S/PV.1665 Security Council

The Security Council will now continue its discussion of the question before it. The first name inscribed on the list of speakers for this morning’s meeting is that of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Nigeria. I now invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. 1. Adoption of agenda. 2. Question concerning the situation in Southern Rhodesia : Letter dated 20 September 1972 from the representatives of Guinea, Somalia and the Sudan to the President of the Security Council (S/10798).

Mr. President, I am most grateful to you and to the members of the Security Council for giving me the opportunity to participate in your deliberations on this very important issue, Before going into the substance, however, I should like to convey to you, Mr. President, my warm congratulations on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council. The high honour is a fitting climax to the first year of your country’s assumption of its rightful place in the United Nations I The meeting was called to order at 11.20 a.m. Adoption of the agenda The agenda was adopted. Question concerning the situation in Southern Rhodesia: Letter dated 20 September 1972 from the representatives of Guinea, Somalia and the Sudan to the President of the Security Council (S/10798) 5. The last time the Security Council considered this agenda item in Addis Ababa the whole world was still wondering what would be the outcome of the Pearce Commission, which was then testing the principle of acceptability of the extraordinary proposals agreed between the British Government and the rebellious Smith r4gime.l Not only were the proposals themselves a travesty of the proverbial British sense of justice and fair play, but the spectacle of Her Majesty’s Government, the imperial authority over Zimbabwe, negotiating once again with Her Majesty’s rebellious subjects on terms which amounted to a complete capitulation of the British Government to the rebels was something quite extraordinary. 1 I The PRESlDENT (translation from Chinese}: In accordance with the decisions taken at the previous meetings on this question, I propose now, with the consent of the Council, to invite the representatives of Algeria, Senegal, Morocco, Zambia, Mauritania, Guyana, Kenya, Tunisia and Nigeria to take the places reserved for them at. the side of the Council chamber, in order to participate without vote in the discussion, They will be invited to take places at the Council table when it is their turn to speak. At the invitation of the President, Mr. A. Rahal (Algeria), Mr. C. Diouf (Senegal), Mr. M, Zentar (Morocco), Mr. E. Mudenda (Zambia), Mr. A. Ould Meneya (Mauritania), Mr. S. Ramphal (Guyana), Mr. N. Mungai (Kenya), Mr. R. Driss (Tunisia) and Mr. 0, Arikpo (Nigeria) took the places resewed for them in the Council chamber. 6. To all freedom-loving and just people the terms of the proposed settlement constituted a total capitulation to bigotry, racism and tyranny, as symbolized by the Smith regime. 7. As it turned out, the black Rhodesian population, unsophisticated as we are led to believe they are, showed a greater awareness of the ephemeral nature of the proposals. . 1 See official Records of the Security Council, Twenty-sixth year, Supplement for September, October and November, document s/10405.

I wish to inform members of the Council that I have received additional requests to be allowed to participate in our discussion of this question from the representatives of Mali and Cuba in letters dated 28 and 29 September respectively. In accordance with the usual practice I propose, if there 8. In the statement issued on behalf of my Government on 23 December 1971 on these proposals? I pointed out that they violated General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) of 14 December 1960 on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples, which declared, principally, that the subjection of peoples to alien subjugation, domination and exploitation constituted a denial of fundamental human rights, and that it was contrary to the Charter of the United Nations and an impediment to the promotion of world peace and co-operation. 9. The black population of Rhodesia did themselves and the whole of Africa proud by seeing through the disguises and subterfuge and pronouncing a massive “No”. 10. From this verdict of the people of Zimbabwe on the proposals, two facts clearly emerge. The first is the political awareness and maturity of the black Rbodesians, who have often been denigrated as being politically naive and therefore incapable of exercising hegemony over the minority white Rhodesians through the exercise of the universally recognized democratic principle of “One man, one vote”. The second is the political courage of the black Rhodesian population which, in spite of threats and intimidation, expressed openly their deep conviction that they would rather endure these trials and tribulations than consciously sign away their liberty and live in perpetual servitude, 11, In view of this massive rejection of the proposals, what is the next step? I must, of course, pay a tribute to the British Government for accepting without any reservation the report of the Pearce Commissions But it is now four months since the report was published and no action has been taken by the British Government, 12. In his statement in the House of Commons shortly after the release of the report,” the British Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs insisted that the proposals that had been rejected “still represent a genuine attempt to find a sensible and in all circumstances a just solution to Zimbabwe’s special social and political problems.” He concluded that statement by observing: “If there are to be processes of consultation inside Rhodesia they are likely to take some time and meanwhile the status quo will remain.” I appreciate the wisdom of allowing tempers to cool; but delay may be dangerous. Fresh initiatives ought to be taken without any further delay to get talks started I 13. For an administering Power which has the very creditable record of decolonization that Great Britain has in other areas of the world, I cannot believe that the Zimbabwe problem is too difficult to solve. I am aware that 2 Ibid., document S/10481. 3 See Rhodesia: Report of the Commission on Rhodesian Opinion under the Chairmanship of the Right Honorable the Lord Pearce, Comnd. 4964 (London, Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1972). 4 Offickrl Records of the Security Council, Twenty-seventh year, SuppIement for April, May and June 1971, document S/10656, 14. We know that the rebel regime of Ian Smith has further tightened its oppressive rule. An increasing number of the people of Zimbabwe are being detained and clamped into gaol without cause. Members of the African National Council, a group which believes in and works for multi. racialism, are being harassed. The distinguished leader of the Council, that courageous son of Africa, Bibhop Muzo. rewa, is being victimized. In fact, if the Bishop is not here with us today during the debate of this most important question it is not out of a wish to be absent; rather, it is because the rebel regime has impounded his passport and refused to allow him to travel outside Zimbabwe, even though the regime knows full well that, apart from everything else, the Bishop needs medical attention which he cannot obtain in Zimbabwe. What is more the rebel regime has, since the report of Lord Pearce, continued with its arbitrary ejection of Africans from their ancestrrd lands to make way for expropriation of the lands for use by tire white minority. 