S/PV.1367 Security Council

In accordance with the decision previously taken by the Council, I propose now, with the consent of the Council, to invite the representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo to take a place at the Council table in order to participate without vote in the discussion of the item before us. 8. Of course, today it is easy to challenge this, The Congolese Government was informed of an invasion of the Congo, aimed particularly at Katanga and carried out by mercenaries at the beginning of July. Exceptionally strict security measures were taken to meet that emergency, At the invitation of the President, Mr. T. Idzumbuir (Democratic Republic of the Congo) took a place at the Council table.

The first speaker on my list for this afternoon is the representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, on whom I now call. 9. According to our sources of information, Stanleyville, now Kisangani, which is in the very north of the country, did not seem to be the particular target of the international conspiracy and that is why it was given no special protection. But the presence in military units at Kisangani and Bukavu of foreign elements which the Government was in process of clearing cut, was a trump card for the success of the second phase of the “Kerilis Plan”, since the collaboration of those foreign elements was assured.

At this meeting I would like to say a few more words about how certain countries have a hand in the most recent events in the Congo. I do SO for the Particular benefit of those who, following the line taken by the extreme right-wing press, have started rumours that the disturbances in Kisangani are merely an internal affair, a mutiny within the army provoked by certain dissident elements. 10. Again this will be denied, just as it was denied in October 1966 when our delegation here referred to the recruitment of mercenaries, particularly ia Belgium, who were being trained to invade the Congo. And yet how true that was! 4. First of all I should like to say that when the Kisangani Plot was discovered last year, it was also said that these 12. During the night of Monday, 5 December, when it was clear that the President would not yield in the talks, forty-two clandestine soldiers were assembled at the Ilona cafe at Bressoux, Belgium. “Be ready to leave”, they were told in a mysterious telephone call. “Marching orders are from 6 o’clock to midnight”. This is the boy-scout side of the plot hatched in Belgium. It would have been much simpler to say: “Take the 8.14 train for Brussels”-which is in fact what happened. But what fun would there have been in that? 13. The report continues. On Tuesday morning just before 8 a.m., some taxis arrived at the Guillemins railway station and deposited forty-two rather conspicuous “gentlemen” carrying silly little suitcases and huge revolvers. A man went from one group to another, like a cashier on holiday: this was Roger Leva, an employee of the Seraing branch of the Nagelmackers Bank, a person known in that circle as an ‘Lex-colonel covered with glory”. To each of these gaolbirds, Roger Leva gave a cash voucher payable at Brussels. “Operation K”-as in Kinshasa-was under way, 14. What were the criminal police in Liege doing during that time? 15. The report of the investigation continues: at that hour, the inspectors of the police judiciaire at Liege were coming to work in their dusty offices in the Palais de Justice. For several days they had had in their possession a list of seventy-eight names of young men between twenty-five and thirty-five years of age, who, curiously enough, had suddenly discovered a common passion for winter tourism. They had all applied for passports and had been given vaccinations by the Public Health Service in Brussels. Strangely enough, the usual formalities had been considerably shortened. What generally takes -three weeks for most people had been arranged in three or four days for these belated tourists. Was this a coincidence? 16. The police judiciaire-the report continues-had known all about this for quite some time. They knew that 17. The seventy-eight ,people who had submitted applica. tions for passports were interviewed by the police inspec. tors. Some of them “ate humble pie” and confessed: yes, they were mercenaries and they had received orders to stand by. 18. But while the documents were piling up in their police dockets, the Liege police took no action; neither did tlteir colleagues in Brussels who also knew that the dens of recruitment were swarming with activity: “Chez Betty”, near the Grande Place, at the “Mercenaire”, Avenue de la Reine, or at the “New Ginza”, Rue du Charbon. 19. Why was nothing done, when the recruitment of mercenaries is forbidden by law? That was the question asked by the Belgian police investigator. Was it for lack of evidence? But one police raid would have been enough to pick up the whole pack of them: cafe owners, blatantly displaying recruitment contracts on their counters; cus. tomers bristling with revolvers, but unable to produce a semblance of a permit to carry weapons. It would have been enough to examine the books of the Nagelmackers Bank to discover that a certain number of “tourists” had just opened accounts there, which was rather strange, because when leaving the country without a cent in pocket, people do not usually make deposits in order to leave a bank account behind. Unless, of course, that bank account was suddenly fed by regular deposits of 18,000 Belgian francs per month, coming from God knows where. 20. But the police judiciaire had no such curiosity. Neither were they concerned about the comings and goings in Brussels of a notorious gun-runner, the Portuguese Jose Zogio of Norte Importadora, although they knew he was in town. But sometimes the police are guilty of incorn. prehensible “negligence”, such as for example, letting the “tourists” from the Ilona escape across the Belgian frontiers to catch planes either at Amsterdam, Paris or Diisseldorf, with Lisbon as the regrouping centre. The operation had been carried out so “discreetly” that the Congolese Government learned about it a few hours later, the double-cross being the absolute rule in such circles0 21. However, this convoy was not the first, since recruitment had been going on since August, and a contingent of forty men had arrived in Lisbon at the beginning of September, and in Africa at the beginning of December. That is what the investigation found. 22. The contingent of forty-two men which had left Liege on Tuesday, 6 December, was far from being the first group of “Tshombist” mercenaries to take off for Portugal. The recruiters had been feverishly active in the cOtrnt$s principal towns ever since August. Thus at the beginnlngof September, a first contingent of forty men reached Lisbon, there to lead a Iife of Iuxury, whilst waiting to be briefed on their mission. Eight days later this gang was transported to Africa. 25. As for the mission of these mercenaries, let us hear what the report has to say. Croe’s aim was to undertake a number of sabotage operations in the Congo. Croe was one of the few Belgian players in the Tshombe team who knew some of the details of the undertaking. Did he let the cat out of the bag in a relaxed moment? In any case, there soon began to be open talk about the “mission”: to seize a bridge on the highway leading from Kinshasa to the airport of the Congolese capital and thus to allow the planes of the airlift to land undisturbed and to unload troops and materials. But this was only to be a diversionary attack, the main target of the offensive being Katanga, which was considered a base for the reconquest of the Congo, 26. These were the plans, when at the beginning of December, the forty men from Portugal were hastily pushed into planes which had arrived a week before. That was the mission at that time. 27. Do you think that the investigation was followed up? There were threats that it would be followed up, yes, but they were scotched when it became apparent that still more was known, and that statements might be made during the trial which would be very embarrassing to some people. 28. To complete the picture, let it suffice to say that, after the secession, a number of Belgian career officers joined Tshombe and are helping him to hatch various plans designed to return him to power. These officers were Colonel Vande de Walle, whom I mentioned yesterday, and Majors Lamerline and Protin. Regular officers cannot serve any commander without the permission of the military authorities. 36. If there were any need for further proof of foreign intervention in these latest events, Southern Rhodesia’s boast that it had a sympathetic hand in these events is more than sufficient. The Southern Rhodesian communique which speaks of solidarity with the mercenaries who had just landed in Kariba on board a DC-3 of the Congolese Airlines leaves no doubt on the subject. 29. Moreover, it is interesting to note that when our troops were moving towards Bukavu after mutinous Katangese units had besieged the town in a surprise attack, our Security Services intercepted a message from the Belgian Embassy at Bujumbura informing the Belgian Consulate at Bukavu of our troop movements. 30. At the height of the crisis the Belgian Communications Centre in Brussels, through which all our communications with the Democratic Republic of the Congo had to go, required that all communications with the Congo had to be in French or in Swahili-and I have proof of this, because I was personally instructed to use those languages-Swahili being the vernacular of Kisangani and Bukavu. Putting two and two together, one can easily understand why the Belgian transmission services issued that instruction. 32. This was the result of the complacency of some Governments, which have allowed such criminal activities to take place on their territories, and which will probably ask us tomorrow to guarantee the safety of their citizens. Those Governments should know that they are responsible for their present complicity in the disorders which they provoke in our country, and consequently they are also responsible for the measures which may be taken against their nationals and other foreigners living in the Congo. 33. After this investigation, is it conceivable that a country in which the North Atlantic Treaty Organization has its headquarters, with all that entails in the way of a security organization which can effectively preserve military secrets, can have a police force which was unaware of events such as those revealed in the report I have just read out? 34. You may make of this what you will. As far as Belgium is concerned, the facts speak for themselves. Portugal could not be unaware of the presence of these Belgian tourists, of Mr. Thomas and of the mission entrusted to them. But why should they be against these movements when it was a question of creating disorders in the Congo, and returning to power someone whose sympathy with Portuguese colonialism needs no further proof. 35. We could hardly be expected to believe that the Spanish Government was unaware of the nature of the visits that Mr. Tshombe received or of the real reasons for his numerous trips to Portugal. But perhaps Iberian solidarity is more important than the sovereignty of an African State with which one maintains diplomatic relations. 37. In this connexion I should like to say that my Goveqnment hopes that the United Kingdom Government, which is responsible for the territory of Southern Rhodesia will take the necessary measures to arrest these criminals and will see to it that the stolen plane is returned to us. 38. I would like to say before concluding that while the immediate danger may be eliminated, the continuing danger remains-that of Portuguese colonialism on our frontiers. Our determination to live in freedom and dignity is firm

