S/PV.1627 Security Council

I declare open the first of the meetings of the Security Council to be held at Addis Ababa in accordance with the terms of resolution 308 (1972) adopted by the Council on 19 January 1972. His Imperial Majesty Haile Selassie I, Emperor of Ethiopia, and His Excellency Mr. Molctar Ould Daddah, President of the Islamic &public of Mauritania, were escorted into the plenary hall by the Under-Secretary-General for Political and Security Council Affairs and the Protocol Officer.

I wish to express the gratitude of all to His Imperial Majesty Haile Selassie I and the Government and people of Ethiopia for the hospitality they have so generously offered. Address by His Imperial Majesty Haile Selassie I, Emperor of Ethiopia

The Security Council wilI now have the honour to hear an address by His Imperial Majesty Haile Selassie I, Emperor of Ethiopia. 4. His Imperial Majesty HAILE SELASSIE I:’ It is my pleasure to welcome the Security Council to its first meeting on African soil. It is our hope that as a result of your meetings iu Africa you will be in a better position to assess the immense significance of the items inscribed on your agenda. 5. I take this opportunity to express my great satisfaction at the presence of my good friend President Moktar Ould 1 The Emperor spoke. in Amharic; the English text of his statement was provided by the Ethiopian delegation. I Daddah, who, as the current Chairman of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, has been entrusted with the task of acquainting the Council with the views of Africa on the items on your agenda. 6. I should like also to take this opportunity to congratulate Mr. Waldheim on his appointment as Secretary-General of the United Nations and wish him success in all his efforts in that exacting offIce. 7. The fact that the Security Council is today considering matters which are elementary is a sad commentary on our times. Over a quarter of a century has already elapsed since the nations of the world recorded in the Charter of the United Nations the principle that respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms constitutes a vital basis for the promotion and protection of international peace and security. Yet in Africa neither the efforts of the United Nations nor this universal conviction of mankind have been able to eliminate the denial of human rights and fundamental freedoms, while peoples in other continents have benefited from this fundamental recognition. 8. Colonialism and the policy of racism impose soulsearching questions of human rights, weighing equally on the conscience of all men and nations of goodwill. History amply shows that the freedom enjoyed by the many becomes fragile when the denial, even to the few, of basic human rights is tolerated, 9. The developments of the last few years in southern Africa confirm beyond reasonable doubt that, as repression has increased, it has also created more resistance, thus leaving in its wake an escalating process of violence, which may soon engulf the whole area. Indivisible as peace has become in our time, there is the obvious danger that such a process will have far-reaching consequences. The Security Council has, therefore, the duty not only to forestall this tragedy but, by taking effective and timely action, to remove the danger. 10. The present historic series of meetings of the SeCUritY Council should, therefore, afford an opportunity for an agomzing reappraisal of past attitudes and for the taking of new initiatives on the issues of colonialism and racism in Africa. II. Today, the attention of the world, which bitterly recalls the dismal failure of the Council of the League of Nations to uphold the basic principles of its Covenant, will 13. The verdict will, obviously, depend on the manner in which each member and the Council as a whole will discharge their heavy responsibilities. Failure to live up to the Charter obligations in this respect can but have the most serious repercussions, both on the effectiveness of the United Nations and on international peace and security, of which you, as representatives in the Security Council, are the present guardians. 14. Africa has already voiced its stand on these burning issues at the United Nations, within the Organization of African Unity and at the conferences of Heads of State or Government of Non-aligned Countries. Indeed, the entire world has joined Africa in condemning and rejecting the inhuman policies of colonialism and racism in southern Africa. What is called for at this critical time is for the international cammunity to move from mere rejection and condemnation to taking action. The international community has many options, but what has been lacking so far is political will. 15. It is imperative that your present deliberations should be guided by the lasting interests of mankind. And in this historic task you are assured of the unflinching support of all men of goodwill. Considerations of short-term objectives should not be allowed to stand in the way of peace and justice. 16. Throughout history it has been the inaction of those who could have acted, the indifference of those who should have known better, the silence of the voice of justice when it mattered most, that has made it possible for evil to triumph. The glorious pages of human history have been written only in those moments when men have been able to act in concert to prevent impending tragedies, By the actions you take, you can also illuminate the pages of history, 17. May your endeavours usher in a new era of freedom for the peoples of southern Africa.