15. I wish to pay a particular tribute, in this connexion, to the gallant Chief Tangwena and his people, who, in spite of the overwhelming odds against them, have resisted forcible ejection from their land. The unspeakable suffering in. flitted . ‘nomen, children and the aged in the process of the carrying out of this barbarous act of the rebel @me has failed to arouse the attention of that vocal segment of the so-called civihzed world: there have been no press reports on this matter. 16. But I must say that, while Britain must continue to bear the primary responsibility for the events in Zimbabwe, the United Nations-and in particular the Security Council-must fully assume its responsibilities under the Charter. From the very beginning African countries have been very sceptical about the effects which sanctions were likely to have in bringing down the rebel regime. Nevertheless we were told that sanctions would in fact have an effect within a short time, It is now clear that the sanctions have failed for two main reasons: first, the non-compliance of South Africa and Portugal; and, secondly-and worse still-the breach by loyal Members of the United Nations, including some permanent members of the Security Council, The Government of South Africa and Portugal will stop atnothing to ensure the failure of the United Nations sanctions against the illegal regime in Zimbabwe. The Security Council must not continue to allow these two reactionary regimes tc frustrate with impunity the collective decisions of the United Nations. 17. In this connexion, my Government is greatly distressed by the breach of sanctions by the Government of the United States, which claims to be a friend of the oppressed all over the world, when it decided to resume its importation of chrome and nickel from Zimbabwe. Corning as it did from a very powerful member of the Security Council, and a permanent member at that, the United States action 25. First, the essence of the Rhodesian question is the Zimbabwe people’s struggle against colonialist rule by the white minority racists to achieve national selfdetermination and independence. The Smith white racist regime is a direct product of the British colonial policy and a criminal tool used by colonialism and neo-colonialism to suppress the Zimbabwe people and oppose the independent African States and peoples, The only solution to the Rhodesian question lies in the achievement of complete national independence by the Zimbabwe people free from outside interference. 19. Now that the people of Zimbabwe have shown their courage in resisting the pressures, it is the hope of my Government that the United States will resume its responsibilities and contribute to the solution of the problem of Zimbabwe by strictly adhering to the sanctions imposed on the illegal rhgime by the United Nations. 20. The need not only to maintain but to strengthen and expand sanctions has become evident, I propose that the Council should urgently establish a more effective system of enforcement of sanctions, complete with the preparedness to act swiftly against any country guilty of breaking sanctions. The Security Council must ensure that the Government of the United Kingdom, which is the administering power over Zimbabwe, discharges its obligations towards all the people. Seeing that it is the primary responsibility of Great Britain to enable the people of Zimbabwe to exercise their right to self-determination and independence, the Council should require Britain, first, to give a guarantee that it will not grant independence before majority rule is attained and, secondly, to make such arrangements as will enable all the people of Zimbabwe to participate freely and equally in determining the future constitution of the country, To this end, Great Britain should vigorously pursue Bishop Muzorewa’s suggestion for a convention of all the peoples of Zimbabwe. In the meantime, the Security Council should give all encouragement to the authentic representatives of the people of Zimbabwe to enable them to maintain the struggle against oppression and exploitation. 26, It has been repeatedly pointed out by delegations from many African countries, as well as by the Chinese delegation, that the so-called proposals for the “settlement of the independence dispute of Rhodesia” concocted by the British Government in collaboration with the Smith authorities, is a sheer hoax. The socalled test of acceptability conducted by the Pearce Commission is also a farce to dupe the masses. This has been borne out by the’facts, These performances have all ended in complete failure as a result of the heroic struggle of the Zimbabwe people. Even the British Government had to admit willy-nilly in the investigation report of the Pearce Commission published in the latter part of May that “the people of Rhodesia as a whole do not regard the Proposals as acceptable as a basis for independence”, and that “in spite of the incidents of intimidation the Africans’ rejection by a substantial majority was a genuine expression of opinion”. 27. The total bankruptcy of the “settlement proposals” and the complete failure of the “test of acceptability” are important new victories achieved by the Zimbabwe and other African peoples in their struggle against racist and colonialist ,rule. All the justice-upholding countries and peoples of the world rejoice over this. 21. The determination of Africa to rid itself of the cancer of colonialism and racism, as typified by the regime in Zimbabwe, cannot be dampened. In Rabat, the Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity pledged greater assistance to the liberation movements. In Guyana, the Foreign Ministers of the Non-Aligned Countries expressed their support in concrete terms. Let the Security Council therefore lend the weight of its authority to this movement for the realization of the ideals of our Charter. In this great but urgent task, Nigeria pledges its maximum support. 28. Secondly, last June the Assembly of the Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity in Rabat adopted 1 series of important resolutions on the decolonization of Africa [see s/l 07411. These resolutions reflect the fin-m determination of the African countries and people to fight shoulder to shoulder to win and safeguard national independence. In considering the Rhodesian question, the Security Council must pay full attention to these resolutions, especially the one on Zimbabwe) if the Council is not to betray the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and not to repudiate its political obligations to the African and Zimbabwe people.