Once again the Security Council is called upon to consider complaints of the Democratic Republic of the Congo concerning the activities of a group of mercenaries in that country. 41. As my delegation has said on other occasions, the situation prevailing in the ,Democratic Republic of the Congo must be followed most attentively by the Security Council, because of the lengths to which the United Nations went to help that country during the early years of its independence, to enable it to find its own political and. tconomic way without foreign interference. There is nothing new about the activities denounced by the Congolese representative, In July 1960, a few days after the independence of that country, the Security Council made an appeal to all States to abstain from acts which might effect the political independence of the Congo [resolution I45 (J960/]. That appeal has been repeated on a number of occasions, both by the General Assembly and by the Security Council. Nevertheless, we find ourselves confronted once again with what appear to be similar situations. 42. The complaint made by General Mobutu [see S/803.?] mentions the arrival at Kisangani of mercenary commandos who, together with others recruited and paid by the Government of the Congo, rebelled and attacked the National Army. Fortunately, the information appearing in the press and that just presented to us by the representative of the Congo shows that this serious incident either has ended or is in its last stages. 43. Despite this heartening information, my delegation deems it necessary that we should once again, in the circumstances and as Members of the United Nations, reaffirm the principle of non-intervention in the internal and external affairs of other States as one of the basic principles of peace and international coexistence. This principle was reaffirmed by the General Assembly in its most comprehensive form in the historic resolution 213 1 (XX) on the inadmissibility of intervention in the domestic affairs of States and the protection of their independence and sovereignty, as well as in the more recent resolution 2225 (XXI). With regard to the last resolution, it should be noted that in it the General Assembly calls on all States “. . . to refrain from armed intervention or the promotion or organization of subversion, terrorism or other indirect forms of intervention for the purpose of changing by violence the existing system in another State or , interfering in civil strife in another State”. 45. Every State has the right to establish its own political identity without foreign interference. The activities of mercenaries or foreign agents whose purpose is to undermine the political life of a nation for the benefit of foreign interests, must be categorically rejected by the world community. 46. Therefore, my delegation wishes to pay special attention to the problem raised by the representative of the Congo, and hopes that all States will desist from interfering directly or indirectly in the affairs of that country, and particularly that they will abstain from permitting their countries to become bases of operations for such purposes. True peace will not be achieved as long as certain countries in various parts of the world continue lo permit and, worse still, encourage the recruitment, training and financing of foreign agents or agents in the service of foreigners, or’of mercenaries who go to other countries in order to intervene in their domestic affairs or to force them to serve the interests of great Powers or interests other than the genuine national interest. 47. Before concluding, I wish to stress that my delegation has learned with great satisfaction of the letter dated 7 July from the representative of Spain, Mr. Manuel Aznar, to you, Mr. President [S/8039]. In that letter the representative of Spain states that his Government does uot approve “any activity intended to disturb or impair relations with the countries to which it is bound by diplomatic ties and ties of friendship”.