On behalf of the Security Council, I thank His Imperial Majesty Emperor Haile Selassie I for his statement, to which we have all listened with great interest and appreciation. We are grateful for his words of wisdom and for the continuing interest and confidence that he has so long demonstrated in the activities of the United Nations. 20. President OULD DADDAH (interpretation from French): Your Imperial Majesty, in officially welcoming the Security Council to Addis Ababa, you have kindly agreed to extend greetings to th.e distinguished members of the highest body of the United Nations, the Security Council, and Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary-General, on behalf of Ethiopia. It is not surprising that through these greetings from the Ethiopian people many of us here should have heard and recognized, in their rich diversity, not only the familiar tones of appreciation and emotion but also the apprehensions of all African peoples in respect of the historic event that we are experiencing today: the holding of meetings of the Security Council for the first time on African soil. 21. From this gesture of great modesty, with ever-renewed deference and pleasure, I have drawn yet one more lesson front the exceeding sense of tact, wisdom and discreet efficiency with which your Imperial Majesty has always worked tirelessly for the development of modern Ethiopia, for the strengthening of African unity, and for the creation of a better international climate. The fact is, however, that this characteristic modesty of IIis Imperial Majesty makes it immediately incumbent upon me to welcome you now to Africa and to represent all the peoples of Africa in receiving you in the capital of Africa. 22. Addis Ababa, cradle of the Organization of African Unity and its headquarters, reflects certainly more than any other capital city the aspirations and the concerns of the whole of Africa at this special series of meetings of the Security Council. Addis Ababa, a city which has offered itself with never-flagging consistency and generosity in the service of so many of Africa’s great designs and more particularly in the more outstanding moments of the recent history of the Organization of African Unity, deserves* certainly more than any other part of this continent, the honour of acting as host to the Security Council at its Rrst visit on African soil. And Ethiopia, certainly more than any other member of the Organization of African Unity is cognizant of and can assume the responsibilities which these special meetings of the Security Council place on the African people. 23. The vast African community, the Africa of the independent States, as well as the Africa of those Territories where colonialism and racial discrimination still prevail, once again focuses its attention, its expectations, its hopes and its fears, on Addis Ababa. We might even say, this is hardly anything out of the ordinary. 24. The event that we witness today, the fact that the Security Council should have chosen to come here to Seek practical means of implementing the numerous resolutions 25. It is to all those, as well 3s to the peoples of the States members uf the Organization of African Unity and to the African liberation movements, that I should like, for my part, to devote most of my thoughts at this moment as I receive you on African soil. In order to respond to the concern of all of those p~oplc, I therefore decided that the best nleans of expressing to YOU our high appreciation of the Jiligcnce with which the Council accepted the i&tation extended by tl1.c Organizntion of African Unity to come here would bc to give you first of all the deep-rooted reasons wltich led to the extending of that invitation to you. It would, be quite natural if, later, on behalf of all those in Africa and outside the continent who suggested that the invitation be extended, I should attempt to define for members of the Council the broad lines of what our people expect these meetings of the Security Council to accomplish if it wants to imbue these historic meetings with its true significance: the marking of a fresh start in the often frustrated efforts of the llnited Nations to translate its principles, its resolutions and its decisions into reality. 26. There are many who have already understood the situation, IIowcvcr, it is just as well to confirm the fact here. The sercnily which has marked more than a quarter of a century of existence would not have made it necessary to ask the Council to uproot itself so radically, had this stability itself not given birth to a form of unrest-unrest generated in the course of the years by acquired habits, routine, and, let us say openly, a certain degree of sterility, The Africans are not the only ones who for some time now have hm taking stock of the record of the work of the United Nations in general and the Security Council in particular. 27. It is true, however, that Africans, who welcomed the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples in 19G0, have effectively demonstrated, with more insistence than others, perhaps, to what degree the enthusiasm and tho hcat of the debate of the early days-during the flow of resolutions and decisions and in the course of creating various committees and councils established to prepare and apply the fundamental principles of the Declnratian-have given way, in their minds, to discouragement, concern and, I might even go SO far as to say, despair. 