S/PV.1676 Security Council

Madam President, as previous speakers have already stated-and I should like to emphasize this once again-your assuming the presidency of the Security Council constitutes an unprecedented event in the history of the United Nations. As the representative of Yugoslavia, a country tied to your country and to Africa with bonds of special friendship, co.operation and understanding, I extend to you our warm congratulations. That an African State should be the first country ever to have a woman become the President of the Security Council is a conspicuous example of the progressive contribution that your country and Africa are making to the modem world. The meeting was called to order at 4 p.m. Adoption of the agenda 4. In taking part today in the Council’s substantive and searching consideration of the weighty question of the Territories under Portuguese colonial domination, my delegation is fully aware of the fact that this is the fifth in this series of meetings in which we have discussed this item on our agenda, that many speakers, representatives both of the liberation movements and independent States of Aftica, have ably and exhaustively analysed the situation and the merits of the case, and that a draft resolution has been submitted by African members. Very recently the matter was carefully considered in the Fourth Committee, on whose recommendation the General Assembly adopted resolution 29 18 (XXVII) which constitutes a landmark and which the Yugoslav delegation, among many others, actively supported. The agenda was adopted. Question concerning the situation in the Territories under Portuguese administration: Letter dated 7 November 1972 addressed to the President of the Security Council by the representatives of AIpria, Botswana, Burundi, Cameroon, Central Afikan Republic, Chad, Congo, Dahomey, Egypt, Ethiopia, Gabon, Ghana, Guinea, Ivory Coast, Kenya, Lesotho, Liberia, Libyan Arab Republic, Madagascar, Mali, Mauribnia, Mauritius, Morocco, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Sudan, Togo, Tunisia, Uganda, United Republic of Tanzania, Upper Volta, Zaire and Zambia (S/10828) I. The PRESIDENT (interpretation from French): In accordance with the decisions taken by the Security Council at its 1672nd, 1673rd and 1674th meetings, I invite the representatives of Burundi, Ethiopia, Liberia, Madagascar, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, the United Republic of Tanzania, Tunisia, Saudi Arabia, Uganda, Morocco and Cuba to participate in the debate on the item before the Council without the right to vote. 5. With all that in mind, and being reasonably certain that the views, policies and concrete deeds of the Yugoslav Government with respect to the liberation struggle of the peoples of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau) and Cape Verde, are quite well known. ,I shall not repeat’what Yugoslav representatives have stated on many occasions in various organs of the United Nations or what I stated 21. A very convincing case could be made, we think, to the effect that even if the arms supplied to Portugal remain strictly inside its territory, the fact remains that Portugal’s ability to wage a colonial war would be greatly facilitated, because all the other arms it obtained in any other way it could then use solely against the peoples of the Territories, as all domestic needs would already have been satisfied. But if the allies of Portugal insist that our major concern here should be that their arms do not reach Portuguese forces engaged in the war, they and the United Nations should find ways and means of making doubly certain that they do not. 17. It is for these reasons that my delegation would not have had any difficulty with the first draft resolution submitted by three African members of the Security Council (S/10834], with its motivation, goals and requests. We would have had no difficulty with a Security Council decision to reaffirm the inalienable right of the peoples of Angola, Guinea (Bissau) and Cape Verde and Mozambique to self-determination and independence; to affirm that the national liberation movements of those Territories, recog nized by the Organization of African Unity, are the legitimate representatives of the peoples of those Territories; to urge the Government of Portugal to enter into negotiations with them immediately; to call upon all States-especially the military allies of Portugal-to put an end to the sale or supply of weapons, military equipment, and so on, to Portugal, or of anything that enables it to manufacture arms itself; and to establish a so-called “monitoring committee” of the Council, in consultation with the Secretary-General and the President of the Council, which would watch and report to the Council on the implementation of such an embargo. 22. To maintain that any monitoring committee would be partisan and biased means admitting that the arms are reaching colonialist forces from one side only. Any such body would be entrusted, of course, with reporting on any supply, shipment, presence or use of any arms, legal, illegal, direct or indirect, from whatever source, that are currently being used or would be used against the peoples of those Territories in contravention of our relevant decision. 23. Finally, it would be better and more helpful if those who express their unhappiness over the criticism directed against their continued military, ecorromic and financial assistance to Portugal-the ally which is waging a most cruel and barbaric war in direct and a~~chronistjc violation of all precepts of international law and justice-would use the withholding of their assistance for effectively pressing Portugal into negotiating and stopping the bloodshed. Even a unilateral commitment on their part that they were going to do so would constitute a necessary further step that is rightly expected of them at this decisive moment in that war. 18. When it comes to colonial questions, it is Yugoslavia’s position of principle to support the relevant initiatives and needs of the African States. We shall therefore have no difficulty in supporting the new drafts that African members are now submitting [S/IO838 and S/10839], on the basis of the opinions and considerations expressed during the present meeting of the Security Council, and we are prepared to assist in their widest possible acceptance. 