I thank the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Nigeria for the friendly words he addressed to the Government and people of China. 29. The resolution on Zimbabwe condemned the British Government “for its failure to take effective measures to 23. Now I should like to make a statement as the representative of CHINA. 30. Thirdly, how can Africa truly achieve decolonization thus bringing true liberation to the peoples in the nonindependent regions of Southern Africa, including Zimbabwe? On this matter the African people have acquired rich experience through their own protracted struggle for national independence and have drawn the correct conclusions therefrom. As stated explicitly in the resolution of the ninth summit conference of the OAU, “the prevailing situation leaves the African people in these territories no other choice but armed struggle”. Imperialism, colonialism and neocolonialism; as wellsas the white racists, will never step down from the stage of history of their own accord, If you do not hit those reactionary forces they will not fall. At present the Zimbabwe people are overcoming numerous difficulties and are marching forward courageously in their struggle for national independence, which has won the ever-wider sympathy and support of all the justiceupholding countries and peoples of Africa and the world. Although there will be twists and turns in the struggle and difficulties on the road to progress, the Zimbabwe people, upholding unity and persevering in their struggle, will surely win complete victory in their struggle for national liberation. 3 1. Fourthly, the Chinese delegation holds that in order to support the just struggle of the Zimbabwe people and to implement General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), as well as the relevant Security Council resolutions on the Rhodesian question, the Security Council has the obligation to reaffirm that the Zimbabwe people are entitled to their sacred right to national independence and that they should achieve national independence immediately, free from any foreign interference; severely condemn the white racist regime in Rhodesia for its barbarous atrocities of repression against the Zimbabwe people; further strengthen and expand the sanctions against the Rhodesian white racist regime and, in view of the fact that South Africa and Portugal have violated the sanctions against Rhodesia in 32. Mr. De GUlRINGAUD (France) (interpret&on from French): On four occasions since the beginning of this year the Security Council has been convened to debate the Rhodesian question. The number of our meetings-and we may well fear that they weaken in significance as they increase in frequency-testify nevertheless to the real concern of States at the maintenance of the power of the illegal regime in Salisbury. 33. The most recent information that we have about the situation in Rhodesia shows that, although the Rhodesian economy is not flourishing in the way claimed in Mr. Smith’s propaganda, it is standing up against the efforts of the greater part of the international community and even, in certain areas, has succeeded in expanding. 34. At the same time, unfortunately, the apprehensions one might have had about the possible introduction into the Territory of a system of racial discrimination at the expense of the indigenous inhabitants seem to have been well-founded. I refer to the 95 per cent of the Rhodesian population that is being affected in this way. 35. Last year the Council was informed by the United Kingdom, the administering Power, of the proposals for settlement that that administration had negotiated with Mr. Smith to bring Rhodesia out of the impasse in which it had been for a number of years. 36. At that time the French delegation refused to pass any value judgement on those proposals; it merely expressed its perplexity at some aspects of the system which had been described to it and noted that the process envisaged was in many respects quite different from what had been put into effect in other regions of Africa by the United Kingdom or by France. It noted, however, that the proposals for settlement-to use the London formula-would be tested for their acceptability by the people concerned. 37. When, three months later, at the Council session in Addis Ababa, someone proposed breaking off this test of acceptability because of the incidents which had accompanied its application at the outset, the representative Of France spoke in favour of pursuing the test [163.%h meetr$g/. He said that after years of muzzled silence Afrim was speaking out; the people of Rhodesia were expressing themselves, but, unfortunately, sometimes they fen victim to their courage, yet certain masks were also falling and certain illusions vanishing. 38. Events have, indeed, bone us out. When the ChairmsJr of the Commission of Inquiry, Lord Pearce-and here, like many other speakers, I would render a tribute to his 45. Some speakers have thought fit to refer to press reports or mere rumours to formulate on this question certain spiteful insinuations. Allegations of this type have already evoked, on many occasions, a firm denial on the part of the French delegation and I once again confirm those denials. Moreover, I should like to add that in the course of four years of co-operation with the Committee on sanctions my delegation has heard accusations of violations of sanctions against countries of all continents and all geographic regions and all political beliefs. We have looked at all with the same care. We have refused to take as good currency reports which cannot be verified-a press clipping or a report from the radio imputing to a particular company or public business acts of illicit trade with the rebel colony. We have come to the conclusion that the easy approach, reassuring for some, of collusion by certain countries with Salisbury while the rest of the world scrupulously applies sanctions does not coincide with reality. 40. If, since the time the Pearce report was submitted, it was possible to think that the situation in Rhodesia was going to return to what it was in October last, and if the rebel leaders for their part, were able to cherish the illusion that public clisavowaI of their position inflicted on them by the people would only result in giving them a free hand, events have belied those forecasts. 41. Never before-as our meetings attest-was such attention focused on the situation in Rhodesia. Never has so much imagination been displayed in the search for new solutions. For its part, at the risk of disappointing our listeners, my delegation has no miracle cure to offer. We have said this, and we repeat it: no real progress can be made without the participation and initiative of the United Kingdom. 46, From the experience we have obtained, France would therefore advise everyone to be mistrustful of preconceived ideas and to leave to the Committee entrusted with the responsibility the task of following up the application of resolution 253 (1968) to verify information concerning possible violations of the regime of sanctions, to compare statistics, to ascertain their source and to ascertain whence come and whither go the men and goods in transit through Rhodesia; to determine who maintains economic and technical relations with Rhodesian administrations and businesses. 