28. How could it be otherwise, since the sum total of the 128 resolutions on decolonization and apartheid adopted by the Security Cauncil and the General Assembly since 1960 are almost exclusively of concern to the African peoples? How could it, indeed, be otherwise, since the various committees and councils entrusted with responsibility for overseeing the application of those resolutions have particular instructions to aid only the Africans in their just struggle to uproot the last remnants of foreign 29. That is why, when the hour came to take stock, in 1971, at the time of the eighth session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, Africa reviewed the,record and discovered, with some discouragement, that more than 120 resolutions, an impressive number of conferences, councils, round-table discussions, seminars and committees have, practically speaking, failed to improve the situation of those peoples still subject to the evils of colonialism and racial discrimination. Africa considered the record and discovered with some degree of concern that, despite the efforts of the Organization of African Unity and above all despite the great offer that it made to the world of its will to peace through the Lusaka Manifesto,2 the adherents of foreign domination and apartheid intended to make 110 concessions to ensure that the principles of freedom, dignity and equality contained in the Charter of the United Nations and in the Declaration should finally be applied to all the peoples of Africa. Africa continued to be the only region of the world where more than one tenth of the population was still subject to the colonial yoke and to racial discrimip nation. 30. This discouraging discovery could have led to despair if, because of this interest which of necessity arouses in its peoples and its leaders everytlling which concerns efforts to bring about liberation and the struggle against apartheid, Africa had not also discovered in the activities of the United Nations in general and the Security Council in particular certain positive elements, or, rather, had Africa not sensed certain potentials which, if better exploited and better rationalized, would contribute to strengthening and accelerating the pace and the results of this struggle for human dignity. 31. Thus, after a detailed analysis of our determination as well as of our spirit of realism, we detected the new and decisive force that might emerge from united action by the Security Council and, above all, by its permanent members. Thus we considered as a positive and therefore decisive potentiality the actions and difficult but necessary changes that had to be undertaken in order one day to lead the Security Council to assume its responsibilities more fully than in the past-not only at the level af the generation and formulation of resolutions but also, more particularly, at the level of the implementation and supervision of decisions contained in resolutions dealing with colonialism and apartheid, 32. Unity of action by the Security Council, the Collective and active responsibility of its members-above all of its permanent members-to apply and supervise the implemen- 33. We do not maintain that something in the serenity and climate of the particular world of New York, of that world of the United Nations and the Security Council, inevitably contributes to hampering the attainment qf these wishes. But, as is normal among those who seek paths to better living and cannot afford the luxury of neglecting any possibility, are we not justified in thinking that, perhaps by our coming here, under the skies of Africa, something will change for the better in the world? Are we not entitled to think that here, where the realities of colonialism and racial discrimination are closer than in New York, that spark will be struck which, transcending the divergencies of interests of the great Powers, will perhaps at last forge their determination to act in concert and more effectively than in the past-to offer the elementary rights of independence, freedom and equality with other men to the last of the Africans who are still denied them? For, since these are elementary rights when clamoured for in other climes, they resound no less loudly as matters of principle which belong to times long past, which have long since ceased to form part of the urgent, current aspirations of so many peoples. Although they are elementary, concepts such as liberty, freedom and equality, declaimed in other climes do ndt always evoke, as they do in Africa, the facts of daily palpabIe realities-suffering, humiliation, brutality and injustice-realities which every day leave their impression on the hearts and souls of men in Angola, Mozambique, Guinea (Bissau), Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa, 34. These, however, are realities which are all the more cruel since they are being experienced in this century where the progress o&technology, the dreams brought within man’s reach in an operating theatre where a heart transplant is being completed or on the moon on which men walk about freely, no longer allow many to believe that on our planet the cries of suffering and of oppression of whole peoples can really still be heard, peoples to whom other men refuse the right of self.detennination or simply to treat them like other human beings. These are facts which you certainly will not experience in the atmosphere of repression in which they still flourish, but the echoes of which reflected in the psychology, the flesh, and the chain of solidarity which binds together all the peoples of this continent cannot fail to reach you in more piercing terms at Addis Ababa than in New York. 35. But, and I hasten to say this, the sharpness of the echoes of this suffering and humiliation, no matter how 36. For the Africans the keynote of our times is realism which is not an abdication of responsibilities, but rather an effort to exercise creative imagination slolidly anchored to the often harsh lessons of the shortcomings of international life as we Africans have experienced them and understand them after so many years in the General Assembly and the Security Council and in witnessing the attitude of the great Powers about the future of oppressed peoples. 