24. The only way to end the war-unless Portugal persists in continuing the bloodshed, bleeding itself white in the process, endangering international peace and stability by joining forces with the racist regimes of South Africa and Southern Rhodesia in their arrogant but futile combined attempt to stem the tide of fiistory-is that of negotiation, and the only partners for Portugal are the national liberation movements of An ola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau) and Cape Verde. 7% e overwhelming vote in the General Assembly in favour of negotiations expresses the general perception that the time is‘now ripe for them and that delaying them may be disastrous, All the representatives of the national liberation movements, speaking here and in the Fourth Committee, have strwgly urged negotiations, at the same time very responsibly and generously expressing a readiness to take into consideration the interests of Portugal too, once they are recognized as authentic, de facto representatives of their peoples, as valid partners, and once the right ta self-determination and . 3 19. May I now, in the final part of my delegation’s statement, set out what we think should be essential ingredients, elements and considerations in our dealing with the problem, in framing our decision, on the basis of the proposals made or to be made here, on the basis of the prevailing views expressed and, most importantly, on the basis of t&e true needs of the situation, if we are to discharge our responsibility under the Charter. 20. We have already stated that we would always firmly support an arms embargo against Portugal and any measure that would ensure it. Our common experience with the sanctions against Southern Rhodesia strongly supports US in that. Faced with growing criticism and with ever stronger demands that they cease to furnish any military supplies to Portugal, those who do so, bilaterally and in the framework of their military alliance, try to justify this practice by various explanations about their arms being solely intended

Madam President, breaking the rule which my delegation had adopted, of dispensing with compliments, may I start by paying my respects to you. There are many good reasons to ignore that self-imposed rule. Many colleagues before me have emphasized that you are the first woman to preside over the work of the most prestigious international body. May I add that when Pliny the Elder wrote Semper Africa aliquid novi affert, which in English means “Africa always provides something new”, he could not suspect that 1900 years later hii sentence would assume a more significant human and historic value. Therefore it is even more gratifying to salute, in an African lady, the first woman to occupy the Chair of the Security Council. Your ability and grace are a sure guarantee that our deiiberations will proceed in the best and most fruitful manner. I also wish to recall on this special occasion that the relations between Guinea and my country are, happily, developing in a very friendly spirit. I assure you of the full co-operation of my delegation. 26. The question of establishing some appropriate machinery, some formal channels and procedures, for helping to bring about and then assisting in the conduct of negotiations at the level of the Portuguese Government and the representatives of national liberation movements, as suggested here and elsewhere, was pointed to by Mr. Cabral of PAICC. After suggesting such negotiations, he called for the establishment of a special committee of the United Nations to deal exclusively with the decolonization process in the Territories under Portuguese domination. Also, Mr. Fernandes suggested that a time-limit be set for the departure of Portuguese troops, and that a delegation of this Council should see the Portuguese Prime Minister and make concrete proposals for the beginning of negotiations. There were other suggestions, such as the establishment of a commission that would, inter alia, report periodically to the Security Council on such questions as progress towards self-determination and on other elements, which could lead to a satisfactory settlement in the region. “ . . . that negotiations will be started between Portugal and the qualified representatives of the peoples of the Territories under its administration with a view to transferring power to the freely elected and representative political institutions of those peoples.“(J674th meeting, pl7m so/ 25. As far as we are concerned, in view of the remarkable unity of those movements and the general and continuing popular support they enjoy, the national liberation movements are, and will remain, the qualified representatives of their peoples and the only partners for any negotiations. It would be highly unrealistic to expect anything else. 27, It is clear from what I have said that the setting-up of a subsidiary ad hoc body of the Security Council for these purposes is indicated. It is equally clear that we cannot revive some past organ or machinery of the United Nations, designed and appropriate for quite different situations, and that we must not ourselves, the United Nations, be the partners of Portugal in any feeble “dialogue’:, or state any unnecessary and long-outdated “fmdings of fact”. We must only assist in establishing contacts leading to negotiations between Portugal and its only legitimate partners-the national liberation movements-on the basis of the right to self-determination and independence. That is one way open to Portugal. The other is the continuation of a . . ._ _ - 1 independence generates among a people and, by unleashing its energies, makes progress for all an attainable goal. C’ ~ahmitOUs war, with the worst defeat as its only prospect. ‘34. That is why we have always been convinced that, in harmony with the trend of contemporary history, in 28. In closing, let me say that my delegation would be harmony with the IJniversal Declaration of Human Rights very gratified if the views set forth here could in any way and in accordance with General Assembly resolution help the Council in formulating the decision that is 1514 (XV), the peoples of Angola, Mozambique and expected of it. Guinea (Bissau) should be allowed to exercise their right to 31. Allow me also to express once again our gratitude to Mr. de Guiringaud, who led the Council to positive decisions during the month of October. 32. My delegation has stated Italy’s position on the question under consideration on many occasions in the General Assembly and the Security Council. The process of decolonization is nearly completed; a large number of newly independent States, happily, have joined this Organization, uniting their efforts with ours in a common enterprise of world co-operation. 