42. Here, as in other non-self-governing territories, it is by joint action by the administering Power and the indigenous population concerned that we can find motivating force for evolution; but, as was said on 27 September by the representative of Morocco, the spokesman for the President of the Organization of African Unity, His Majesty King Hassan II, “The solution . . . lies also in action to be determined by the Security Council, on condition that it is applied without any demonstration of weakness” [1663rd meeting, pura. 171, 47. Having said that, I would add that it is quite clear that imports and exports are passing in too large quantities through the net stretched by the Council around the rebel colony. It is quite certain also that as all of us-or almost all of us-agreed last July at the time of the adoption of resolution 318 (1972), the methods of fighting evasion of sanctions should be improved, and no effort should be spared in order to put an end as quickly as possible to deliberate violations of the regime setup under resolution 253 (1968). 43. En fact, since the unilateral declaration of independence was made, and the initiative of the United Kingdom, the Security Council has not remained inactive in the face of the deterioration of the situation in Rhodesia, It has unanimously condemned the repression to which the indigenous inhabitants are subjected. It has launched an appeal to all Member States-and only two States have failed to heed the appeal-that all consular and other relations with Salisbury should be broken off. It has decided that Member States should prevent the entry into their territories of persons holding Rhodesian passports, And finally, and above all, it has set up a regime of economic sanctions within the framework of Chapter VII of the Charter. 48, Let the vice be tightened around Salisbury; let Governments take, if necessary, fresh measures to prevent or punish any public or hidden infraction of this system; let them report on their own decisions, which may not be in accordance with the resolutions of the Council; and then the action by the administering Power, which today is more thoroughly aware of the wishes of the population, will bear its fruits. 49, Mr. LONGERSTAEY (Belgium) (interpretation from French): We are met today once again to consider how the Security Council can most usefully contribute to the establishment in Rhodesia of a r&me compatible with the wishes of the Rhodesian people. 44. Without underestimating the effectiveness of these measures per se-as we have never failed to state-but without minimizing either the pressure that they can exert on rebel leaders, France voted in favour of their institution in 1968 and their extension in 1970. It has applied them, 51, Being thus apprised of the aspirations of the Rhodesian people, and having secured further proof of the willingness of the United Kingdom to take them fully into account, we can ask ourselves how we can most usefully foster our common objective: the independence of Rhodesia and respect for the five principles. 52. Can the Council properly say what measures should be taken? Should it not rather call for dialogue and support what the United Kingdom is doing in Salisbury so that the African community may have specific prospects of political emancipation and, meanwhile, avoid a sterile confrontation? The question of Rhodesia can be solved only by its inhabitants. We must not forget this in considering the resolution on which we shall have to vote. My delegation hopes that the Security Council, while once again recalling the objective to be attained, will show the necessary realism really to facilitate a political solution, 53. My delegation reserves the right to speak again in the course of this debate when specific draft resolutions have been introduced and explained by their sponsors.

Mr, President, since this is the first time that I have taken the floor under your presidency, I should like to begin by saying how sincerely gratified we are to see the representative of the People’s Republic of China in the Chair this month, for the first time, guiding the work of the Security Council. We have all had many opportunities of appreciating your talents, skill and human qualities since November last when your great country took its rightful seat in the United Nations. May I add that in the course of this month we have had a further opportunity to gain a better cognizance of your exemplary sense of fairness and impartiality in leading our deliberations and your human understanding of the obligations of each member of the Council and all the Ministers of Foreign Affairs and leaders of delegations who have honoured us by in our discussions. We thank you, Sir, for all this. taking part 55. Exactly 10 months ago the Security Council met at the request of the United Kingdom in order to receive full information on the proposals for a settlement agreed upon by the British Government and the Salisbury rebel rQ.me. Since then the Council has held quite a number of meetings on the question of Southern Rhodesia, the last ones in Addis Ababa, focusing its attention on various aspects of the proposals and in particular on the carrying out of the test of acceptability. This is understandable in view of the widespread concern that the proposals raised, When these proposals were discussed for the first time the Italian delegation expressed the opinion that a detailed study of them should be postponed until the completion of the test. 56. We never had any doubt about the value of the test and the necessity to carry it out in the best democratic conditions. At the meeting of the Council on 30 December 1971, I said in particular: “The test is not, of course, the exercise of self. determination. Nobody has assumed that it would consti. tute that exercise. But self-determination may well he preceded by one or more tests that may prepare for it, 1 have already mentioned that the main problem in this respect is to make a majority of the people aware of their fundamental rights; it is to awaken in their hearts the aspiration to be a nation-in other words, to have them strive for self-determination. “Now, the test of acceptability provides really the first opportunity to reach individuals and groups of people in each corner of the Territory and to begin doing what has been badly needed for a very long time: namely, to m&s the adult African population of Rhodesia think about its future and its fundamental rights.” (1623rd meeting, paras. 29 and 30. J 57. The test has produced these effects and the Pearce Commission report goes even beyond the expectations of my delegation at least. It is in many ways an extremely important document. It gives us first of all an objective and complete survey of the present situation in Rhodesia. In all our deliberations, particularly those relating to questions of self-determination and decolonization, a good knowledge of the situation involved is essential if our discussions are not to be diverted into academic or ideological exercises. The Pearce Commission report provides us with the results of a very accurate fact-finding mission well in conformity with the principles and traditions, often reaffirmed by this Organization, which should always inspire its approach to concrete situations. 