S/PV.1696 Security Council

As members will recall, in IL letter to the Prosldent of the Council on 28 Pobruary 1973 /S/10892/, the acting representatives of Panama and Peru asked the CouncU to oxtend an invitallon undor rule 39 of its provisional rulos of procedure, to the Socrotary-Ccnsral of the Agency for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America (OPANAL) and to the delegation accompanying him. 5. 1 understand the CouncU has docided to extend an invitation to the Sccrotary-Gcneral of OPANAL and the dologntion accompanying him to participate in the meetings of the CouncU. At the appropriato thno, and with the consent of the Council, I shall invite the SecrctaryGonoral of OPANAL to addross the CouncU. tt war so decMed 6, The PRESIDENT (inter,wetutfoJJ from Spmt13~): The CouncU will now continue its consideration of the question on its agenda, 7. General DE LA FLOR VALLE (Peru) (interpretullorr from Syatrisir): Mr. President, as Minister for External Relations and reprcscntativc of Peru in the Security COUIKU I 8m doubly honoured and Pleased to find myself in the capital of this noble nation and under the enlightoncd leadership of you, Sir, the young and briillunt leader of the Punamanlun revolution. 8. The deep tics of history and affection existing between l’cru and t’a~~wna were born in the heroic days of the discovery of America, when the mc~l that linked US to Wcstcrn civilizutiun set out from this land, rind thusi‘ tics continued in their eloquent intclwcnving with the feats of the group of Panunlanian soldiers who 111 1824 hclpcd to strcugthen our own indcpcndcnco and thut ot’ ali America I 9. Mr, Preddent, 1 trust that under your wise and prudent leadorsllip this first srles of meetings of the Security Council in Latin America will achieve results in keeping with the hopes of our peoples. 10. The Security Council is once agaln assembled outside the usual place of its meetings; first it met in Addls Ababa and now, secondly, It is meeting in Paoama. But these choices are not haphazard. They prove clearly how interna. tional pcolce and Security are intimatelj, linked to the problems confronted by the third world. Asia, Africa and Latin America stand as marginal zones around the main centres of poeI%r which, in the last 25 years of international history, haa JII the arena of conflicts that have pitted not only sma!. tiountries against one another but, primarily, the great Powers. Tlle horror and fear of nuclear war allowed the two greatest Powers in the world to establish a balance which thus avoided a frontal confrontation but shifted it to other regions of the world, in this case the third world, where there was gradually awakened a united awareness and an understanding that true liberation is not solely political but also economic and cultural. 11. Latin America was born to life politically indcpen. dent, as a result of the military struggle against the colonial Power; but immediately thereupon a new economic depcn. dcnca was created owing to the interpenetration and domination of the area by the capitalist industrial system. This gave rise, firstly, to the establishment of primar] production in the region, and, secondly, through dopen. denclc, to a transfer of capital to the dominant industrial centres. Thus, on the one hand, dovolopmcnt bogan and, on the other, underdevelopment. 16, At prosont in Latin America WC could not truly speak of warlike conflicts that fall within the purvlow of the classic doflniUon of aggression. But there is a structural situation that generates a rising process of frustration, which becomes more acute daily and, if not solved, can result in situations that will load to breaches of intorn& tional poaco and security. 17, In tho consideration of the situations inoludod in the subject on our agenda: “Consideration of measures for tho maintenance and strengthening of international peace and security in Latin America in conformity with tho provisions and principles of the Charter”, we must draw the attention of all to certain specific facts where, because of non.appli. cation of the purposes and principles of the Chartor, international peace and security aro ondangored. The Council must deal with these situations in order to prevent future conflicts which today can be envisaged. 