The Security Council is continuing its consideration of the question of imperialist intervention in the internal affairs of an African country-the Democratic Republic of the Congo-a State Member of the United Nations. 49. The Security Council has studied the text of the cable, from the President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo [see S/8031], and has heard statements by the representative of that country and by the representatives of other States which are members of the Council. The cable. from the President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo states, inter aliu, that the Congo “is at present the victim of aggression on the part of Western colonialist imperialists”. 50. We now have a fairly clear picture showing that the forces of colonialism are once again using the Portuguese colonies in Africa in their efforts to undermine the independence and sovereignty of the newly-independent countries’ of Africa which are struggling for complete liberation from the colonial yoke. 51, It is self-evident that the aggressive acts now being committed against the Congo, with the help of the hirelings of international imperialism, constitute a premeditated 60. In these circumstances, the Congolese Government has been forced to take a number of unavoidable and enecgetic measures to protect the country’s economy from foreign monopolies. 61. But, though these legitimate and moderate demands by the Government of the Congo were very modest, the foreign monopolies which were bossing the country during the period of colonial domination by Belgium, are not disposed to forgo even a part of their income and are prepared to go to any lengths and commit any crimes in order to maintain their economic position in the Congo. 53. This is not the first time that the Security Council is considering the situation in the Congo. Now, again, the question at issue is the continuation of a policy of brutal intervention and aggression by the colonialists against this long-suffering African country, a policy which has been pursued for a great number of years. 62. The colonialists do not hesitate to send armed bandits to the territory of that country to sow discord, organize acts of sabotage, terrorize the population, and stir up discontent against the Government which is trying to pursue an independent policy. 54. Only recently, in October 1966, the Security Council considered the question of the concentration in Portuguese colonial Territories of bands of mercenaries for a subsequent invasion of the neighbouring country of the Congo. As we know, on 14 October 1966, the Security Council unanimously adopted a resolution /266 (1966)/ in which it urged “the Government of Portugal . . . not to allow foreign mercenaries to use Angola as a base of operation for interfering in the domestic affairs of the Democratic Republic of the Congo”. The Council also called upon “all States to refrain or desist from intervening in the domestic affairs of the Democratic Republic of the Congo”. 63. The events taking place around the Congo show how seriously the African peoples are threatened by the remaining colonial Territories on the African continent. It is well known that the Portuguese possessions in Africa are used by the imperialist Powers as springboards for intervention in the affairs of newly-independent African countries and for provocative acts against the national independence and freedom of the countries of Africa. 5.5. We see, however, that despite this appeal by the Security Council and in violation of the resolution it adopted, the Democratic Republic of the Congo is now once again the victim of an aggression committed by the imperialist colonial Powers. Thus, t!le colonialists are continuing to challenge the Security Council, the United Nations and the African and all freedom-loving peoples. 64. The Soviet delegation considers that the Security Council must state firmly that it supports the demands of the African countries for an immediate cessation of provocative acts by the forces of colonialism against the peoples of Africa, and must take a decision designed to protect the sovereignty of the newly-independent African countries from intrigues by the imperialist countries. 56. The just struggle of these African peoples for their independence and for the ideals of freedom and independent development is being opposed by the colonialists with attempts to apply in international relations the law of the jungle, and the diplomacy of gun-boats and air-borne landings-methods which have been rejected and condemned by the peoples. 65. The Soviet delegation strongly supports the request that the Security Council should take energetic steps to put an immediate end to the aggression against the Democratic Republic of the Congo and should call upon the Western countries concerned to fulfil their obligations under the provisions of the United Nations Charter. 66. If the aggression against the Democratic Republic of the Congo continues, the Security Council, guided by the United Nations Charter, must urgently consider the question of further steps to halt the aggression and stop interference in the internal affairs of that country. 57. It is no accident that the forces of colonialism have decided to intensify their aggression against the Congo at this precise moment. The organizers of the imperialist Conspiracy against the Congolese people are counting on being able to carry out their plans more easily in the atmosphere of general international tension caused by the continued escalation of United States military operations in Viet-Nam and by Israel’s aggression against Arab States in the Near East. 67. Lord CARADON (United Kingdom): I merely wish to restate and reaffirm the policy of my Government, On 14 October 1966 this Council, in resolution 226 (1966), called upon all States “to refrain or desist from intervening in the domestic affairs of the Democratic Republic of the Congo”. I made it dlear then that we attached great importance to that purpose.lWe, considered it vital, if the Democratic Republic of the Congo was to be permitted to 58. The most recent aggressive provocation against the Congo is taking place at a time when that country is striving to move forward towards the achievement of a certain degree of independence from foreign monopolies. 69. It follows from what I have said that we are firmly opposed to any activities directed against the Democratic Republic of the Congo of the kind that have been described by the Congolese representative. We supported the Council’s call on all States last year to refrain from intervening in the Congo’s internal affairs, and we stand ready now to support any renewed call by the Council to the same end.

