network air protection, as many developed countries can. 37. The three planes were later seen over Katanga, probably heading towards Rhodesia or perhaps towards Angola. We alerted the Zambian authorities. We are SilnPlY asking the Governments of Portugal and the United Kingdom, which are responsible for Angola and Rhodesia, to arrest these mercenaries and to return our aircraft to us ifit should land on their territory.

The representative of Nigeria has formally moved a suspension of the meeting under rule 33 (I). Under that rule “Any motion for the suspension or for the simple adjournment of the meeting shall be decided The motion was adopted unanimously. The meeting was suspended at 5 p.nz and resumed at 5.30 p.m.

As there are no other names on the list of speakers for this meeting, I should like to outline a programme of work which I think might suit the convenience of the Council. 48. The representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo has given us additional information this afternoon which, I am sure, will be most useful in the consultations which have already begun, and I think that we should give ourselves the benefit of continued consultations during the next two days, now that we have the advantage of that additional information. We could then resume our work on Monday afternoon, 10 July. 49. It is understood, of course, that once the Council is seized of an urgent problem, members must be at the disposal of the Council should the situation require the convening of an emergency meeting. Therefore, I shall expect members to stand by for any such eventuality and I shall appreciate the understanding an;l co-operation of my colleagues in this regard. 50. I do not intend to fix any definite hour for our meeting on Monday afternoon. I shall continue to be in constant contact and consultation with representatives, and I therefore think that the hour can be decided upon in the course of such consultations. 5 1. Mr. FEDORENKO (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) (translated front Russian): The Security Council has been convened urgently to consider the complaint made by the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo in connetion with an aggression committed by the forces of imperialism and colonialism, We have before the Council a cable from the President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (see S/8031/ and we have also heard two statements by the representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Mr. Idzumbuir, one at yesterday’s meeting [1363rd meeting] and one at this meeting. The seriousness and urgency of the discussion of this matter in the Security Council are clear from the very nature of the case; and we certainly would not want Members of this Organization to get the impression that as soon as the Security Council begins its examination of questions of aggression and interference in domestic affairs, we then start a whole series of adjournments and deIays in the discussion of these urgent matters. 52. I should therefore like to state the position of my delegation on this question and to emphasize that in our view there should in future be more clarity and precision in the Security Council’s work in connexion with the appeal made by the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo concerning the aggression committed against a Member State of the United Nations, namely, the Demo- 53. Do you not think, first, that it would be better to make a more definite announcement regarding the time of the Security Council’s next meeting? And, secondly, it seems to us that members of the Security Council should be ready to reconvene here and continue the meeting at any minute, at any time. 54, We are, of course, thinking mainly of the position of the representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, who will have to collaborate with us in this respect and help us to ensure that the question which we have on the Council’s agenda can be considered by the Council without deldy.

I wish to assure the representative of the Soviet Union and all other members of the Council that it can never be the intention of the President to delay in any way the work of the Council, now or at any other time. 56. In the suggestion I put to the Council I tried to meet the two elements of expediency and convenience to members, On the one hand, I said that the additional information that has been given to us today is of such importance that, together with the information we received yesterday, it could very well be the basis for the kind of consultation that is considered tradition&l in the Council and that has always been found to be productive. And after all, the entire effort of the Council should be aimed at producing results and arriving at decisions, On the other hand, I fully agree, at the same time, that once the Council is seized of a problem of this kind, it has to be ready to meet at any time; and unless I have committed an error of omission, I believe I said in the statement I made earlier that I would expect all members to keep themselves at the disposal of the President to meet at any time, should the development of the situation require it. 57. In this way, therefore, I thought I was covering all the ground and providing for all eventualities. But of course in matters of this kind, there is no question of the PreSident wishing to dictate the tempo in terms of meetings. I am entirely in the hands of the Council and would be very happy to benefit from the advice of my colleagues.

Mr. President, we are grateful to you for emphasizing that members of the Security Council must be ready if necessary to meet at any time to continue the discussion of the item on our agenda. 59. I should like to ask at what time we shall be meeting on Monday to continue our discussion, if there is no need for an urgent meeting.

It seems to me that the fixing of the time is the easiest thing to do. I thought that perhaps we could fix the time when we felt we had something useful on the basis of which we could continue our 61, At the same time, taking into consideration the genuine preoccupation of our colleague of the Soviet Union, perhaps the best thing under the circumstances would be not to fix a time, but to say that we shall continue consultations on the understanding that the President will call a meeting at any time that is found to be most appropriate and most useful from the point of view of the advancement of our work. In this way I believe we could leave open the possibility of calling a meeting even before Monday. We would emphasize, in other words, the need that I have already stressed, that a meeting may take. place at any time, should the situation require it.

Mr. President, we appreciate your approach and are particularly grateful for the concern you have shown for the heavy demands on the time of members of the Security Council, including the representative of the Soviet Union. Generally speaking we are all in the same position. We must, of course, show consideration for one another, and think about our time

I wish to thank the representative of the Soviet Union for his statement. I propose that we meet at 3 p.m. Monday, on the understanding, of course, that all members of the Council will make themselves available to the President for a meeting should develop ments in the situation so require. 64. If there is no objection to that proposal I shall take it that it is acceptable to all members. Since there is no objection, the Council will meet again on Monday at 3 p.m. The meeting rose at 5.55 p.m. HOW TO OBTAIN UNITED NATIONS PUBLICATIONS Uniied Nofions publications.may be obtained from bookstores and distributors throughout the world. Consult your bookstore or write to: United Notions, Soles Section, New York or Geneva. COMMENT SE PROCURER LES PUBLICATIONS DES NATIONS UNIES Les publications des Notions Unies sent en vente dans les librairier et ler ogencer d&positoires du monde entier. Informer-vous aupr&r de votre libroirie ou adressez-vous b: Nations Unies, Section des venter, New York ou Genbvc. KAK nOi7YYUTb U3,l(AHUFI OPTAHU3AMUU 06bEAUHEHHblX HAl.(Ufi 1hJUlllll ~pIYlllll:l~l(Illl &~I~~~IIIcIIII~,IX Ihl\Ilk hlOilill0 Iij’llIiTb n lillll~lilllJS IIU’lKlll11LlX II ill‘CIIT~‘TllIlX 110 III’CS 11:lfiOllZlX MUpa. I~NlOAIlTl? C’II~lIlIllill 06 Il:l,~alllllllX Il IltlIllCII IillllilillO~ H~r:l:IllIlc II.111 II1IIlIIITC II0 a,lpcoy : OprallIlaaIgill 06%enIrllclllllax Irnqlrrl, CcKl~rrH 110 ll~lO~~;KC 11!3,~2tllIlir, IIIJO-11Ol~Ii IUIC jfCCllt?IlIl. COMO CONSEGUIR PUBLICACIONES DE LAS NACIONES UNIDAS Los publicaciones de 10s Nociones Unidos estirn en vento en librerfas y cosos distribuidoros en todas parles del mundo. Consulte o IU librero o dirijasc a: N&ones Unidos, Secci6n de Ventas, Nuevo York o Ginebro. Litho in U.N. Price: $U.S. 0.50 (or equivalent in other currencies) 08361-November 1970-2.100