12. As a consoquonce of this the undordevolopmont of the nations of the third world cannot be oxplablcd away as a stage In the national economies of those countrlos when comparing thorn to those of the industrialized nations, but rather is the result of a process of their depondencc on the others. But that historical domination a&mated our peoples and undermined their identity, -which 6von lad to an alienation of the individunl, that being another type of violence and, without any doubt, the most profound damage caused by such dependence. 18. First of all, I would rafor to the problorn of tho so-called “Canal Zone” which the Kcpublic of Panama has been confronting dnco its indopendonco was achiovod and which is a shattering example of an unjust rolationehip between sovereign States. The situation of the Canal cannot be legally dofined otlarwisc! than as a colonial enclave. This was very simply, humanely, patriotically and rcvolus tionarily dollnod for us this morning [ 16Y.M neellrrg/ by Conoral Omar ‘r’orrijos, the head of Govenunont, in the statement which ho mado ut the opening of these meetings of the Council. I ani sincerely aratoful to him for haviug made special m8ntion uf my own country, Pcrt~. 13, The history of the peoplos of Latin America has been marked by the similarity of the structures of dop8ndenco sod by the tack of union among them, encouraged by 1110 dominating Powers. But fortunately today in our region there Is emerging a new and clear awareness of its politicnl, economic and social reality and of tha need for revolutionary changcu. 14. Social ui9hcavnl, tho product of miscty, hunger, disoaso and ignorance, is now becoming a positive and crcntivc force which will ropcl any type of domostlc or external opprarsiou. Thus wo are now entering upon u qualitative 19. Peru, because of our close fraternal links with the Republic of Panama as well as our nationalist and Amcri. ._.__~frw~ewurk of justtee. 1% beRove an agreen!ent shauid be rt~~ivcd at that wiff unoquivocnlly ostabfish the f&l saveroignty wd unhiunpored jurisdictian of Pamuna owe its entics tccritory, and onabte Pwnmn to have fuU responsi- ” lriiity for the functianing of the intcezlcoilnic Canal, dknvh~ it freely ta disp~sc af its nnturol resources rind to cnjoy just pwticfpstion in tfm ccanomic beneats dorived fmu it. The sotution ta this unjust rclntionship must also guararltee n true poaccful use -of Ms waterwny to the bem?fIt of the h~terllntiotrd coimnuilitv. thraunh neutrdiza- 20. The po~sistcncc of colonid situations in Eatin Amcricn constltutcs n further, permnncnt threat ta tlia mofutcnruw af peace rind sccuritp hi the region. Despite the fact that on our canrhtt the shattering of the colonial md political shacMes of dependence tauk plnco in the majority of CWS st Um beginning of &a 189 century, there still exist in America tcrritarfcs under calanfd darnlnntion, and 1~1 cud must findly bc put ta this, We therefore behe it iillper%tivc that the pFll~cipIes of the De&ratfon on the Granting of Independence to tMonial Countries and Peoples cantdtnd in uescrlutiw fSL4 (XV) (3f the General As;enkfy be fully hnplerncnted, 2f. When WC spegk of criticnl situations in Latin America wo must perforce rafer ta eJf thoa fomrs of coercion resorted to by imperialism irl order to maiintah~ intcrnrd and external domi&n over our cauntries. Among these are all those cconornlc and paliticti measures that same Latin Americnn nntions have lately defined RS ec~ncnnic aggresslon deslgled to bend the wUL of those cauntrios .that follow indepcndcnt fines fur their dnvclopment, themby Qffectilg UlO interests Of the hlrge cntcFpFics. 