My delegation is deeply concerned over the serious situation which has developed in certain parts of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, as reported to the Council by the representative of that country. The take-over of Kisangani, fortunately for a brief period, resulting in bitter fighting, the sabotage of power stations in some other parts of the country, and the blowing-up of a railway bridge and power lines are subversive activities of grave import. The cable from the President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo [see S/8031] and the statements made by Mr, Idzumbuir before this Council last week [1363rd and 1364th meetings] contain certain information about the causes of the disturbances. 71. We cannot but take a serious view of any attempt to intervene in the domestic affilirs of States or to threaten or infringe upon their independence, sovereignty or territorial integrity, My delegation is gratified to note that the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo is making strenuous and successful efforts to reassert its authority in the areas in which it is sought to be challenged. 72. At this juncture, I would like to dwell briefly on the poignant and sombre record of external intervention which the Democratic Republic of the Congo has consistently experienced since its very inception. As far back as July 1960, the Security Council adopted a resolution [1$5 (1960)] calling on all States to refrain from any action which might undermine the independence of the Congo. Since then, almost all resolutions adopted on the Congo have included a clause appealing to all States to desist from interfering in its affairs. The latest of these resolutions, resolution 226 (1966), adopted by the Security ‘Council in October 1966, also contained a similar clause. 73. In the view of my delegation, the persistent attempts to undermine the territorial integrity of the Democratic Republic of the Congo are organically linked with the forces of colonialism which continue to threaten the peace and security of central, and southern Africa. An enduring “We look upon the Congo as a single entity, not to be split up. Our approach to the question is that the integrity and the sovereignty of the Congo should be maintained. We shall adhere to this approach.” 75. My Government has maintained and developed the closest relations with the Democratic Republic of the Congo ever since 1960. During those early and difficult days Indian troops and logistical units which were part of the United Nations force in the Congo played a vital role in maintaining the political independence and territorial soveleignty of the Congo. We in India take legitimate pride in the fact that ours was the largest contingent serving with the United Nations force in the Congo. Fourteen thousand Indian soldiers strove valiantly over a long period of time to help re-establish peace and order in that country in very difficult circumstances. We are proud to have been able to contribute to the international effort made at that time for the establishment of conditions in which the people of the Congo could progress and develop their country in orderly and peaceful conditions and without any external inter ference. 76. My Government continues to attach the greatest importance to the preservation of the territorial integrity of all States, and more particularly of the newly independent States of Africa. At its twentieth session the General Assembly adopted the historic Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention in the Domestic Affairs of States and the protection of Their Independence and Sovereignty [resolution 2131 (XX)]. The principle of non-intervention in the domestic affairs of States is an article of faith for the non-aligned countries and has been specifically endorsed by the declaration adopted by the Second Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries held at Cairo in 1964. 77. My Government maintains the most friendly relations with the newly independent States of Africa and we share with them their cherished aspiration to develop and stabilize themselves in conditions of peace without say external interference whatsoever. My colleague, Mr, Keita of Mali, told the Council last week [1363rd meetiflgj in moving terms that all that the newly independent African States wauted was to be left alone and to be able to deal with the many problems with which they are faced without threats of intervention by outside Powers. The strict observance of the basic principle of non-intervention is of particular significance in so far as it applies to the newly independent States of Africa. They are fully entitled to receive every encouragement in their efforts to developin order and peace without having to fritter away their energies in dealing with external threats. It is in the light of these vital principles that the Council should determine the