33. It is all too natural that the persistence in Africa of the last vestiges of an old and outmoded colonial system is resented by the proud, independent African countries as an obstacle to the progress of their continent on the path towards the fulfilment of the principles of freedom and equality for all men, regardless of their race, colour or creed. We fully share the concern of nearly all Member States at the continuation of the colonial system in certain African Teriitories. Whatever the efforts at modernizing that system, whatever the attempts at presenting it, even in good faith, in a .favourable light, that system is an anachronism today. It does not and cannot play a useful role for anybody. Rather is it a source of conflicts, of the waste of human and natural resources, and it may easily become an obstacle to economic and social progress. No external help and guidance, however enlightened, can replace the sense of purpose and dedication which only 39. But above all, the reasonable demands of the African movements are consistent with the principles of our Organization. Negotiations open the proper avenue to be followed by the United Nations, a world Organization set up for the purpose, to use the very words. of the Charter, of ‘harmonizing the actions of nations, in the attainment of... common ends”. It is unfortunately true that this is only one side of the complex realities of the world, and that conflicts are still, and too often tragically, flaring up because no other choice is left to a nation and to a people to correct a wrong or to affirm its natural rights. But to ask the United Nations to legitimatize violence is to use the Organization for what it had not been conceived. It would transform our Organization into an arena for confrontation, which can hardly serve the claimed purposk sf advancing the cause of those who are struggling. Rather it confuses the issues and breaks the fundamental common position on which we can all stand and act, by producing constitutional inconsistencies, by jeopardizing the rules of international law that are the result of centuries of experience and are in the interest of all members of the international community, without any distinction. In the end it would weaken the United Nation&. As Members of this Organization we have here no other alternative but that of.a patient, painstaking search for understanding, conciliation and negotiation. This is the proper use to be made of our Organization as it stands now, a moral force vithout a secular arm, if we sincerely wish to help those who still long for independence and freedom. 36. The debate we have been following in previous meetings has clearly given indications about the direction our efforts should take. We have listened with great interest and respect to the statements of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Liberia and Sierra Leone as well as to the statements made by representatives of African countries and by other colleagues. We have listened with particular interest to persons with direct experience of the Territories under consideration who represent the aspirations to independence of their peoples and who have shown us clearly the path that our Organization should follow in order to help them. We welcome those statements. They have, in fact, this year taken the bold and constructive initiative of calling for negotiations that could lead to the solution of these remaining colonial questions. Their initiative is realistic, natural and perfectly in line with the experience we have of past and recent history. We do not know of one single conflict where the struggle for independence has not been accompanied by constant contact, dialogue, and in the end negotiations. The past and recent history of many nations, including my own, is replete with examples of negotiations parallel to warfare. To hold a view opposed in principle to negotiations would be inconsistent not only with history but also with simple logic. Negotiations do not contradict nor do they rule out the use by the people concerned of any other means for the achievement of its main objectives: freedom and independence. 40. Let me add that the action needed to promote negotiations is not an easy one. We must, in the first place, make sure that a suitable basis for them is offered to the parties concerned. We must not lose sight, in the second place, of’ the many limitations of our Organization. We cannot expect it to produce sudden results at the wave of a magic wand, nor can we ask from it the bounty bf godds which we in our hearts know it cannot deliver.‘But this should not discourage us from continuing untiringly in our search for reasonable solutions to the problems under consideration. On the contrary, thq awareness of our limitations should arm us with the patience an@ tenacity required to pursue bur aims. We must never lose sight of the fact that their achievement dependS also on developments and changes inside the Territories concerned, as well aa inside the administering Power. We must have faith in our endurance; we must have faith in our unceasing moral arid political pressure that should ultimately encourage and strengthen those liberal forces whikh are our potential allies. 37. Furthermore, the initiative for negotiations is in line with the stand taken by the African States with the Lusaka Manifesto, so eloquently recalled this morning by the representative of Nigeria, Mr. Ogbu. The signatories of that remarkable document have declared in fact: “We would prefer to negotiate rather than destroy, to talk rather than kill”2 I have already had the opportunity to recall in this Council the position of my Government on the Lusaka Manifesto. Italy has welcomed the Manifesto and has appealed to the interested parties to respond favourably to the offer made by the African States and to sdlve the remaining colonial questions through negotiations. 38. We are convinced that the Lusaka Manifesto provides a good basis for a meaningful dialogue as it underlines the peaceful intentions of the African States, which stated in that document: 41. In conclusion my delegation is prepared to support any action of the Council intended to reaffirm resolution 1514 (XV) and the necessity to apply it, to Angola, Guinea (sissau) and Mozambique, to inyite the Portuguese authorities concerned to put, an end to the colonial wars and to appeal to, Portugal to initiate negotiations with the parties concerned and with the assistance of the United Nations 2 Ibid., Twenty-fourth Session, Annexes, agenda item 106, document A/7154, para. 12. 43, The next speaker is the representative of Cuba. I invite him to take a place at the CounciI table and to make his statement.