22. The existonce and npplisatian of the amendments known as peily, Canzriloz, Htckenloopcr and others are mmt nraof af the nolicv foltowed bv the United States in ,;,n ;ontradiction’wiU; the most eldmontary prhxtples of international coexistcneo bee&w they hinder the progress of the devetaphrg countries. In the defence of its naturnl Fcsources Pam has taken a position of open denunciation of Uic3 axistenco cf thase zuncndn~cnts as well ns of the so-c&led tr~~~s~~~ti~i~~~ cnterpriscs thnt use such forms of cwrcian to protect their iiicgitimatc Interests. 23. h the OXBFCfSc af our spveF&nty and ntorinc furisdiction WCC the 200 miles uf sea ndjnccnt to our crusts, we consttlntly cnnfront pr~blen~s because of the prcdntory attitude of pr:vato entcrpriscs encuurnged by Btatos that on this ritattcr fhflow 3 polices th3l is at veriance with the eleincntury princ!plcs of tnternationnl co-opcmtion and friendship, creating situutfans of wnffict that might affect the peucu and security ui’ the continent. Peru ccmtcnds and will co~~tinuo tu can(end that its oft-defined mnrinc right is just. It is based MI fegitirnate gcngraphicnl, gec~lugic~~ econon~ic und sucial rcusons, and tho threat of’ the chnractoristfc of the aorh! of today, Theso enterprises mnintnin P network of operations that go beyond their-own States land, wtthaut being subjects a!: inturnoticannl law, adopt their own decisions and e.wrt ccerciun trt order ta control QUS wealth QS well BS our ecanamtc sud financial, uves. .’ 25. The countries of Lotin America: widch; fike Peru, we devoting thcms&es ta the transformation of their so&- ecanamic structures f’lnd in cortafn of these trsnsnationnl entr.rprises 0110 of thCfF iwin Jkstnclcs becfius4 in mmy CDSQS thy bring about cwrcive maasurcs that affect intcri~3tional canpcration when they crcnte virtual ecanomtc ar tInam%! bhxkadcs agaimt us in the international saurces of credit and even interfere in international trade itself. 26. 1bus wa should mention that the measures 1 kave just r&wed to constitute violatians of the Charter. as recap- &cd ln a series of resolutions adapted by the General Assembty. 27. Purtbntlo~c, WC cansidcr that the dic11ati0n of rme of the members of the inter-Americrm community and the blockade imposed upon it are not preciscfy ntewres that are likely to Icad to pew aud security in the continent. Rnthsr, they encourage friction and division unlong peoples that have 8 common origin. The isclation uf the dster rcpukiIc of cuba is at variamx with tile principles set forth in the Charter. We believe that l&n Anwica, a multiple re&ty that does not contradict the basic unity of Its peapies, needs far the normat quintion of its intematianal life th rccaertltiotl of tks fuU aiav of ao!itical and ideolcgtcrd ph&ism which, furthem%% w&d be more in keeping with the pcrlod of understanding upon which the internationd camntuntty has embarked. 28. Peru, which has encouraged atid advocated the Treaty of Tiatelolco.~ calls for the m-eat Powers that have not illready danc & to adhere to i; and repcnts here the danger fnhercnt in the continuation af uucfear tests, po~tlcu!nrly those being carried out in the South Px#ic, Wch arc a titreut arid o Fisk far the human envirormtcnt and me not in keeping with the present moment af d&onto which the world Is enjoying. 29. I hwc vonturcd to stress wine of the most fingrant cases which threaten intcmationnl pace and security L &&in America. The Council now lumrvs the situetion; its duty is to cuqxxato in sulving these problems. 33. Wo know thut it wU1 not bc very cusy to take the Orst steps to stnrt our search for a solution. ilowever, I consider that the indispensable n~cwre ta strengthen und ntnintnin ir~terrratkw8l pcucc and secufity in our region is ta start truly and effectively tn impicmont the prit~iplcs und 37, One of the burdens under which the llnited Nntions mu lnbcurs is thRtfor nil too mnny of the world’s pCC[JlC its workh~gs seem to be unrclntcd to and entirely remote from their personal lives and the well.belng of their socletles. The very nature of hiternaticnnl cliplomacy acccunts iii part for this hnolvomcnt gap; but there are other Factors which contribute ns well, 3nd one at lcust is the concentration of activity hi New York rind in the groat cities of lhc developed world which house the hendquarters of the speciaiizcd agcncios. 