Mr. President, allow me, first of all, to extend my delegation’s warm congratulations on your assumption of the Presidency of the Security Council for this month. Your competence and integrity are well known to all delegations at the United Nations, and my delegation is quite confident that under your able guidance, the Council will be able to perform its duties in this particularly difficult time. 79. I should also like to take this opportunity of paying my delegation’s highest tribute to Ambassador Tabor of Denmark, who presided so ably over the Council meetings in June and won the admiration and respect of all the members. 80. The situation brought to our attention in the letter dated 5 July 1967 [S/8031/ presented to the Council three days ago and again today by the representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, must be taken very seriously by the international community. 81. We are called upon to deal here with a grave charge of intervention in the domestic affairs of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Such intervention, of course, would clearly contravene the principle of non-interference in the domestic affairs of sovereign States, which, as we know, is firmly established in international law and in the Charter. It would also contravene, more specifically, paragraph 2 of Security Council resolution 226 (1966) adopted by the Council on 14 October 1966, which 88. In his statements before this Council, the representative of the Congo charged that forces from outside, jointly with former Katangese genda?mes, have fomented disturbances in the towns of Bukavu and Kisangani. Such interference in the internal affairs of a sovereign State, a Member of the United Nations, cannot be looked upon with indifference by the Council. What the Council can and should do in the circumstances is to reaffirm its resolution 226 (1966) of 14 October 1966, urging all Member States of the United Nations not to allow foreign mercenaries to use their territory as a base of operation for interfering in the domestic affairs of the Congo and calling upon them to refrain or desist from any activity inimical to the security of that area. “ChZls upon all States to refrain or desist from intervening in the domestic affairs of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.” Furthermore, not only the internal tranquillity of the Democratic Republic of the Congo but also the maintenance of international peace and security in the area would be involved. 82. It is clear to my delegation that all States have the inescapable and solemn duty to refrain or desist from any intervention of any kind in the domestic affairs of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. I would interpret this duty as including the taking by States of such measures as might be necessary to prevent, on their territories or territories under their jurisdiction, any activities that might lead to such intervention. If a resolution more or less on the lines I have tried to present to the Council is submitted, my delegation will be prepared to support it. 83. Finally, I should like to express the deep sympathy that my delegation feels for the Government and people of the Democratic Republic of the Congo as they move forward in their important and urgent tasks of nationbuilding. We earnestly hope that it will be possible for them to pursue those tasks in an atmosphere of peace, tranquillity and security, 85. The Congo has been the special concern of the United Nations ever since it achieved independence seven years ago. The Democratic Republic, almost from the very moment of its birth, was beset with economic, political and social problems of unparalleled complexity. Secession and civil strife threatened political unity and territorial integ rity. For a time the very existence of the Congo as an independent sovereign State was in doubt. 86. It was at this critical juncture that the Government of the Congo asked the United Nations for assistance. In the next four years the United Nations rendered massive economic and military aid to the Government of the Congo. The Congo operations constitute a chapter of which the United Nations may well be proud. 87. The Democratic Republic of the Congo has in the last few years achieved notable progress, politically, economically and socially. This clearly shows that, left to themselves and free from outside interference, the Congolese people are quite capable of solving their own problems, But unfortunately, the Congolese people are not being left alone. In the face of a dangerous situation such as the one that has developed since 5 July, the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo has quite rightly brought the matter to the attention of the Security Council. 89. My delegation supports the efforts of the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo in its efforts to preserve the political unity and territorial integrity of the country, This potentially rich country in the heart of Africa must be free from outside interference and must not again be the battleground of rival ambitions. A stable and prosperous Democratic Republic of the Congo will contribute much to the peace and development of the entire African continent. 90. Mr, TABOR (Denmark): The Security Council is continuing its discussion concerning the complaint from the Democratic Republic of the Congo about the activities of 92. The Danish Government condemns any outside interference which might undermine the territorial integrity of the Congo and which might endanger the peaceful development of the Congo or the full authority of the country’s legal Government. It is my impression that all members are in agreement on those principles. 93. We therefore hope that it will not be necessary to have prolonged discussions, and that the Council can prove that it is able to act efficiently and quickly, by promptly taking the action asked for by the representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

Mr. President, I believe it would be right to say that it is the intention of all the delegations around this table, and your own intention also, that we should, if possible, conclude our work on this matter today. That being the case, I was wondering, Mr. President, if you would consider a suspension of the meeting for about thirty minutes to enable us to agree finally on certain points so as to facilitate discussion of this matter. 9.5. I make this request formally under rule 33 (1) of the provisional rules of procedure.

Under rule 33, any motion for the suspension of a meeting shall be decided without debate. I therefore put this motion to the Council for its consideration. If I do not hear any objection, I shall take it that the Council accepts the proposal that we suspend the meeting for thirty minute;. Since there is no objection, the meeting is suspended for thirty minutes. The meeting was suspended at 5.35 p.m. and resumed at 7.10 p.m,