58. We should like to add our voice to those of statesmen around the world, and particularly in Africa, who have highly praised the objectivity and the thoroughness of the Commission, This is another example of the fairness and political honesty which stems from the heritage and tradition of a country which has been associated throughout history with the principles of freedom and democracy, 59. The over-all picture which emerges from the report ia one of a complex situation in which, along with anachroais. tic positions deeply rooted in colonial privileges, we can perceive the ferments of a society striving for POlitiCal and social changes and the attitude of groups more aware of this reality and of the necessity to meet gradually the asPin+ tions of the great majority of the population. The report catches vividly the symptoms of a social and Political movement in the making, with all the inevitable hesitations but at the same time with some avenues still open before it which could lead to peaceful, reasonable and Positive 60. If we leave aside for a moment the radical minority we see that the great majority of the population is oriented towards the search for sensible and gradual solutions. In this respect the Africans are rather articulate and show a high degree of wisdom and political realism. Their opposition was directed not so much against the proposals as such as against the ruling circles, in which they do not place any confidence-and rightly. They believe that the task of their emancipation should be carried out by the United King don-r, which should continue to be involved in their future. “‘Africans in general”, notes the report, “retained a loyalty to the Crown and belief in Britain’s ability to influence events in Rhodesia;” They are well aware of the need for gradualness in the process that should lead to a democratic independent Rhodesia under the guidance of the United Kingdom. 65, The ruling minority, therefore, although vitally interested in the proposals, did nothing to commend them to the population. The presence and activity of the Commission have shown how mistaken this assessment was and have destroyed the myth of the Africans as docile objects of paternalistic rule. The African population, says the report, was alive with political activity, Nobody in Rhodesia can any longer ignore this fact. The rebel regime can no longer pretend to function as if nothing had happened, as if the situation had remained that of the happy old days when African political aspirations were beleived to be non-existent. And this capital fact, produced by the work of the Commission, has implications that go beyond the borders of Rhodesia, since the denial of self-determination in the other remaining colonial territories is based upon and justified on the same mistaken assumption. 61. The Commission has found out that “immediate majority rule as suoh did not figure so ,high in priority”. The ideal which seems to inspire Africans is one of a multiracial society to the progress of which the various groups should contribute their different talents, skills and abilities, so that the inevitable coming of majority rule would in no way hamper the welfare of the entire population. Expressing a pertinent criticism of the electoral arrangements of the proposals, the Africans have enuncia ated principles that show a remarkable political farsightedness. “There should be a common role”, they said, ‘<or cross voting, so that the Africans could vote for Europeans they respect, and Europeans would have to seek African votes”. 66. It is only too understandable that the Africans, and with them all those who wish to see justice triumph in Rhodesia, are determined to exploit the momentum created by recent events to expedite the desired change. What can we do? What can this Organization do to help this process? My delegation believes that discussions among us about ideal schemes for a settlement, about legal definition of principles, or on long resolutions aimed at committing the Power responsible for, but not present in, the Territory to tasks that cannot be carried out-these all are of little or no help, in our view. 67. Moreover, we have a body of resolutions which already provide a vast and comprehensive literature on the matter, a vast and comprehensive documentation, My defegation believes that we should rather direct our action along two paths. The first one is the application of sanctions, It is not an easy path. On the one hand, complexities of international trade are such that irnplementation of sanctions at 100 per cent is an ideal very difficult to achieve. On the other hand, Rhodesian sooiety is largely based on an agricultural economy. It can offer by its very nature a large margin of resistance to sanctions. What sanctions can do, and in fact are doing, is to prevent the industrialization of that economy. They cannot stifle it quickly, The extension of sanctions, while not increasing their impact, will surely compound the difficulties of their application. In our opinion, if we wish ,to increase the effectiveness of sanctions, we should bear in mind two points, First, we should concentrate our efforts upon those sectors which are vital to the development of the Rhodesian 62. In the light of this complex situation, still open to peaceful changes, it becomes even more clear how well inspired and important is the Lusaka Manifesto5 , which the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Zambia, His Excellency Mr. Mudenda, rightly recalled yesterday. The then Minister for Foreign Affairs of Italy, Mr, Moro, in welcoming the Manifesto had this to say in the General Assembly on 8 October 1969: “. . . we have read with interest the Lusaka Manifesto on Southern Africa which was authoritatively presented by the President of Cameroon and which, we hope, will not go unheard”.6 63. We deeply regret that the hand so generously stretched out by the African Governments with this Manifesto has 68. The second path we should explore is the action this Organization could best deploy to consolidate and reinforce political unity and determination of the African population and prepare it for gradually assuming its direct responsibilities, The tasks in this direction rest mainly with the United Kingdom, which claims responsibility over the Territory-a responsibility which has been acknowledged once again by all previous speakers. The United Kingdom Government sought, in fact, with farsightedness to accomplish them by also ~including in the proposals a wide programme for the improvement of the education of the African population. Projects along these lines or aiming at assisting the democratic forces of the country, the African movements, the groups of European liberals etc., should still be considered, in our view, by the administering Power, possibly with the help of appropriate organs of the United Nations. 69. We are convinced that the Rho(leaian situation does not require any other lengthy resolutions, as I have said before, to be added to the many we have already adopted. It requires, rather, patient, persistent action that will foster and accelerate the determined efforts of the people of Rhodesia on their way towards nationhood and independence, a historic process that will be fashioned mainly by the peoples themselves. 70. It is with those considerations in mind that my delegation will determine its stand on the proposals that will be submitted to the Council.

I wish to thank the xepresentative of Italy for the friendly words he has addressed to the Government and people of China, 72. I have just received a letter from the representative of Saudi Arabia, in which he asked to be allowed to participate in this debate. Since I hear no objections, I take it that the Council agrees to invite the representatives of Saudi Arabia, in accordance with the provisional rules of procedure and the practice of the Council, to participate in our present discussion without the right to vote. At the invitation of the President, Mr. J. Buroody (Saudi Arabia) took a place at the Council table.