3f. Peru whole.hoactcdly supports. the f’anamnr~hm posi. Uon, WC do so with dotcrminntion not only becnusc of the /usUce it beqJcnks, which constitutes 3 true claim felt by oil Latin America, but &so bccauso it is fully in keeping with our own foreign policy which wc have manifested iu a scrics of spcciflc acts in the last few years. The Cand Zone, which gcographic3Uy, politfcrlly, eccnomictiiy and socidiy be. longs lo the Republic of hama, is au irdisscluble part of Its nutionaf tcrrltory and its rostorntlon is one of the Inevitible &rid fundamental fnctors in the dovslcpment of the Pnnamrmlan notion and in the eiha~iatian of a fs~cus of permanent tension in America, 38. WC cnnnct make UN Security Council itinernnt; but theso occasional series of rucetiugs iu regions of tlio world for whoso security and dovclcpnicnt the United Nnticns carries so major 3 responsibility, 3nd whose Ccvernmcnts are fororuost among its chipions wlicn Intcrnatloudisli~ is at stake, arc of hnmensurnble vnlua. They greatly, 1 suggest, enhance the prospect of 1n&ing the proceedings of the United Nations 3 genuine dialogue of mankind. 32. We sincerety believe that In the just solutlo1i of this sutlstantlve problem of Amacic3 the United States !I behq offered 3 decisive chance to drnw 3 fine line bcowccn a past of misunderstanding rcgnrding Latin America and 3 future of constructive participation in true and reciprocal respect, Inyin& the groundwork for friendship and coqeration which we shall not reject. 39. My presence Is a token of cur supporb for such 3 series of mccthlgs; but it is an oarnest also of the importruice we attnch as a hemispheric Stnte to the character of the Council’s deliberations at these meethigs at Panama Cityto its wide.ranging: “Considcmtion of monsuros for the m;rintenanco rind strcngthcnlng of hltornationnl pence and security in Latin America it1 confonnlly with the provisions olid principles of the Chartar”. 33. Drawiqg inspiration from its humanistic, just and libertarian revolution3ry process, Peru will continue to contribute to the building of nn err, of intcrnailcnal pcacs rind security in Lathi America and in the world 3s 3 whole. 40. It is one of UN deficiencies of our organi&arionnl arr3ngements ut the h~ternation3l lcvcl that the Sscurily Council spends most of its time occupied with specific threats and actual breaches of world peace and security. All too little time is set aside for the essential tasks of review and appmisal of the prospects for a durable peace and for meaningful security tn v/grld+vide terms, or even in terms of the world’s reRions. This functional hubahmce has produced serious practical difficulties for the discharge by tho Council of its primary rospondbillty for maintaining internatlonul peace nnd security under the Charter. Hur. riedly &led hito session, nearly always too late to save hmoccnt lives and to prcvent social and economic dislocb tion, invariably after one or more of the permanent members has become involved in or in some way identified with the conflict, paralysed by the potential of the veto, the Council more often than not stages a contest iu scmiultics rind prop3ganda while the conflict mgcs. 34. The PRESIDENT firtfrrpretatlul fh?m $WliS/J): 1 invite the Minister for Forolgn Affairs of Suyanu, Mr. Shridrth &unphal, to take a place at ti+ Cou~cfl t@& and tq rn&43 hh statement.

Mr. President, allc~~ me first of nil to record my thanks for being pormittod to address the Security Counctl on this important occnsirln ix1 the inteinstionaf life of Latin Amcrion and, if I may say so, in the Ufe of the Council also. Permit me &n to edtend my congratulations to you on your accession to the office of President of the Council. It is, of course, u duuble honour that during the month of Paniuna’s presidency the Council is halting for the first thno a series of meetings on the soil of 3 Lath1 American country and In this your own beautiful capit city. As 3 sister Lnthl Americnn State, we sh~rc the pride which ygu, the Govcrnmcnt snd the peop!e of Pan3ma must feel at this distlncUon. We convey through you to your Government our thanks