The complaints which the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo has brought to the Council’s attention concerning the employment of foreign mercenaries by outside interests to threaten the stability and peace of the Congo are extremely serious. It is intolerable that any country should have its security harassed by the adventures of external soldiers of fortune. 98. The situation becomes even more deplorable when there is apparent evidence that these mercenaries are the agents and instruments of more powerful foreign interests and groups, My Government cannot condone the use of mercenaries for this purpose in any condition or circumstance, and we have no hesitation whatsoever in condemning activities when such mercenaries are employed by stronger and more affluent communities to harass and 100. The evidence available to the Council on that occasion was such that the Council was able in its wisdom to reach the authoritative decision recorded in its resolution 226 (1966). But what is perhaps more pertinent to recall on this occasion is the deeply moving appeal which the Foreign Minister of the Congo addressed to this Council on that occasion. It will be recalled that at the 1302nd meeting in 1966, Mr, Bomboko pleaded eloquently here for the independence of his country. He reminded us all that the Congo had suffered too much interference and seen too little peace since the day it had achieved its sovereignty. He assured us, and especially those who would not leave that young but sorely tried African country alcne, that all the Congo sought and desired was the peace and freedom to pursue its progress and fulfil its national destinies, The Congo has for too long been the persistent victim of external pressure and intimidation. We therefore ask again today that the Congolese appeal for freedom and a respite from external harassment be heeded now by all Governments and all interests, This request has been made in the past, and we hope that we are not asking too much in emphasizing it again at this time. 101. We in Nigeria can, I hope, be permitted to claim a certain uninterrupted record of close co-operation with the Congo since our two countries achieved independence. These happy relations have been marked by our determination that the complexion, composition, or policies of the Congolese Government, or indeed of the Government of any other independent country in the world, must remain, and rightly remain, a matter for the people of that country. We believe this policy to be right, and we therefore unreservedly condemn any attempt to interfere in this process by the employment of mercenaries or other instruments of confusion for the purpose of disturbing the peaceful progress of the Congo. 102. For those reasons, I beg to introduce the following draft resolution [S/8050] on behalf of the delegations of Ethiopia, India, Mali and Nigeria: “The Security Council, “Having taken cognizance of the message of the Congolese Government contained in document S/803 1, “Havin i discussed the serious developments in the Democra ‘c Republic of the Congo, “Concerned by the threat posed by foreign interference to the independence and territorial integrity of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, “1. Reaffirms in particular paragraph 2 of Security Council resolution 226 (1966) of 14 October 1966; “3. CizZZs upon Governments to ensure that their territory and other territories under their control, as well as their nationals, are not used for the planning of subversion, and the recruitment, training and transit of mercenaries designed to overthrow the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo; “4. Decides that the Security Council shall remain seized of the question; “5. Requests the Secretary-General to follow closely the impIementation of the present resolution.” 103, The draft resolution which I have had the honour to introduce merely embodies the basic principles which have been stated so clearly, and to us Africans so encouragingly, by practically all the representatives who have taken the floor here today. It is the fervent hope of my delegation, and 1,believe of all the co-sponsors, that the draft resolution will commend itself to this Council and will receive the Council’s unanimous support.

I understand that the Council would b’e agreeable to taking a decision on the draft resolution introduced by the representative of Nigeria: Before I put the draft resolution to the vote, however, I have on my list the names of a number of representatives who have expressed a wish to speak before the vote is taken and I now call on the first of these, the representati$e of Brazil,