37. It is in the name of this realism that I should like hen to turn finally to the question of the hopes placed by our peoples in these meetings of the Security Council and to offer YOU a few comments on what might be ihe new courses on which the United Nations, and above all the Security Council, should embark if the nations belonging to these bodies really intend, as I hope, finally to go beyond the stage of declarations of principle and come to the stage of concrete achievements. 38. My comments have no foundation other than the belief shared by all the African peoples that the matters with which we are dealing today are precisely those where no opposition should persist, where the conflict of interests and ideologies should no longer be an insunnountable barrier in the path of united action. For are we not actually talking about restoring to all men their right freely tQ decide their destiny, to dispose freely of all their resources and to live in peace and security in their homes? Are we not in the last analysis talking of these simple-1 almost said rudimentary-rights in whose name all the revolutions and all the ideological, social and economic choices are always made, changes which in this century form the infrastructure of those we all agree to call the great nations? 39, In using deliberately and repeatedly the term “great Powers” or “great nations” I have wished to recognize the existence of a certain number of Governments, of peoples, and thus of States, which by their economic, military and technological development have a network of influences and international relations which enables them unquestion. ably to influence for good or for ill the general policy of other countries. If these influences could work together positively at the level of the highest organ of the United Nations, that would inevitably contribute to creating the 40. That these decisions and resolutions should not heretofore have brought about the rightful changes that the oppressed peoples expect is something which again we would not wish lo interpret except as a concatenation of accidents, a reflection of other times: a time of escapism which to SOIIIC degree “could CUIICC~I an inefficiency which was almost dcliberatr,” like that which has made it possible to refer so many major problems to committees and councils that exhausted themselves in praiseworthy but vain studies ill an effort to provide solutions that were soon rejected. 46. This decision, which will be enshrined in the long history of decolonization as one of its most outstanding events, has in the eyes of the Africans a weighty advantage namely, it would signify a renewal of hope not only for the peoples of Namibia, but also for all the others who in South Africa, Rhodesia, the Portuguese colonies or in any other foreign enclave which still exists here or elsewhere are fighting with determination to assert their dignity and regain their freedom. Indeed, the process thus set in train by the Security Council, in terms of its very logic, would lead its most powerful members to assume collectively and directly their responsibilities in all places where the just decisions that have been taken in favour of freedom, dignity and the equality of peoples under foreign domination are arrogantly trampled underfoot, 41. The sum total of’ the efforts and the goodwill expended by the members of the Special Committee on Apurthcid, the Commit tee of Twenty-Four on decolonization” and the United Nations Council for Namibia ccrtahlly deserve to be recorded in the grant roll of human achievements, to the credit of all those who have helped to bring these bodies into being. 47. Obviously, there are no objective reasons for preventing the Security Council immediately from assuming its responsibilities to the same degree in Rhodesia. The flagrant failure of the proposals for a settlement4 which were worked out between Great Britain and the minority racist rdgime of Salisbury demonstrates, to those who were still doubtful of both the political maturity of the Africans in Rhodesia and their firm determination not to accept a settlement which was prepared without their participation and, therefore, denies them any prospect of acceding to the exercise of their rights as a free and independent people. 42. But let us recognizc that the extremely limited scope of thcsc efforts should induce us today to discover other procedures, a fresh approach which would place upon those who take the main decisions the duty and the responsibility to oversee their implementation directly and to supervise their execution stage by stage. If the Security Council and particularly its fiVC pCrlllak!nt tixmbers would cmccntrate on using the network of their influcnccs and their relations with each other, their military, economic and administrative power to play the role heretofore entrusted to committees and councils, WC bclievc that such a procedure would be likely to ensure more effectively than was done in the past the execution of the generous decisions contained in the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council in favour of the colonial peoples or those who still suffer from racial discrimination and aparthid 48. Africa proposes as of now that the Security Council should in the course of the current series of meethigs take official note of the failure of this effort and proclaim the invalidity of the agreement concluded between Great Britain and the racist r8gimc of’ Rhodesia. Thus we are convinced that the problem of Rhodesia would immediately be scaled down to its true proportions, that is to say, the obligation incumbent upon the United Kingdom to begin on a fresh foundation the process of decolonization of this Territory within the framework of negotiations not with a minol-ity but with the authentic representatives of the African peoples duly selected on the basis of majority rule, having in mind the permanent application of this rule in an independent Rhodesia. 