and congr3tul3tio1~s on the generosity and excelloncc of the arrangnmenfs thut have been made. 41. UnUl iI is nccepted that the ulthuate intorests of nil States HE not served by 3 system which reduces this Council to hnpotenco at the mo~no~~t wlm Ulc pace wd security of the world most demand its vigorous 3nd effqctiva intcrvcntion, until the necessary steps nrc tnken niok’c truly to democratizc intecnrrtional ectations, there is little prospect indeed of dramrtic improvement in this 3re3 of the Council’s activity. But it is the clear duty of’ the Council conthmously to oxploro new ways of discharghlg its rcsponcibilltios; and one oi thcsc must surely be the elaboration and development of thut preventive diplomacy 36. 1 do not know if Ihls second occasion of au “av~uy” fixture-to use the lunguage of the nntional sport of Latin America-sufflccs to make what wns 3 prcLede1it at Addis Abubtl3 pcncUcc of the Council. Whether or not it does, my 42, Save -for -!ho crisis In 1962-a -crjsis which in an important sense marked the bcghming of the ond of tho cold war-L&n Amorlca has bccn a region free ofcojd.war conflicts. Whnt bcttcr thoatre than for the practjce of grovcntlve diplomacy than these lands of Control and South America arrd of the Cnrjbbcon. The Trcrc!y of Tjatelolco, once given !hc dimension of unjversnljty, can provide a backdrop for such djplomacy, and !his sorjes of mectlngs, in Its func!lon ns a kind of dingnostic instrument, can provide the CouncU with the cases in Latin America to whjch jnitiatjvcs should bo dircctcd. Uut we are of course now entering a jmriod whcin such a diplomacy can have a wider reach. In thjs tjmo of ddtente, of negotiation and consultn!to~r, of cautious withdrawn1 and discngagemcnt, Is there not room for the effective practice, oven within the former thoatrcs of conjlic!, of prcvcntivc diplomacy? 43. The porcoptjon tltat Article 34 of tjlo Charter provjdcs a rich source of constitutiona\ authori!y jlas already done much to strcngthcn the Councjj’s effcctivoncss and to dcvcIoj> the Orgnnizatjon’s pcace.kccpjng role. I! is unqucs. tionably the cast that acts of aggression have been disrourngcd through United Nntlons prcsencos uppointcd to abscrue, to rejlort and to pubjicjze activities in troubled arcas of the world. The most rcccnt mjssion sent by the <ouncil to Zambia* is very much a case in point. Mcethlgs of the Security Councjl outside its Now York jlcadquartcrs may have niuch the same therapeutic cffcct for an entire ‘region that a United Nations presence has been shown to have for specific trouble areas. 44. But preventive diplomacy, like jJrcvcnUve mcdicjno, should not await the mamfcstntjon of 111 health. The jnvestjgatjve jurjsdictjon conferred by Artjcle 34 is’ not restricted to sj~ecjfic disputes brought to the Council on the --bask of adversary proceedings. It can and should bc Invoked by the Council Itself responsive to Its obljgatjoJJs for majntahljsg peace and security in all the regions of the ~world. And what better way of doing so than by jnstitu. tiondizjng a system of periodic checks through discrjmlnate USC of the power conferred by Article 28, paragraph 3, of the Charter? 45. And when it is urged, ns it has been urged, that mcelirigs of the Security Council such as these in I%w~ma provide a forum for deliberatiolrs more properly within the con~petcncc of regional organizations, Ict j! be rcincmbered that rcgiooal organic+ions, quite apint from the impjicatjons of selective membership, arc ousccptible to misuse for the silencing of debate u11d the avoidance of settlement rather than for effective dialogue upon vital issues. Let us ackuowlcdgr: that rcgioonl institutions have on occusiot~s bcon so ~uisused. 46. Meeting from time to time in different regions of tl~c world to inquire into their state of health III tomis of the -- 2 Securlly C!ouncU Special htl:ricrn cs(rtbilsllcd under rcwrlu~lor~ 326 (1973). 