Mr. President, first of all, allow me to associate my delegation with those who have praised Mr. Tabor of Denmark for his remarkable performance as President of the Security Council during one of the most crucial series of meetings which it has held in recent years, We are meeting now under your wise guidance, and my delegation is sure’that you, a skilled diplomat and experienced negotiator, will live up to the high standard set by your predecessor. 106. My delegation has studied with the utmost care the letter dated 5 July 1967 addressed to you, Mr. President, by the representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (X/8031]. We have also examined the statements made before this Council by the representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo concerning the matter before us. The documents and statements, in the opinion of my delegation, have supplied us with information and facts which justify the convening of the Security Council and which require prompt action by this organ. It has been clearly demonstrated that foreign elements have been engaged in subversive activities in the territory of the Democratic Republic of the Congo against the Government and legal authorities of that country. This fact cannot be overlooked by the Council and must be condemned as a violation of the Charter of the United Nations, of the general principles of international law and, in particular, of 108. At any rate, we all know that the Democratic Republic of the Congo, ever since its emergence as a sovereign State, has unfortunately been plagued and harassed by a continuous influx into its territory of mercenaries of many nationalities; and this perhaps has been the main instrument employed for intervention in the internal affairs 6f that country. 109. I have another observation concerning the draft resolution before us. In paragraph 3 it speaks of “recruitment, training and transit of mercenaries designed to overthrow‘the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo”. Here, too, the principle contained in the draft should be much broader since, in our view, even if the recruitment, training and transit of mercenaries are not intended to overthrow the Congolese Government, but are limited merely to subversion, terrorism, or sabotage to be carried out in the territory of that State, these objectives should be prohibited and condemned by the Security Council in the same way. 110. In spite of those observations, and having in mind the principles of the Chaqter and of the resolution on nonintervention, my delegation will vote in favour of the draft resolution before us. 111, Mr. BEAULIEU (Canada) (translated from French): Speaking for the first time in this Council, I should like first of all to offer to the Danish representative, Mr. Tabor, our most sincere congratulations for the admirable manner in which, during a particularly arduous month, he has discharged his duties as President of the Security Council. His tenacity and his impartiality have earned him the admiration of all those who have been associated with his efforts during our debates. 112. You, Mr. President, are assuming responsibilities of paramount importance in circumstances still full of uncertainty as far as peace and the prestige of the United Nations are concerned., I should like to assure you of our full confidence and our desire to work under your wise guidance in formulating constructive ideas with a view to finding solutions to the distressing problems now facing us. 113. With regard to the allegation made by the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo in its letter 114. Since these objectives have been clearly restated in the draft resolution submitted to the Council by the delegations of Ethiopia, India, Mali and Nigeria (S/8050], my delegation will support that text. 1 15. Mr. TARABANOV (Bulgaria) (translated from French): I should like first of all to congratulate you on behalf of my delegation, Mr. President, on the high position which you are now occupying with becoming dignity. You have undertaken the duties of President in difficult circumstances; you have already presided at a number of meetings and have achieved a great deal, and up to now you have discharged your duties like an accomplished diplomat. My delegation wishes to take the opportunity of offering you its sincere congratulations. 116. We have before us a draft resolution submitted jointly by the delegations of Ethiopia, India, Mali and Nigeria [S/80.50]. It represents the outcome of persistent effort on the part of the President of the Council, the sponsors and all the other members of the Council and I am sure that there will be no difficulty when it comes to the vote. In fact, it is couched in terms too broad to cause any problems when it is put to the vote. For example, in paragraph 2 the Security Council condemns “any State”, without saying which States are being condemned, and in paragraph 3 calls upon “Governments”, without specifying which are meant. My delegation naturally has no, difficulty in voting for a draft resolution worded in this general way. 117. However, I should like to say to the President and the members of the Council that although we find no difficulty in voting for this text because it is so broadly worded, we are embarrassed because we find it too general and because it makes no mention of those who are responsible for the situation in Central Africa. In his statements before the Council, the representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo cited a number of facts, gave names and specific information. But these facts and this information have not been mentioned in the text of the draft resolution before us. No representative of any of the countries implicated in the information given by the representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo has taken the floor to deny his charges. We are shocked that such a situation should arise in the Security Council. If we continue to behave this way in future, the delegation of the People’s Republic of Bulgaria considers that we shall run the risk of seeing less and less attention paid to what is done in the United Nations and in its principal organ, the Security Council. 118. However we should like to draw particular attention to the specific charges made by the Congolese repre- 119. Ever since July 1960, the year in which the inde. pendence of the Congo was proclaimed, the problem of colonialist aggression in this country is brought before tile United Nations with frightening regularity in one guise or another, and specifically before the Security Council. This is not an accident, as the representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo has pointed out in his statements, It happens because the Congo is situated in the heart of Africa and offers the imperialist and capitalist circles of the world tremendous opportunities for exploitation. 120. Before the Congo was liberated from colonial rule, this immense territory was coveted by various imperialist circles which at times fought over the booty, while at others they joined forces the more effectively to subjugate and exploit the Congolese people. Immediately following the declaration of independence the situation changed and the methods used to impose imperialist policies on the Congo likewise changed. But the intentions and objectives of international financial circles remained the same: the continued colonialist exploitation of the Congolese people, the plunder of its natural resources and the exploitation of its territory. 121. Forced by the rise of the national liberation move. ment to abandon their position as out-and-out colonizers jn Africa, the international monopolies sought and found, as they still do today, paid agents from among the local leaders willing to help them achieve their aims. Through these agents and their services, they are attempting to continue colonial exploitation of the Congolese territory and people, as they have done elsewhere in Africa and Asia. 122. The attempts on the part of imperialist and co1016 alist circles to preserve and restore their privileges in the newly-independent former colonies are meeting jncreashg resistance from the people of Africa and Asia. These people, in spite of the enormous difficulties inherited fro111 the colonial regimes which they now have to face, are struggling with all their might to rebuild their shattered economies and consolidate the political and administrative institutions essential to the political and economic life of the new States. 123. However, whenever there is the slightest tread towards economic recovery and political stability in these States and whenever a popularly-based Government he#s to take root, international ‘monopolies and high finsace have sought and found means of interfering and under. mining the activities of those Governments. In speak@ of 124, The Security Council, the principal organ of the I,dt& Nations on which the Member States have placed the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, cannot and must not remain passive, It can and must take action in this situation and, in our opinion, it should go farther than the measures set fort11 in the draft resolution before us (S/8050/, 131. This action reflects our long-standing policy of supporting the Central Government and the unity of the Congo, and it is in this spirit that we will support the draft resolution sponsored by Ethiopia, India, Mali and Nigeria. 132. Mr. SEYDOUX (France) (translated from French/: Even if the most recent news indicates that the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo has just about regained control of the situation, my delegation still attaches great importance to this debate. The conclusions we reach should be fully consonant with the task of the Security Council, which is the United Nations organ responsible under the Charter for the maintenance of international peace and security. 125, We realize however that no draft resolution will be accepted by the Council unless it is couched in very general terms, and since we recognize that this draft resolution may be of some help to the Democratic Republic of the Congo in combating the activities of certain gangs of mercenaries and their leaders, the delegation of the People’s Republic of Bulgaria has decided to vote for it in order to co-operate in the most effective manner now possible in the eradication of this type of activity in the Congo and in Africa as a whole. 133. The problem for which the Council has been convened concerns the French delegation for two reasons. First, the Congo more than most other countries has for seven years been the victim of foreign intervention and I have only to recall the events of last autumn to show that unfortunately, those interferences have not diminished with the passage of time. Secondly, the principle of nonintervention in the internal affairs of States, to which France attaches great value, is at stake. 126. Mr, BUFFUM (United States of America): Although the draft resolution which has just been introduced by the representative of Nigeria [S/80.50/ does not coincide with our preferences in every respect, the United States will vote affirmatively. We will do so because we fully support the efforts of the Democratic Republic of the Congo to exercise its legitimate authority thraughout the country and to restore order wherever order is disrupted, 134. At the last session of the General Assembly my delegation pointed out the various ways and means which could be used to frustrate such interference. I would merely like to emphasize that all foreign intervention should be condemned, not only, of course, when it is aimed at changing the system of government, but also when its purpose is to jeopardize public order and the prosperity of the country in a more insidious but no Iess dangerous way. 127. In our view, if any foreign Government aids or abets any elements in the Congo, whether these be mercenaries or irregular forces seeking to overthrow the Government or to gain control of any part of the country, such action would be in clear violation of the United Nations Charter and deserving of our condemnation. 128. This was our policy three years ago, when secessionist elements in the eastern Congo were engaged in large.scale conflict, with substantial support from the Cknese Communists, to wrest control from the Central Government, and this remains our policy today. 135, The independence of a State is indivisible and we believe that the United Nations should be vigilant with regard to all outside interference, whatever form it may take. 136. In this spirit the French delegation will vote for the draft resolution submitted by the Nigerian representative (S/8050]. It has the basic menit of calling upon States to prevent the r&ruitment of fore@ mercenaries on their territory for the purpose of supporting subversive activities directed against another State. 12gb We will vote for the draft resolution this evening beoause we support the principle of non-interference in the inteQal affairs of the Congo. In doing so, we do not ‘onsider that by this draft resolution the Council is making any specific finding with regard to any specific Governnw. 137. In conclusion, I should like to say how concerned we are to hear the statement of the Congolese representative describing the recent activities of mercenaries who held as llostages a number of professors and journalists visiting or uving in 1Qs country, This is an odious procedure which the international community should not tolerate and which the 13Q The United States has not been content to give merelY moral support to the principles endorsed in this draft resolution this evening. On the contrary, we have sou@lt to provide the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo with some of the tools which it needs to do the job of protecting its integrity and its