43. There is every indication, for example, that in the case of Namibia a committee composed of the members of the Security Council, rind above all, of its pcrmunent members, would immediately find ways and means of taking charge of the administration of this Territory and of leading it to self-tletcrlnioation and indcpendcnce in accordance with the resolutions of the Security Council. 49. Perhaps at this thnB when I am speaking of Rhodesia I should have confined myself to this general proposition, which should receive the agreement of all men of goodwill and good faith, were it not for the fact that this particular case involves a homeland which at present provides a sad picture and which, therefore, has a special impact on the conscience of the African peoples. 44. The Qrgnnizntion of African [Jnity formally proposes that a council composed of members of the Security Council, including necessarily the live permanent members, should be entrusted with the administration of Namibia and should make all the arrangements to ensure its effective administration. 45. This proposal is put forward particularly because we 5’0. I therefore consider myself in duty bound to elaborate arc convinced that this is a decision which, once taken by somewhat on this general proposal by saying a few words 3 Special Ccmnittcc on the Situution with regard to the Implcmcntution of the Declerution on the Grnnting OF Indcpendcncc to COlonid Churl trios and Peoples. 51. Because we believe that it is necessary to work out a realistic approach in all cases where colonization and racial discrimination still persist, we should like to invite the Security Council to reconsider its attitude concerning Portugal and South Africa. Let us recognize that these are two cases where two States refuse to apply the equitable decisions of the Security Council; these are two States which have rejected the whole gamut of peaceful solutions proposed by Africa through the Lusaka Manifesto to provide a final settlement for the remaining problems of decolonization and racial discrimination which still exist in our continent. More than any other State, therefore, and more than at any other time in history, these two Governments continue to demonstrate the vain nature and ineffectiveness of resolutions as well as of certain concrete measures such as economic sanctions or appeals to reason. We must therefore hope that an agreement between the big Powers, a more positive use of their right to veto as well as the privileged relations which they have with one another, should lead to a substantial improvement of the situation. 52. Have not Portugal and South Africa accumulated a sufficient record of challenges to the most fundamental rules of the United Nations as well as to the clearest decisions of the Security Council to lead all men of goodwill and good faith to consider, as an extreme solution, their suspension from the international community, the United Nations, which they have a thousand times over denied by their actions against its authority? 53, If we think this over carefully, such a decision, no matter how extreme it might seem, would in no way run counter to the interests of any member of the Security Council. Contrary to the appeals to reason, to the application of economic sanctions or the prohibition of the sale of arms, this decision would have the merit of being immediately subject to execution and its specific implementation would not be subject to the capricious interpretations of one side or the other, or to the changing of interests of certain parties. 54. I would have stopped at this point’were it not that what we all know of the reactions, the interests and the ethics which, unfortunately, prevail within the international community gives me the somewhat disconcerting itnpression that I was closing my statement with something akin to an appeal to idealism or in other words, a pious wish. 55. That is why I should now like to go on to say a few words about the heavy burden which destiny as well as the weaknesses of other men impose upon the nameless African soldiers who, everywhere where colonialism and discrimination still prevail, are certainly keeping an ear tuned to Addis 57. In inscribing this credo in favour o.f all of their action for decolonization and against apautheic!, the Organization of African Unity has decided on a mandate, the methods of work and the fate of its Committee on Co-ordination for the Liberation of Africa. That Committee sees itself as a body designed to elicit, co-ordinate and distribute to the peoples struggling for their liberation, the financial, economic, military and other forms of assistance so necessary to the acceleration of the legitimate struggle of these peoples. The results of this assistance clould perhaps seem very modest, but in themselves they already reflect the characteristics which day by day testify more and more to the validity of this deep belief which1 animates all the peoples of Africa and which, more particularly, inspires the work of the Liberation Committee: it is the belief that with adequate assistance, that is to say, assistance on a larger scale and better adapted to the nature alf the struggle, the Africans still under foreign domination or who are suffering from racial discrimination are capable of influencing in their favour the course of events in South Africa, in Angola, in Mozambique, in Guinea (Bissau) and the Cape Verde Islands, as well as in Namibia and everywhere else where colonialism still prevails. 