47. As one of the States of the LatiJJ Amerjcan rcglon WC are, of course, espccialjy pleased !hat the opportunjty has been provided to focus attcntjon upon the probloms of this region. jt is indjcativc of tjie rcnjjty of the roje which the States of Latin Amorjca are now playing jn tho world community that this is tho fourth time within the last fow years that a mafor jnterJiatjoJJal confercncc has been convened withjn the rcgjon. 48. In Ltma, Peru, in November 1971,96 countries of the Group of Seventy-Seven met to consider a common stratogy for developing countries. In April 1972, !he United Nations Conference on Trade nJrd Development at its third session brought togcthcr at Santiago, Chile, 141 countries of tjle developed nnd dovcloplng world on the spec!alizcd jssuc of the international development strategy. Later that year, when tho Conference of Pore@ Ministers of Non. Aligned Countries convened in Georgetown, Guyana, the roprcsentatjvcs of 70 countries of the third world united In thoir resolve to secure the realjty of political and economic indcpendencc. Today, the Security CouncU meets in Cen. tral America b this dynamic and courageous Republjc of I%mama. 49. On all four occasions the issues under deliberation were and are of internstjonal signjficance; but their Latin American locale is symboljc of the reality of concern for change jn the hemisphere, of jdentjficatjon with those boyond the hemisphere who share sjmilar problems, of an ncknowledgemcnt that solutions lie not in hemispheric arrangements alone, but in a wjdenhrg of the bases of unjty and of Johlt effort founded upon it. I SO. Latjn America is no longer an enclave of the western hcmjsphere CursuIng a destiny determined by intra.hemi. spheric relatjonsl~ips and speaking with a muted vojce on issues of wider import. Throughout Central and South Amerjcn nnd the Cnribbean region there is a stirrirln that rejects a closed identity. Thck is a perception of aobnl invotvemcnt tl~at inspires contribution to an internatjonal effort acknowledghlg no regional frontiers. The meetings of the Security Council here in Panama City wit11 uo agenda devoted to the ;Iroblcms of the hemisphcro reRect the undcrstauding of Latin America that its problems arc Icgitjmatcly the concern of tho international community no less than that in the resolu:ion of the problems of that wider community the States of Latin America have contributions to make and obligations to fulfil. 5 1. j:or some of us in the jlcmjsphcre there are addjtlonrl reasons for welcoming nli international forum that focuses attention on the problems of Win America since the ~----membership of the hemisphere’s principal regional organiza--, S6. A curious logic seems to have guided the framers of L tiou on the basis of quarrels not ~wlth us but -with our erstwhile colonial masters. the Treaty 111 thus taintins its otho~wise esthnabie provim sions with this exclusionary doctrine taken from article 8 of the Charter of the Ornanlzntion of Amorlcan Statos. It is a curious logic bocaum that article was designed as an histrument of prossure on young dovelophig States either to purchase their lr~dopcndonc8 at the price of their patrimony or to surrender it thereafter as a Uckot of admissiou to the OAb, It is lad enough that these conceptions should have informed the framers of the Chartor provisions. It is difficult to understand by what processes they could have carried over into a trenty intondcd to establish n nuclear frco zone In Latin America. 52, I say this not in anger but in sadness; for what is diminished thereby is not Guyana or Guyann’s sovereignty or Guyana’s integrity-terrltoriai or poiitlcai-nor, of course,. Guyana’s resolve to protect and-defend them all- What is diminished is the ornanization. itself. What is blunted is the cutting edge of tie i~em~i~i~8re’s sdidarity; whnt is lost is the moral strength of an appeal in the name of justiceaand right ou other issues when appeals 111 their name go unheeded within the hcmi.$phera itself. T%is series of meetings of the Security Council helps III significant measure to fulfil one of the primary functions of tlic United Nations, namely, to redross at the internatioual level hnbalance, injustice and inequities created, sustained and allowed to go unrequited at the iovel of region. 