I call on the representative of Saudi Arabia. 75. The question of Rhodesia,has been with us formsay, many years, whether in the Fourth Committee of the General Assembly or in the Security Council, with practi. tally no results emanating from our quite often repetitious debates. The question remains whether Southern Rhodesia may still be deemed to be a British colony. The majority of the Members of the United Nations still consider Southern Rhodesia’s British colony. In consequence, this makes & United Kingdom technically responsible for its administrs. tion. I ‘say “technically” because the United Kingdom ha not renounced its responsibility. On the contrary, every now and then the United Kingdom Government sends emis. saries to try to find a solution. Emissaries are sent toMr,lsn Smith, whom all here regard as a rebel-against the United Nations, and, to begin with, against the British. 76. What has the United Kingdom done, whenever this subject has been brought up for discussion, but try to submit all kinds of so-called projects to delay the adoption by the United Nations of drastic measures to contain Mr. Ian Smith and his cohorts in Southern Rhodesia? 77. I should like to ask my good colleague from the United Kingdom whether his Government would have acted in the same manner if Ian Smith had a dark skin. He might tell me that things have changed, that we are living in the era of the United Nations and the United Nations should avoid violence. Of course he would not tell me-and he would have to be excused for that-that regardless of what party happens to be in power in London, the British Government does not dare chastise the rebellious Ian Smith and his clique, for the simple reason that the Government would fall. There are many Powells who are not articulate in the United Kingdom. They would rebel against their Government rather than chastise the whites in Southern Rhodesia. Therefore let us not expect that the United Kingdom will take any drastic measures to punish the rebel and his clique. 78. What is the alternative? We who elaborated the principle of self-determination into a full-fledged right in the Universal Declaration on Human Rights and in the many resolutions of the United Nations, should we just give up and consider self-determination, whether in the Declars. tion or as reaffirmed in our resolutions, to be an academic matter? Or is there some idea, which derives from the actual facts and philosophy, bolstered by freedom of expression, that if the Africans, and those supporting them on the grounds that self-determination should be respected, just get things off their chestsand make speeches, that may @‘e them the satisfaction of having said their say? Then, when we know what is going on in their minds, another meet@ of the Security Council can be scheduled and other 80. Therefore, what shall we do? Shall we meet again and again and again, with no results emanating from our deliberations? 81. I asked the Secretariat to furnish me with the verbatim records on this question for this year-leave aside previous years-and I find that we spoke on this very same question in the Security Council on Wednesday, 16 February 1972 rl64Oth meeting/ and also ,on Friday, 25 February 1972 f1642nd meeting] And I warned the Council, you may recall Sir, that much as sanctions may be desirable, those who may vote for those sanctions will not observe them. I cited how chrome, last year and early in this year 1972, was being shipped and commingled with chrome from another country. I do not want to name that other country lest I exacerbate matters by having someone say: “Here Baroody is trying to fish in troubled waters”. Far be it from me to do that, but with their knowledge the chrome from Southern Rhodesia was commingled and sold by brokers to whomever needed it. And we only know what the United States Congress did. It just decided that chrome could be imported from Southern Rhodesia-which proves that economics is much stronger than politics. 85. I do not want my African brothers to think that I am against sanctions; I am only saying, from my humble experience, that the one who would laugh up his sleeve would be Ian Smith. He would still sell his tobacco. The more tobacco is aged, the higher price it brings. So it does not matter sometimes if the tobacco piles up in Rhodesia. It can be sold for a better price. And the chrome will still appear in the ornamentation of cars of many makes-1 am not going to say which makes. 86. Then what shall we do? There are two ways open to this Council if it means business. The first is to pers’uade the United Kingdom to follow a course ,wh.ich stems from a suggestion it made early this year, and I shall come later to the second, Of course, resolutions on sanctions should still be adopted as a~reaffirrnation of the position of our African ,brothers. 87. We know how strikes paralyse not only corporations but also States as suoh. At one time our colleague from the United Kingdom mentioned that his Government was willing to contribute %5 million annually for the sooial and educational development of the blacks in Southern Rhodesia; That is like treating a fever with watermelon poultices instead of using something radical, Fever comes from inside, and that $5 million would be like applying a poultice of watermelon rind to the skin; it does nothing for the insides. But that L5 million could be put in a United Nations fund and used, through churches-many of which in Southern Rhodesia, happen to be on the side of the blacks-for humanitarian purposes or for practical purposes; since we know that in 10 or 15 years the ratio of the whites to the blacks will be 1 to 20; So I think that in order to save their skins, men of religion or of politics would be wise to think of the future. We would ask the wealthy countries also to contribute generously to that fund and send word, not only by messengers but also by United Nations broadcasts; to those who mine the chrome and grow the tobacco to go on strike, Unless they perished from famine the fund would pay. We would begin with the g5 million from the United Kingdom, That. is. how they could bring Ian Smith to reason-because if his economy totters he has to compromise. But we can talk our heads off from now till 82. With your permission, Sir, I shall quote a few excerpts from what I said earlier this year in my statement on 16 February. I said in part: “Again, in spite of the fact that I said that all I had mentioned on this question of Southern Rhodesia is on the record, I must say that neither the Africans, nor the Asians, if they were to ally themselves with the Africans, are in a position to fight and dislodge those whites [of southern Africa] .“[164Oth meeting, para. 77.1 83, And then I continued: “As a result of my personal experience I have stated to the Security Council time and again that we should put aside any literature on the question of sanctions, that sanctions will not work. Economics is stronger than politics. And in the world politics revolve around economics. My good friend Ambassador Malik once said that this is the Marxist theory. I am not a Marxist, but I say to the Security Council that it is the same thing; we come to the same conclusions.” [Ibid., para. 78.1 84. Then let us assume that this afternoon we vote again on sanctions against Southern Rhodesia. And I quote once 89. This is a drastic measure that I mentioned last year and nobody acted upon it. I repeat it because sometimes there is benefit in repetition and I hope that the United Kingdom will consider that course. The United Kingdom is conservative, but I think it has shown a Iot of political sagacity throughout its history. When it found itself cornered by its own rebels it had to resort to drastic measures. 