It was about the sixteenth century that Portuguese colonialism made its entrance upon the African historical scene. Ever since then it has been challenging the inalienable right of the African peoples to independence. Portugal has continued to be intransigent in the face of the repeated resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council, urging it to recognize the right of the oppressed peoples to self-determination. In the midst of the twentieth century it continues to act as if nothing had happened; as if the hands of the clock had stopped moving, forever, at the hour of its colonial expansion. 45. Running counter even to the feelings of the peoples of Portugal, the Government of Lisbon has established a discriminatory system to deal with the peoples of the Territories, which it nevertheless seeks to present asif they were its own provinces. 46. The peoples of Guinea (Bissau) and Cabo Verde, Angola and Mozambique have undertaken an armed strug gle to gain their rights. The progress achieved by the liberation movements in these Territories shows clearly what future awaits Portuguese colonialism if it persists in its present stubborn attitude. The statement made on 16 October in the Fourth Committee by the Secretary-General of PAIGC, Amilcar Cabral,s showed clearly that PAIGC has already liberated the major portion of the Territory, that the patriotic forces exercise effective control over’ it and that the repressive colonial machine hardly dares to venture, beyond the urban centres. In Guinea (Bissau) the situation has developed to a point where it is obvious that we are confronted with an organized African State, where PAIGC exercises effective authority and has the support of the people and that that State is the victim of armed aggression by a European State. At the 1673rd meeting of the’council the Vice-President of FRELIMO, Marcelino dos Santos, also described how the action of the liberation forces has expanded in that Territory. Neither are things going very well for Portuguese colonialism in Angola. 47. From the political standpoint the liberation movements in the Portuguese colonies have also won important victories in recent months. The most recent Conference of Foreign Ministers of Non-Aligned Countries granted observer status to the representatives of PAIGC, FRELIMO and MPLA together with the representatives of two other organizations from colonial Territories. This decision and the subsequent invitation extended by the Fourth Committee of the Assembly to the liberation movements of the 3 Ibid., Twenty-seventh Session, Fourth Committee. 1986th meeting. 48. The United Nations should be able to act equally receptively towards the struggle of the peoples under colonial domination. It is compelled to do so under the Charter and the various resolutions along these lines adopted by the General Assembly. 49. The liberation movements are the only legitimate spokesmen of the Territories under foreign domination, The only effective means of putting an end to colonialism is to bring about sincere co-operation with such organizations in every respect. The political and material assistance given to African fighters is the inescapable duty of those who claim to be the supporters of the self-determination of peoples. It constitutes an obligation, if we really wish to give practical effect to the purposes and principles of the Charter and to implement the anti-colonial resolutions of this Organization. 50. The persistence of colonialism in Africa constitutes a continuing threat to international peace and security, In particular it is a threat to the independent African States. Suffice it to recall that only about two years ago the Republic of Guinea was the victim of a diabolical armed invasion organized by the colonialists from the Territory of Bissau with the support of international imperialism. On that occasion the aggressors went so far as to attempt to assassinate the President, Ahmed SBkou TourB, one of the strongest, most enlightened and outstanding leaders of the third world. The aggression against Guinea in November 1970 demonstrated to the revolutionary peoples the certain danger which the survival of colonialism signifies for all of them and strengthened the common resolve to pursue the struggle by every available means until it is possible once and for all to put an end to colonialism. 51. The United Republic of Tanzania, Zambia, the People’s Republic of the Congo and Senegal have also been and continue to be the subject of permanent threats and hostile acts, including armed attacks. 52. The Organization should act urgently to put an end to this situation. To this end it should go to the very root of the problem which is none other than the existence of various colonial enclaves still embedded in the heart of free Africa. 53. Of course we entertain no illusions about the real possibility that the United Nations can act in order to solve once and for all the problem of colonialism. The existence of colonialism and racism in Africa is no miracle. If colonialism has still not disappeared from the earth, that is because it is supported under a plan worked out by the principal interests of modern-day imperialism, which need to exploit the resources of the colonies and use them as springboards for attacks against independent States. 54. Portugal does not have sufficient power of its own to confront the vigorous resistance of the subjugated peoples. 61. Madam President, before I conclude allow me to express the deep satisfaction my delegation feels in attending these debates in the Security Council under your presidency. To have you guiding the work of this important body of the United Nations is evidence that we are living in times of radical change in human society. The revolutionary and progressive countries can rightfully take pride in the fact that the first woman to preside over the Council should be you, Jeanne Martin Cisd, a symbol of women who are fighting for the full liberation of their continent and the representative of the Government of the Republic of Guinea, which is in the vanguard of African emancipation. 55. During 1971 Portugal achieved one of its main objectives in foreign policy, namely, the strengthening of its diplomatic and political ties with the United States and the most overt commitment by the Washington Government in its colonial war. The visit of Vice-President Agnew in July this year, the meeting with President Nixon and the signing of the agreement in the Azores in December were evidence of this alliance to continue Africa’s enslavement. 56. Thanks to the aid of NATO, Portugal has all the means necessary to carry out an anti-guerrilla war, including napalm, toxic chemical substances and poison gases.