57. It was natural, thorofore, that when the Treaty of Tlrltclolco ongaged the attonticn of the General Assembly at its twenty-second session this provision should have aroused the active concern of many delegations. That concorn found oxpression ln the sixth proambular para. graph of rosolution 2286 (XXII), by which the Gonerai Assemb’ly, though welcoming the Treaty with special satisfaction, noted that “it Is the intent of the signatory States that all exlsthlg Sta?es wlthin the zone defined in the Trenty may become parties to the Treaty without rostric. tion”, That notation of the intention of the siguotory States wars based on understandings roached aftor hltonsive consultations preceding the voto ou resolution 2286 (XXII). It was an understanditlg expressly rrcorded in the statements of many of the delegations that spoke during the debato on that resolution. 53. Let me now turn to tho more substantive issues within the ambit of the Cou~~cii’s agenda. As I do so, I remhid myself of the need for frank oxchanges, for eschewing prctensious and for avoiding a vanity that buries benoath a mountain of seif.adulation the wrongs and dcilciencios of which the region rightly is not proud. Lot us not induigo the concoit of boiiovhlg it to be in the hitercst of Latin America to pcnscnt a fantasy of an untroubled rcgiou in which a rdgiw of peace, justice and progress provails. It would be a false conceil; for, as the Minister for Extornal Relations of Peru has just so vlvidiy dopicted,%uch is not the sccno in Latin Amcrico to&y. ~- -- 58. To date, that understanding has not boon respected and that expectation has not been fulfilled. Just under five years ago, on 23 April 1968, the Government of Guyana formally indicated to the depositary Government its inten. tion to sign the Treaty and to accept its obllgatlons. It is our understanding that the machinery establishad to examine Uio matter consequent upon that request has not yet mad8 it possible for a definitive reply to b8 sent; although, let me make it quite clear, for this result we lay no blame at the door of the depositary Government, 54. The Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America-the Treaty of Tlatcioico-presents a good example of theso dangers of falsiflcatlon. My Government has acknowledged before, indcod within the General Assambly itself, the great achiovemcnt of this s8if&nposed rdgime of restraint. It is an achievement wc%iiy, in the mahl, of tho approbation of this CouncU as a practical step at .the regional level towards the maintenance of international peace and security. It is an example which, in most respects, should inspire the emulation of other regions of the world so that ultimately at the international level WC may move from the stage of non.proiiferation to total prohibition of nuclear weapo~w. My Covemn~ent hn always, both withill the United Nations and outsido it, identified itself in a wholehearted lvay with the objectives of the ?‘rcaty of Tlatcioico. S9. Meanwhile the situation has grown even moro anoma. ious for under AdditIonal Protocols I and II to the Treaty certain cxtracontincnhi States oxercislng n metropolitan presence in the Caribbean have now become signatories to the Treaty, including Stales with width there exist UIOSC quarrels which have been made the occnsio~~ for Guyana’s exclusion. 55. But Guyana is I!ot a slguatory to this Treaty-and Guyana is not a signatory for the very practicai reason that we are said tc be excluded by its provisions from acccpthlg its obligutions. Members of the Council may find it cspecinliy surprising that this violation of the principle of universality should be 1~elpctratcd in a Treaty whose objectives cau be effectively fulfilled only if its obligations are ir~tptr~d in a comprehensive manner. The absurdity of the exclusion is further compounded by 1110 irrelevance of 60. Oucc more, as with article 8 of the Charter of t.hc Organizallon of American States, while Cluyana may bc sinned against by this unwarranted deviation from the principle of universality, it is tho r&giulo of denucloarization which the Treaty