58. I spoke of adequate assistance. But if today I wish to stress the full importance of this assilstance before the Security Council, it is also because, to an increasing degree, we are convinced that this solidarity, which is recognized, accepted and experienced in the flesh by these Africans, this solidarity which has brought the Liberation Committee into existence and made it grow, can only gain by extending its dimensions to the international community as a whole. It is above all because there is every indication that in the international community a considerable number of peoples and Governments really and sincerely accept the fact that the freedom and dignity of Africans entitles and should entitle them to be granted more than words of comfort and support, much more than a discreet, symbolic, sporadic and almost shamefaced material contribution. In other words, they should be given regular, offcia1 and substantial assistance-in brief, assistance which would show openly that we recognize the legitimacy of the struggle which is being carried on by these peoples for their destiny as free men. 59. Have I stated the point clearly? Have I clearly brought out that for the Africans nothing stands in the way of the creation at the United Nations level of an international fund financed on a regular basis and intended to strengthen the assistance that the Organization of African Unity is 61, I studi have cor~ludcd my comments, Mr. President and members of tftc ~Security (“ouncil, after suggesting to you sthwrr~ly on behalf’ rjf all trl’ Africa that you should consider tl1CSC fkitw ptIb[~WiillS, WKI inviting yuU t* bring to bCilr ywr v#t StMVS O\f WiXhrIl $lYKl extwiive cxpcrierlcc of international prtiblenrs, and X0 pP.2pP.Z the judicious inclusion of new working metfrods in the Security CounciI and in the United Nations as a whole, but I would also request your permission to address a few words to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, tfm new bSccretsry-Gcncral of the United Nations. 02. Mr. ,Sccrcfary0ncrztl, these words nre of course designed to congratlllatc you on your accession to this high post of rusl~onsibility bccsuse it implies the focusing of a compendium of cunfidcncc in your qualities as ri statesman, in thcsc titltcs wlrcn renewal is as inevitublc as arc our rC;tstJtts for fearing for the future of mankind. 1 say this to toll you how ctmfidcnt we in Africa arc to see you proceed very cluickly, as did your illustrious predecessor U Thant, bcyund the symbolic value of this your first voyage away from IXeadquarters which has brought you to Africa, thus transccndin~ geographical barriers; by the strength of your action in ftivoiir of thus0 who are the most severely oppccsscd anurn& the continents, you thus emerge as one of the most authentic friends of this Africa which today more tluln cvcr wr,uld like to find reasons for belicvirrll; in the gcncrous ideas wlricft arc the pillars of tfrc United Nations and 11~ Orguniaatitrrr of African Unity. 6.3, These arc our primary concerns, those arc our butnlr~g hopes in tfrc Organiz.ation of African Unity, whicfl more than cvcr r&firms its will and its unshukable determination to make its full contribution to the attuiamont of the ideals of liberty, just&c and pcacc in accordance with the principles inscribed in the United Nations Charter and which the Orgnnizution d Al’rican Unity has adopted as its own cvcr since it was crcatcd, 64, These arc the deep motivations which underlay the unaninums dccisitm d the Chiefs of Stntc and Government Of our cOl~titlcntid organlzatlon to invite YCN to CUllle here tu Africa to find practical and urgent solutions to tho tragic situation imposed on 30 mi.hion Africans which the

On behalf of the Council I wish to thank His Excellency Mr. Moktar Ould Daddah for his statement, which we have listened to with great interest and attention. Statement by the Secretary-General 67, The PRESIDENT: I now call on the Secrctary- Cencrill. 68, The SECRETARY-GENERAL: This is the first time that I 1x1~ the privilege of addressing the Security Council, which, a month ago, honoured me and indebted me so greatly by submitting my name to the General Assembly for clcction ns Sceretaty-General of the United Nations. 69, My first thoughts here today go to His Imperial Majesty, Emperor Haile Sclassic I, a statesman of great vision, wisdom and faith, who has done so much for his people, for Africa and for the community of nations, Seldom have I met a man with so much love and attncftmcnt for the United Nations. We owe him a great debt of gratitude for having invited and enabled the Security Council to meet in Africa, Our gratitude must also go to all those statesmen and Governments that have taken the initiative for this session in Africa or who have supported the idea. President Moktar Ould Dnddah, Chairman of the Assembly of I-leads of State cand Govemtncnt of the Orgntiitation of African Unity, who has maclc a special offort to bc with us here today, deserves our warrncst thanks as ho does for his assistance on other important issues before the United Nations, Men like those, whose care and conccrn go much beyond the borders of their nations, deserve a high place of honour in the history of the United Nations. 