I thank the representative of Cuba for the words of support he has just addressed to my President, my people and myself. 5’7. The Minister for Foreign Affairs of Sierra Leone, Mr. Pratt, pointed out quite rightly at the Council’s meeting last Wednesday that:

Members of the Security Council will recall that on behalf of the delegations of Guinea, the Sudan and my own delegation, I presented on 16 November the draft resolution contained in document S/10834. In that draft resolution we proposed what we believed and still believe to be the best measures that could be adopted on the Territories under Portuguese domina tion. I had the opportunity then to explain at length the substance of the draft resolution [1673rd meeting], and those explanations still stand. In the last few days we have had extensive consultations with various members of the Council on the most appropriate approach to the problem in order to ensure the best results in the Security Council on the basis of that draft resolution. L‘ . . . Obviously, as has been repeatedly substantiated, the massive war of genocide conducted by the Lisbon regime against the over 15 million people of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau) would not have been pursued for more than a week had it not been for the continued economic, financial, diplomatic and military assistance of the NATO member States, especially the United States, West Germany, France and Britain. This assistance is now being bolstered up by a direct involvement of the South African and Rhodesian minority racist regimes in the Portuguese war effort, by sending their troops into Angola and Mozambique to fight the freedom-seeking Africans.” /1672nd meeting, pa. 1271 64. We have taken into consideration the views which emerged during those consultations, as is reflected in the draft resolutions now before the Council. 58. Imperialism is mobilizing additional resources to support the anachronistic colonial structure and introduce new forms of neo-colonialism in the African continent. To that end it avails itself of the assistance of, among others, certain Latin American lackeys, in particular Brazil. This is how we must evaluate the increase in the financial, commercial and military ties between Brazil and the Territories subject to colonialism and racism in southern Africa. 65. We have recognized that it might be preferable, therefore, to approach the issue differently-that is, to split the draft resolution into two, separating the two objectives at which we were aiming: the request for urgent negotiations on the one hand and the measures to be taken against Portugal on the other. 59. We should evaluate in the same terms the recent visit of the Portuguese Minister for Foreign Affairs to South America and the current journey of his colleague from Brazil to various African countries. 66. We are therefore submitting today two draft resolutions, as contained in documents S/10838 and S/10839, 67. The first one recalls previous Security Council and General Assembly resolutions, reaffirms the inalienable right of the peoples of Angola, Guinea (Bissau) and Cape Verde and Mozambique to self-determination and independence, calls upon the Government of Portugal to cease forthwith its colonial wars and acts of repression, and calls 60. We are confronted with an alliance built up by international imperialism with the forces of colonialism and racism. Against this alliance it is necessary to set as a solid block the unity of all socialist, progressive and non-aligned countries to give the liberation movements of Africa the 69. Allow me now to introduce some further amendments to that draft resolution. 70. In operative paragraph 1 we have taken further into consideration difficulties which face some members of the Council. We would therefore propose to delete from the last part of that paragraph the words “under the direction of their national liberation movements”. The paragraph would then read: “Reaffirms the inalienable right of the peoples of Angola, Guinea (Bissau) and Cape Verde, and Mozambique to self-determination and independence as recognized by the General Assembly in resolution 1514 (XV) of 14 December 1960 and the legitimacy of the struggle by those peoples to achieve that right;“. 71. I would also propose the deletion, from the beginning of operative paragraph 3, of the words “in conformity with the recommendation contained in General Assembly resolution 2918 (XXVII), and”. At the end of that paragraph, I would substitute for “accede to independence” the words “achieve self-determination and independence”. Operative paragraph 3 would then read: “Calls upon the Government of Portugal, in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Charter of the United Nations and General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), to enter into negotiations with the representatives of the peoples of Angola, Guinea (Bissau) and Cape Verde, and Mozambique with a view to arriving at a solution to the armed conflict that prevails in those Territories and permitting them to achieve self-determination and independence.” 72. Finally, in operative paragraph 4, I would propose that “Calls upon” be changed to “Requests? 73. Our second draft resolution embodles all the measures which we believe will have to be taken if Portugal is to heed the appeal of the Security Council for negotiations. The Portuguese Government will have to feel strong pressure from us and will have to know that we are ready to act and to impose all necessary sanctions against it if it does not comply with the provisions of the Charter and the relevant resolutions of this Council and the General Assembly. That is why the draft resolution condemns the refusal of Portugal to implement General Assembly resolutions and all relevant resolutions of the Security Council. 74. Since we believe-and we have made tbis clear in various speeches throughout this debate-that Portugal could not carry on its colonial war without the help of its .t 76. We also believe that an ad hoc committee should be formed to investigate the flow of arms used by Portugal in African Territories under its domination. 