90. There is a second avenue which we can explore and which I have mentioned in previous statements. It is persuasion, with a little moral pressure; it is to try and prevail on Mr. Ian Smith and his clique that it is not in their interest as whites in the African continent to make their position untenable-if not for them during their lifetime, then for their children and grandchiIdren. 91, The blacks are proliferating very quickly, They do not understand about ecology; those people have been left in ignorance of what goes on in the world. The only thing they can do for entertainment is copulate and procreate. One cannot blame them; they have no movies or other entertainment. The instinct of sex is there and I can assure representatives that, with geometrical progression, in about 20 years there will be possibly 10 times more blacks than whites in Southern Rhodesia. 92. So if Mr. Ian Smith and his cohorts feel secure at least for five or 10 years, what will the picture be 15 or 20 years hence? We know how swiftly time flies. He should therefore be prevailed upon to accept municipal rulebecause,.after all, I believe there is segregation between the whites and the blacks. We will not go into racial discrimination; it is a long subject and it is being discussed in many United Nations organs. But give the blacks municipal rule or the rule which obtains in cantons; we have models of that-in Switzerland the cantons are a sort of federation. 93. For the time being, that is what I have to say about the second avenue to find a way out of the predicament. 94. The first is a radical one; it needs eourage and generosity. I refer to the method of fomenting strikes and paralysing the economy, with the proviso that there be a United Nations fund, to which the United Kingdom would contribute $5 million, as it had said it would for another 95. Summing up, the second method would be to prevail on Mr. Ian Smith and his regime without undue delay to consider giving the blacks municipal rule, autonomous cantons, with the hope that if they see their interest lies with the whites, because of the know-how and the future, then, when racial discrimination fades out, as we all hope it will in two or three decades, I believe the Africans will be satisfied because their dignity will have been preserved and at least we can see a little hope on the horizon that things may turn out as they should be.

Since it is important that Council members understand the purposes, behind the two draft resolutions, so as to enable consultations to take place this afternoon, I should like at this stage to introduce them, 97. The two draft resolutions which my delegation has the privilege to introduce on behalf of Guinea and the Sudan and on its own behalf address themselves to the political and sanctions aspect of the Southern Rhodesian question. The draft resolutions, aontained in documents S/lOSW and S/10805, are efforts once again to get this Council to commit itself to firm lines of political and coercive action in keeping with its responsibilities in this matter. I ‘do not think that there is any question which has come before the Council where the issues are as clear-cut as they are in the case of Southern Rhodesia. At the request of the adminis. tering Power, this Council is committed to end a racial regime whose aim is to keep the black majority of Southern Fhodesia’in subjection. If we can do this, we shall have prevented the full development of another apartheid-type society and obviously, it is better to prevent suob a development while there is still a possibility of doing SO rather than to try to deal with it after it has become entrenched in the sooiety. 98. Our second responsibility is to help to bring about the conditions under which the Territory can achieve indepek dence on the basis of the political and sooial equality of all its people. 99. It is not the intention of my delegation to go back into the history of this question or to analyse its irnpli~ations in any great detail.Duringtheprevioustwomeetings,and once again today, we have had many distinguished speakers who have covered the subject thoroughly and eloquently, I merely want to explain the purposes of the two draft resolutions. 100. The draft resolution contained in document S/l0805 is based on principles and goals whose validity cannot be questioned. They are rooted in the Charter and have beea 1 0 105. Operative paragraph 5 asks the administering Power to accord to all the people of the Territory the same democratic privileges and rights as those on the basis of which the overwhelming majority of colonial territories .were brought to independence. Universal adult suffrage, the secret ballot, the principle of “one-man, one-vote”-these are universally accepted norms of political development. I challenge today any Member State here to say in good conscience that these same political rights and principles should be denied to the people of Zimbabwe. 106. Finally, I should like to make a few introductory remarks on the draft resolution contained in document S/10804, It has always been the African view-and this has been stated repeatedly in the past two meetings and again this morning by representatives of Africa-that the sanctions alone would not be sufficient to bring about a speedy end to the rebellion in Southern Rhodesia, no matter how sincerely and how thoroughly they were applied. However, it is recognized, as the Rabat resolution clearly indicates, that sanctions constitute an important measure that must be maintained with all vigour and determination so that the illegal regime will be forced to struggle for economic survival. Above all, the continuation of sanctions would ensure the international isolation of the illegal regime and deny it recognition. 101. Surely, the United Nations cannot in good conscience agree to any settlement which would allow the minority group to legalize its existence and to remove itself completely from the authority of the administering Power while there is no firm safeguard for the rights of the African majority. Those rights cannot be assured unless the majority is able to exercise immediately the power which is its due, 107. If, as my delegation has pointed out on another occasion in this Council, sanctions were to be partially or wholly lifted, or if this Council were to endorse, to condone, or to remain silent on violations of sanctions, then a dangerous situation would no doubt develop which wouId destroy all that this Council has attempted and is committed to achieve. This danger was recognized by the Rabat Assembly when the member States decided to give full support and cowoperation to the United Nations in all measures designed to enforce sanctions, At the same time, it also expressed grave concern about the undesirable consequences that could arise from the refusal by Member States to co-operate fully in the observance and implementation of sanctions. 