70. In the hearts and on the minds of a11 of us there have bccn two deep lingering questions during the last few days: a feeling that this series of meetings is an historic event not only for Africa, but also for lhe United Nations as a whole, and A feeling of fear that, unless successful, this event may be a setback for the prest@ of the Security Council. Our efforts and will during the days ahead will show whcthot we arc able lo tilt the balance in one or the other direction. 71. Whatever the results, this series of meetings of the Council is an historic event. It takes place at a moment of slow but sure improvement in internalional rulations, At the summit we see a willingness for greater personal contacts among the leaders of the most powerful countries. At the United Nations WC 11ave witnessed a great step ahead towards universality of the world Organization. There is 72. Here in Africa there are wounds and there is bleeding. There is stiI1 colonialism and racism. They might not be considered matters to invoke the daily concern of the rest of the world, which has the unfortunate tendency to close its eyes to anything that is not an immediate danger. But they are wounds of great concern to Africa, to this Security Council, to the United Nations as a whole, entrusted with the task of maintaining peace and security in the world. They are wounds that are definitely not inflicted only upon our African brothers, but concern the world as a whole. The Security Council has for the first time in its history decided to transport itself closer to the actual suffering. This is an achievement in itself, the long-lasting efforts of which we may not be in a position to fully appraise today. 73. The eyes of the whole world are on these meetings of the Security Council in Africa. We will not be able, within eight days, to heal wounds which are several decades old and whose roots lie in centuries-old prejudices and blindness. But we can prescribe the necessary remedies. We can establish a plan for recovery. We can mobilize healthy forces from all parts of the world to help us solve the problems before this Council. 74. Africa can play a great role of reconciliation and unification in the world, as its leaders have shown so vividly in the United Nations. Africa is in great need of peace and justice in order to be able to concentrate dn its urgent tasks of development. This is in the interest of the world as a whole. With its rich natural resources, its ancient cultures and its unique and miraculously preserved environment, Africa can soon with our help become one of the happiest continents in the world. 7.5, We must succeed. May we all have the wisdom, the will and the courage to fulfil the high hopes placed in this series of meetings by the people of Africa and by all mankind.

I thank the Secretary-General for his statement and for the efforts which he and his staff have exerted in connexion with the Security Council’s decision to hold this series of meetings in Africa. 78. From the outset I should like to thank again His Imperial Majesty Emperor Haile Selassie I, the Government and people of Ethiopia, for their warm welcome and for the hospitality which they have accorded members of the Council since our arrival in this great capital. Secondly, 1 should like to thank, on behalf of the Council, His Excellency Mr. Moktar Ould Daddah, current Chairman of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of {:he Organization of African Unity, for having come here once again to acquaint the Council with the aspirations of the African peoples. 79. It is particularly gratifying to my Government and to my delegation that Somalia has the honour of presiding, at the opening of this series of meetings of the Security Council devoted primarily to African questions. I speak for an African country which achieved independence under the aegis of the United Nations and which has never lost faith in the ability of the Organization to fulfil its promise, despite some disappointments, disillusionments and failures, however long may be the struggle, to bring into being an international society based on justice and the rule of international law. 80. It will no doubt be reiterated during the courser of these meetings and rightly so-that the first meetings of the Security Council outside of the United Nations Head. quarters for 20 years, and the third such series of meetings in the history of the Organization is an historic occasion. This indeed is an historic occasion. It is an important landmark, not only in African affairs, but also in the development of the role of the Security Council 8s envisioned by the Charter, which states in Article 28, paragraph 3: “The Security Council may hold meetings at such places other than the seat of the Organization as in its judgement will best facilitate its work.” This is a provision which enables the Council to be visibly and actively responsive to regional problems. 81. It is most fitting that these special meetings of the Security Council should take place here in the beautiful city of Addis Ababa, the capital of Ethiopia and the headquarters of the Organization of African Unity. 