77. As I said before, this second draft resolution repre. sents our warning to the Government of Portugal, since we believe that without a strong warning it would be hard to make the Portuguese Government change its intransigent attitude. We sincerely hope that the Security Council will adopt this second draft resolution also. 78. Finally, we shall not press for a vote this afternoon since it is possible that some delegations are still awaiting instructions from their Governments, 79. Mr. HUANG Hua (China) (translation from Chinese]: The Security Council is now discussing the question of ending Portuguese colonial rule in Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau). The Chinese delegation would like to make the following comments on this question. 80. First, the Portuguese colonialists are a classic example of the remnants of the most decadent and most reactionary old-line colonialists. Their invasion of the African continent was the earliest, their rule there has been the longest, and their repression and exploitation have been the most ruthless. Back in the fifteenth century the Portuguese colonialists invaded the present Portuguese colonies in Africa one after another. The African people in those regions had made outstanding contributions to the creation of ancient world civilization. The invasion of the Portuguese colonialists interrupted the history of their independent development, throwing them into the dark abyss of dire misery. 81. The Portuguese colonialists were among the earliest traders in black slaves on the African continent. Over the past five centuries since they established colonial rule in those regions they have imposed a barbarous Fascist rule and racial, discriminatory systems upon the local people, subjecting them to blood-sucking economic plunder and exploitation. The broad masses of the people have been deprived of the most elementary right to subsistence, and for generations they have remained on the verge of extinction, living like beasts of burden. 82. In the face of the mounting national liberation movement on the African continent after the Second World War, the Portuguese colonial authorities had the audacity to declare the above-mentioned occupied regions-22 times larger than the territory of Portugal itself-their so-called overseas provinces, which th.ey intend to occupy permanently. 84. Second, the history of the Portuguese colonial conquest and domination of the African people is one replete with the blood and tears of the local African people; it is a glorious history of the anti-colonialist struggle of the African people, who have advanced wave upon wave and fought unflinchingly. Where there is oppression, there is resistance; the more brutal the oppression, the stiffer the resistance. For centuries the people in the Portuguese occupied Territories have never ceased their resistance and struggle. After the Second World War the peoples of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (B&au) embarked on the road of armed struggle one after another, thus opening up a new chapter in the local peoples’ struggle against imperialism and colonialism. The armed struggle has dealt telling blows at the Portuguese colonial authorities and tempered the African people in these regions effectively. Within a short period, encouraging successes have been achieved in the struggle. At present, the armed struggle of the Angolan people has spread to one third of the territory of Angola, and more than a million people have been liberated. The patriotic armed forces of Mozambique have controlled some one fourth of their territory and liberated a population of some 1 million. The patriotic armed forces of Guinea (Bissau) have liberated two thirds of the territory and more than half of the population. Political power has been established at the basic level and production, as well as cultural and educational undertakings, has been organized in the liberated areas, which have begun the revolutionary bases for continued struggle. All justice-upholding countries and people throughout the world rejoice over their succes- 86. Fourth, no reactionaries in the world will ever step down from the stage of history of their own accord. Everything reactionary is the same: if you do not hit it, it will not fall. Like all other reactionaries, the Portuguese colonial authorities have to be overthrown by the organized people. They will never show “benevolence” and “bestow” independence on the people in the Portuguese colonies. Therefore, the people in the colonies and semi-colonies can only rely on their own strength as the basis of their policy for struggle. While persevering in armed struggle, the oppressed nations and people may, under certain conditions, conduct negotiations with the colonialists at the opportune moment as a means of opposing colonialism. Such negotiations, of course, can be held only on condition that the fundamental interests of the people are not impaired. However, the Portuguese authorities have all along violated the relevant United Nations and Security Council resolutions and flatly denied the peoples of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau) the right to self-determination and independence, and are increasingly intensifying their colonial rule and colonial wars. In view of the prevailing circumstances, one should cherish no fond illusions about these negotiations. ses. All peoples’ cause of liberation invariably grows big and strong from being small and weak, through protracted struggles. Therefore we believe that so long as they further mobilize and organize the masses and carry out unremitting and protracted struggles, they will eventually change the balance of force and turn from inferiority to superiority, drive all the Portuguese colonialists out of their Territories and win complete national independence and liberation. 87. Fifth, having heard the speeches of the Foreign Ministers of Liberia and Sierra Leone, the representatives of many African countries and the national liberation move- 9 ! ,’ 89. The second is that a strict arms embargo and sanctions should be applied against the Portuguese authorities. 90. The third is that all the justice-upholtiinl5 countries and peoples throughout the world should be called upon tu give greater assistance and support to the national IiberathrJJ movement of the people in the Portuguese colonies. 