102. One hears a lot about realism, but what is real in a territory where the minority ruling group is outnumbered 20 to l? What realism is there when we hear-indeed, the total membership of the United Nations has acdepted the fact-that the will of the people of a country must prevail, must be paramount. There can be no compromise on that. Following the unsuccessful attempt by the United Kingdom to arrive at a settlement with the rebel regime and the clear rejection of that settlement by the African majority, the question arises what is to be done now. It is surely not the intention of the administering Power, and it cannot be the policy of the United Nations, to drop the matter or put it in limbo-to say that nothing further can be done and to leave the people of Zimbabwe to their own fate, while the rebel regime receives assistance, military, economic and pobtical, to enable it to retain its iron grip over the population. 108. To the Rabat Assembly the issues at stake went beyond the question of demanding compliance and condemning I violations. To that Assembly the issue was to ensure that Member States of the United Nations honour their Charter obligations and respect scrupulously the decisions and authority of this Council. Consequently, the Rabat Assembly endorsed a proposal made by the three African members of the Security Council at an earlier meeting of the Council that the time and circumstanc& were now appropriate for the Council to consider what measures might be taken in respect of those States-and we have in mind South Africa and Portugal-which have openly, defiantly and persistently refused to implement 103, So we must ask ourselves, what new initiative can be taken and what must be the basis for any new initiative? Clearly the failure to have African political leaders-and by that I mean the authentic leaders-participate in the recent attempt by the United Kingdom to negotiate a settlement ensured a rejection of that settlement. The whole idea was killed at the time it was born. A new course of action must be entered upon and it must have as its basis a process of democratic consultation with representatives of all the people. 110. There is abundant evidence to show that many States are not complying with the resolution on sanctions. Those States deny any charges that are made against them yet their goods are being sold openly and in increasing quantities within Southern Rhodesia. 111. Unfortunately it has not been possible to obtain from many States, that are in a special position to give it, the co-operation which it is their duty to offer in this matter. States, for example, which have consular, diplomatic and trade representation in South Africa and in Mozambiquethe two territories through which the bulk of Southern Rhodesian import and export trade passes-do not use this vantage point in order to co-operate with the United Nations and to report suspected cases of violation of sanctions. 112, In the two years that my delegation has been on the Security Council and has worked closely with the committee on sanctions, it has not seen any country-apart from the United Kingdom-that has close trade relations with or representation in South Africa and Southern Rhodesia, or the Portuguese-dominated territories of Mozambique and Angola, which has ever provided the Council or its committee with any information on which the Council could proceed. 113. We hear a lot of expressions of sympathy, We hear a great many expressions of surprise that violations can continue with such great impunity, but many of the States are themselves actively involved, Indeed, it was the United States delegation in this Council which stated-and of course ,we should like to receive evidence to this effectthat no fewer than eight States represented around this Council table had trade relations, if not overtly then at least covertly, with Southern Rhodesia. Of course, when an accusation of these dimensions is launched in the Council one would have hoped that the charge would have been backed by some kind of evidence to enable the committee on sanctions to proceed with its investigations. I trust that in the course of this debate we will receive information from the United States to back that very serious charge. The United States is certainly in a position, like many other 114. If it were not for the information which the United Kingdom has continued to bring to the attention of the committee on Southern Rhodesia regarding suspected violations, the committee would have had little or no information on which to operate. Our problem is to devke better methods and to secure commitments-firm commit. ments-of increased co-operation from all States if saactions are to be successfully implemented. 115. Much has been said about the importation of tlrc chrome ore and nickel and other minerals which the United States continues to purchase from Southern Rhodesia in contravention of the Charter and of Security Council resolution 253 (1968). Admittedly, the total imports amount to no more than 2 per cent of the total illegal trade that is being conducted with the Smith r+ime; but in this case the violations assume a far greater significance because they have been carried out openly with the full oft&l sanction of the United States Government, and because of the position which the United States holds in this Organization and in the world at large. 116. In this Organization we are all governed by the same Charter, by the same set,of international laws. Whether this is accepted or not, we are all equals-equals in so far as both our rights and our obligations as Member States are concerned. 117. As was pointed out by the Foreign Minister of the Sudan in his address at the previous meeting, many prominent senators and diplomats have testified before the United States Congress that the chrome importations not only are illegal in the context of international law but also are unnecessary and unjustified since the United States has large stockpiles of chrome and in any case is able to obtain additional supplies from sources other than Southern Rhodesia. There is, then, no excuse for this action. If the United States can escape with the argument that the minerals of Southern Rhodesia,are essential for its strategic and economic needs, then any other State can make the same excuse about its requirements in minerals, or even tobacco, from Southern Rhodesia: We can admit no exceptions to this rule. Small countries or big countries, they are all governed by the same set of laws. The rule of law must aptly equally to all States. In this matter the United States is in clear and serious contravention of its Charter obligations so long as it continues to import minerals and any other commodities from Southern Rhodesiain defiance and in contravention of Security Council resolution 253 (1968). 118. We trust that the United States, which has in the past always stated that it would firmly observe its commitmeats in this respect, will review its position and remedy it. 119. The proposals of the two draft resolutions are, in view of the sponsors, eminently reasonable. The United Nations cannot do less than has been proposed in them and The meeting rose at 1.40p.m. HOW TO OBTAIN UNITED NATIONS PUBLICATIONS United Nations publications may be obtained from bookstores and distributors throughout the world. Consult your bookstore or write to: United Nations, Sales Section, New York or Geneva. 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