82. In accepting the invitation of the Organization of African Unity to come to Africa and discuss African problems in an African setting, the Security Council is performing a vital function. It is responding publicly and positively to the needs of an area rife with actual md potential threats to peace and to the call of a regjonal organization whose purposes and principles are closely allied with those of the United Nations. It is also effecting that co-operation with regional organizations envisaged iti ‘l’h Manifesto goes on to point out that in southern Africa not only is there no commitment to justice For the African majorities but there is an open and continued denial of the principles of human determination. equality and national self- 6’. The premise contained in that portion of the Lusaka Manifesto that I have just read is a modest one that none of us could fault. It rcprescnts the minimum that we would ask for o~sehes, whether we represent States that have a 1~ history of indcpendon t nationhood or States that have only achieved independence and nationhood in recent Years. That minimum is a commitment to human equality and dignity. In southern Africa that minimum does not exist. 1s this not a state of affairs that calls for a remedy; that calls for the most urgent and positive action by a world organizntion dedicated to peace, justice and progress? Is the situation in southern Africa not contrary to the principles and purposes of the Charter tlzat all Member States of the United Nations are pledged to uphold? Does this situation not contravene those further developments of the Charter such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the implementation of independence for colonial peoples and the strengtllening of international security? Of what use are our pledges and declared support of these declarations; how sincere Is the approval we give them if we are not prepared to work objectively for their practical application-not only in Africa but in other troubled areas of the world? 88. It is pertinent to ask, at this point, what can be achieved by this special series of meetings of the Security Council. There were some who questioned the wisdom of holding theso meetings, both in terms of their utility and in the context of the J%ancial situatian of the United Nations. In my view, the criticism on financial grounds can be made only by those with an unfortunate view of United Nations priorities. It is moral bankrupcy that we must fear even more than financial bankruptcy. It would be false economy if the Security Council, instead of answering the challenge to seek out more meaningful ways of performing its essential tnsks and instead of increasing the confidence of Member States by showing flexibility and vitality, had decided to refuse that challenge, It would, of course, be foolish to take an unrealistic or fatalistic view of the United Nations financial situation; but when the Organization’s highest body takes action to make itself more responsive, more accessible and more open to the needs of an area which provides one third of tllc membership of the United Nations and whose problems involve the denial of fundamental human rights to millions of people it is difficult to see how such an action could be labelled extravagant. 89. With regard to the question of the practical value of those meetings, it would certainly be najire for anyone to hope that they will provide instant solutions for the 5 See Of/iclal Records of the General Asset?1 II/J!, Twenty-fourth Scssiot~, Anrrcxcs, ngenda item 106, document A/7754, pam. 4. away by the East River in New York, but here in Africa. 90. Last fall the Security COWGI had the opportunity to hear the views of the current Chairman of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity [1583rd meeting] and a delegation of Foreign Ministers (1585th, 1587th, 1588th and 1594th meetings] on the situation in Namibia. This was a most important aid to the work of the Council, which was thus kept in contact with African opinion at the highest level. The present series of meetings should enable the Council to receive views and representations from a much wider cross-section of African opinion, not on one item but on all the African questions of which the Council is seized. It is my hope and my firm conviction that the Security Council will benefit from an interchange at close quarters with African opinion to the extent of gaining new perspectives and applying them to constructive approaches to the larger African issues. 91, An important aspect of these meetings is the part they will play in focusing attention, both inside and outside Africa, on the evils engendered by racism and colonialism in southern Africa, To throw light on these dark places is always a useful exercise, and it is one which can only support the international campaign against racism and Litho in United Nations, New York Price: $LJ.S. 1.00 (or equivalent in other currencies) 72-82016-February 1975-2,050 93. This series of Security Council meetings will be a truly historic one and will fulfil the hopes of Africa if, in dealing with the issues on its agenda, the Council is unfailingly guided by the body of principle to which all Member States are committed and if it goes on to exert the force of its authority on the side of the millions of African people under intolerable racist and colonial domination, 94. There must be a commitment to human equality and dignity. The United Nations, acting through its most powerful organ, should do no less than commit itself to action which will promote the cause of human equality and human dignity in Africa. 95. In conclusion, may I say that “commitment” and “action” should be our watchwords in the week before us, The meeting rose at 12.45 pm.