91. The Chinese people and the African people shared the same experience in past history. And now we are faced with common tasks of struggle. The Chincsc Government and people have always regarded the African people’s stru@e as a great support to us. The Chinese people, on their part, will unswervingly stand by the African pcc~ple and the peoples of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau) and, together with them, fight for the cause of opposing imperialism, coloniahsm and nco-colonialism, and for safcguarding national independence and winning national jiberrttion. 92. The Chinese delegation will vote for the two draft resoIutions submitted by GtJinea, Somalia and the Sudan. 93. Mr. QRTIZ BE ROZAS (Argentina) (infer~)w~atjorJ from Spanish): Madam President, many speakers who have preceded me have had the privilege of welcoming you on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for this month. There is little that I can add to what they have already said with such eloquertce and understanding in praising your persorrality and in bringiug out the signit’icant and historic fact that for the first time a woman, and a woman from Africa, is filling a post of such high respansi+ bibty. I would request yotJ, thcrefurc, to accept the assurance of our friendship, respect and admiration, as well as my warmest congratulations, on this important development, and also on the tact and efficiency with which you have been gtliding our deliberations so far. 94. At the same time, I should like to avail myself of this opportunity to express our gratitude to the representative of France, Mr. de Guiringaud, for the way in which he discharged the responsibilities of the presidency last month, 95. The Security Council has met at the request of 37 States Members of the Organization to consider the situation now prevailing in the Territories under Portuguese administration. SCIK&SS war and the anachronistic colonial dominatiea~~ 9’7. I thought it necessary to read out that paragraph because I think it contains the key elements on w~a aur deliberations should be concentrated. As a matter of fact the text mentions, first of ah, the right to self.deterrJ& tion of the indigenous peoples expressly proclaimed by the Charter. and their right to independence as provided under General Assembly resolution 1 !i 14 (XV) and repeated ia many decisions adopted by various bodies of the &ted Nattons. %% Subsequently, in requesting that a time-table should be drawn up for the transfer of power to the authentic representatives of the people of the three Territories, by implication the request provides for ~JI orderly and peaceful cotJrse towards self-government in order to achieve another objective proclaimed by the Charter in relation to the Non.Self-(;ovcnJing Territories. It is obvious that evolution along these lines can take place only through a solution which would duty take account of the freely expressed political aspirations of the peoples concerned. 99. Lastly, the desire to put an end to acts of force and to colonial situations which exist in those parts of Africa should b’e construed as linked to the aspect which I have just mentioned. 1OQ. Thusc three elements to which I have referred, and which are drawn from document S/10828, are not only ta accordance with clear provisions of the United Natioas Charter, but they can dso serve as a basis for solving the problem of the Portuguese Territories in a fair and appropriate way. 101, A process charactcrized by strict respect for selfi determination, both concerning decisions of the majority for the election of their legitimate representatives as welt as for deciding on their fate free from all pressure, threat Or use of force by one party or another, and designed to lead to independence, should be the logical and adequate way out of the delicate situation that we are examiJJin& 102. TnJe, Portugal continues to consider these Territories as an mtegral part of the Portuguese nation, It has confirmed this recently in the letter from its representative! which appears in document S/10833. But we tmst that this position, which reflects both tustorical motivations as we11 as constitutional considerations can be revised in the ve~ near fJJturc. 103. No one calls into question or fails to recognize the very important corltributiosls made by Portugal throughout its history to the discovery of new lands, opening UP routes 106. This is precisely what we trust and hope will occur 114. However, there are certain aspects of the problem to between Portugal and its African Territories. The present which it would be desirable to draw the attention of trend in the world today is towards understanding, rap- Portugal, the colonial Power. To the demands of the prochement and positive co-operation among all nations, colonial peoples for self-determination and independence, above and beyond their ideological differences or the Portugal has turned a deaf ear. Worse, it has strengthened diversity of their systems of government; but on the its colonial army and intensified the exploitation of the condition that no one attempts to gain the upper hand; in colonial Territories and peoples. In so doing, Portugal has other words, they exist on a footing of complete equality. thus gone against the current of history and international morality. The example of certain Powers that are Portugal’s 107. We think that Portugal still has time to react friends has not been followed by that country: that is to positively, granting to the peoples of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau) their right to self-determination. To act say, the granting of independence to colonial peoples in due time which enabled those Powers to maintain and develop in this way would mean that it had moved once and for all relations of friendship and co-operation between the newly into the twentieth century; it would mean that Portugal liberated States and the former metropolitan countries. In would confirm by deeds the political and diplomatic the face of this negative attitude on the part of Portugal, realism displayed by so many Portuguese statesmen in the the colonial peoples, at the end of their