I am sure that we all share the preoccupations which have been reiterated by the representative of France, and which have already been brought to the attention of the Council by the representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. I should like to join my voice to those who have appealed for the safety of those held as hostages and for their speedy release from conditions which must be very difficult for them and which indeed must be unbearable, when we consider that these people, owing to circumstances beyond their control, now find themselves in a cruel position. 139. With the agreement of the Council, I shall now put to the vote the draft resolution which was introduced earlier this afternoon by the representative of Nigeria, and which is co-sponsored by the delegations of Ethiopia, India and Mali [S/8050]. A vote was t&en by show of hands. Tl?e draft resolution was adopted unanimously.

Since no one wishes to speak after the vote, I now give the floor to the representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, who has asked to speak. Y

I wish to apologize to the members of the Council for taking the floor at a time when everyone probably wants to go home, but I can assure the Council that I shall be extremely brief. 142. First of all, for the record, I should like to say with respect to the mercenaries still in the National Army, that the Government inherited 1,800 mercenaries when Tshombe was booted out, reduced this number to 600 in January 1967 and to 200 at present, and is determined to reduce the number to zero by the date of the African summit meeting next September. As a result of this decision affecting them, the few hundred remaining mercenaries decided to make a deal with the only camp which was capable of offering permanent jobs as mercenaries in the Congo. This is the origin of the collaboration between thes,e elements and other outside elements which were 144. But I should like to stress the need for the Security Council, when it takes up the .questions of Angola and Rhodesia, to bear in mind that the existence of this anachronistic situation on the very borders of our country will continue to be a threat to the Congo. Since all the members have shown today that they favour peace in the Congo and uphold its territorial integrity, they will no doubt find a practical way to put an end to the colonial situation that exists in southern Africa.

I feel sure that I am stating the views of all members of the Council when I express gratification that in the course of two successive days of meetings the Security Council has acted promptly and with united purpose to deal with two urgent problems brought before it by Member States. By acting in this effective manner we have, I believe, lived up to the expectation of the entire international community which naturally looks to the Security Council for the primary respdnsibilily of preserving international peace and security now and at all times. 146. The achievements, albeit modest, of the last two days encourage me to express the confidence that the CoonciI will keep up its vigilant effort to tackle and resolve the challenging problem that the United Nations faces in the Middle East, I base my confidence on the sure and proven experience that where there is the will, there is the way. 147. I wish to thank my colleagues, members of ilie Council, for their tireless efforts and for all the cc* operation they have given me. The meeting rose at 8 p.m. HOW TO OBTAIN UNITED NATION5 PUBLICATIONS United Nations publicotions,may be obtained from bookstores and distributors throughout the world, Consult your bookstore or write toi United Nations, Soles Section, New York or Geneva. COMMENT SE PROCURER LES PU6LlCATlONS DES NATIONS UNIES Ler publications des Notions Unier sont en vente dons les librairies et les ogencer d&posit&es du monde entier, Informer-vous auprbs de votre librairie ou odressez-vous 6: Nations Unies, Section des venter, New York ou Genkve. COMO CONSEGUIR PUBLICACIONES DE LAS NACIONES UNIDAS Los publicociones de Ior Nociones Unides est6n en venta en librerlos y cosos distribuidoros en lodes partes del mundo. Consulte a su librero o dirijase a: Naciones Unidas, Secci6n de Ventor, Nuevo York o Ginebra. Litho in U.N. Price: $U.S. 0.50 (or equivalent in other currencies) 08363~January 1971-2,100