patience, took up past; it would mean the dawn of a constructive era in which arms and plunged into the struggle to win their right to war and confrontation would be supplanted by friendship freedom and dignity. Liberation movements supported by and a promising future for all the parties concerned. their peoples were organized in Guinea (Bissau) and Cape Verde, Angola and Mozambique, constituting three fronts 108. The African delegations and the representatives of against which Portugal has now been struggling for many the political organizations of’ the Territories that have years. participated in our deliberations have said that this possibility still exists. It is up to the Lisbon authorities to take 115. The second fact I should like to emphasize here, and advantage of it I hope that tomorrow will not be too late from which Portugal should draw the appropriate lessons, is 116. It is today obvious that almost a decade of armed struggle against Portugal has forged a new political consciousness and an invincible will in the populations of the Territories. In the liberated zones which have escaped from colonial administration, which each day is losing ground before the revolutionary ursurge of PAIGC, MPLA and FRJZLIMO, a life of freedom, dignity and responsibility is developing while side by side an administrative and social infrastructure is being built which is different from the Portuguese colonial system, which has become archaic and decadent. 117. In this connexion I shall be content to allow the facts to speak for themselves, for as my delegation sees it, the problem is a matter of confronting the members of the Security Council, and particularly the allies of Portugal, with a choice that is, to be sure, difficult, but crucial for the history of the decolonization of peoples. 118. For Portugal, which shows all the characteristic features of an underdeveloped country, doomed to remain so, it is humanly and materially impossible to win the colonial war that it is desperately carrying on in these vast African Territories from which it draws the bulk of its revenues, but whose sovereignty from now on will be in the hands of the militant populations. 119. Suffice it for me to mention Guinea (Bissau) as an example, where the Special Mission of the United Nations found that effective authority was being exercised by PAIGCover more than two thirds of the Territory. The best illustration of this fact is contained in the statement made on 16 October 1972 at the 1986th meeticg of the Fourth Committee of the General Assembly by Amilcar Cabral, Secretary-General of PAIGC, when he said that the real question is whether the people of Guinea (Bissau), who exercise sovereignty over the greater part of their national territory and who have just established their first national assembly and are about to proclaim the existence of their own state, equipped with executive power, have or have not the right to join the international community. 120. Following the first general elections held under universal suffrage by secret ballot, establishing in Guinea (B&au), under the control of PAIGC, the first national assembly, composed of 120 representatives, we should sincerely ask ourselves whether the Portuguese Government can and should go on representing that people in international forums. 121. It is hardly necessary to say how eagerly Africa is awaiting, at the close of this important meeting of the Council, the reply to a question which raises, in its constitutional perspectives, the whole principle of self- $etelmination and independence in conformity with General Assembly resolution 15 14 (XV). “The most important countries of the expanded European Economic Community are sure of their access to the markets in the Portuguese colonies, whether or not they are included in the Agreement of Association. On the other hand, by not including them in the Agreement, these countries are reserving a better position for themselves when the present ‘overseas provinces’ of Portugal become independent countries.” 123. This is a feeling that has been gaining ground recently ‘in European circles. It is also a new reality that weighs significantly in favour of the political emancipation of the struggling peoples of Angola, Guinea (B&au),, Cape Verde and Mozambique. 124. Wisdom should urge the friends of Portugal to adopt a new attitude. My delegation welcomes the statement by the representative of Belgium. That statement made in the Council on 17 November makes it quite clear that certain Powers are seeking to take meaningful steps towards the implementation of the principle of self-determination and independence in the Portuguese Territories. 125. This change, which we hope to see continued, led Mr. Caetano, concerned at these developments, to declare in the course of his television statement of 14 November 1972: “Some of our neighbours are not concealing their fears, all of which plays into the hands of the enemy.” These words of the Portuguese Prime Minister scarcely conceal the embarrassment of a man who feels suddenly abandoned by his friends and neighbours who have long since realized the cruel solution to a problem that must henceforth be accepted before it is too late. 126. History thus gives to men who know how to interpret it an exceptional opportunity that only farsighted. ness and some degree of perspica&ty enable them to grasp. 127. We would like to think, in view of these irreversible developments, that it will be possible for the Council to give very close attention to the draft resolutions submitted by the representative of Somalia, on behalf of the African members of the Security Council, the Sudan and my own country. 128. Stress should be placed on the exceptional impor. tance of the new ideas that this draft brings to the United Nations decolonization effort, an important stage of which was recently cleared by the adoption of General Assembly resolution 29 18 (XXVII), granting obsc,Yer status to the liberation movements recognized by the Organization of A&an Unity. 130. If such an initiative, intended as it is to bring to an end the long colonial war, should fail, then Africa would be The meeting rose at LSO pm. 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