seeks to establish that really suffers. For, let me repeat, so long as a siu~ie Stat0 1r1 kathl Anarics is placed under disability in acccpiing the obilgations of tho Treaty its opernt!on will be impaired and the full attain- :611 I have mentioned this matter at some length because at those meetings the Council ought unquestionably to mark the contributlou of UIC Treaty to iutarnational pecco and security in Latin America aud, QS it does so, the Council should be as nware of its inequities as it is of Its potcntiol. But I mention it nlso bccauss this conscious brcnch of tha priuciplo of u~Uversality epitomizes attitudes carrying over from an oarlicr IWod Ulnt cnu have an important baaring on the prospects for pcaco and security in tile rcglon and, throforo, on the Council’s cxamhation of moans for their maiutcnancc nnd strcngti~oning. 62. WC nrc satisfied that uo good cnusc is scrvcd-certainly not IIOW served-by policies of iso1atioi1, Of CXChdOll, Of’ dlscriminntion, dircctcd ngniust nuy mombor of the family of American States. In thosa cases in WIIICII wc aro the victim of such iJollcics WQ shall coutlnuc to speak out in the name of prh~ciplo. In those that i~ivoivc other States, sue11 ns UIC Kci~~bllc of Cuba, WC have already tnkcu those srcps within our own power to pursuo i~ollcics, aud to dcvclop rclntiond~ips founded ulm~ them, tllnt J~~stlcc and prluciple dictate. 63, Howcvcr, peace and security in UIC l~emispl~cre do not cud wit11 tllc prohibition of uuclcnr wenpous, It is rcintively easy for Lrrtiu Amorlcn to cscl~w tl~c USC of that whld it dots not possess. \Yllnt Is ucedod if lntcrnotloonl pcacc and security in Lath Amcrlcn is to be mnintalncd nud strongtl~~ oucd iu conformity with the providous nud priuclpics of the Chrter Is for all Stntos wlthln the region, and for all Stntcs iu the l~cn~lspl~erc nud boyond III their relations wlth Latin Amcricn,‘to clovato the prluciplcs of rcspcct for the sovcrclgiity of otlicr Stntcs, for tliair territorial lntegrlty, for the security of tlwir boundaries settled on the basis of trcutlcs solcmuiy coucludcd, for their right to dctermlnc -and pursue tlu patterns of their social, polltlcal and aconomlc systems; for freedom from intcrfcrcnce through intcrvcutl~n, prcssurc or Iutriguc-to clcvntc these priuciyles to the lover’ of a national ethos-to move them from the lcvcl of public orscveratious to that of guiding rules of untional conduct.. 64. Such a niovc from precept to prncticc is n prcrcqulsitc to peace and security, for the history of mau Is littered with dlscarded IJ~ir~ciiJl~s as each offender cct~~trives his OWII justilication for the course on WNCII wnbition, bigotry or llntrcd sets him. Throughout tllc world, the racist masquerados his evil, the cxpanslo~~ist his greed, tltr iutcrveer~tloulst his obsession to coutrol, always with tile rightcousncss of uational cause. 1’1 iuciples by which States have lived aud in wliose uame they coiitiuue to niJiJClll for righl arid justice 111 other issues arc rutiuualized away with siJurious but implucablc argument. 65, In Latin America WC cau help to minimi, tl~esc daupcrs by avoiding the tcmptatlrJn of cumpleccncy: by rofusiug to accept cvcry proh:sl;r!ioir 3s a proulisc or every uudcrtaking as a guarant.crc; hy niainlsining a Vi/:ihit wn!ch 66, IIowcvcr, no measure of conformity to tlic prlnolplas of tllo Chartar will &uarantce au cffcotlve and durable rdglmc of peace and security III the Ilemlspllorc unless it is mat&cd by a complementary cffort at all appropriate lcvcls both witlUu nud outside the l~emi~pl~crc to craato condl. tlous of ccouomlc security. My Gnvermnont sharas with the Govcrumcnt of our great ucigl~bour, Drazii, the firm convictlori that a coriccpt of coilcctlvc cconomlc security must uudcrilc rind, wllcrc necessary, rcorlcut International afforts In the developmental field, 67. Wo belleve, morcovcr, flint the claboratlou of this coru~pt lies wltl~iu the nmndnto of tile Socurlty Cou~~cll to yrcsorvo iutcruariouni pcacc arid security. lJuicss and until ucw iiistitutions arise or existing iiistitutioiis, such as Uic Econoalc nud Social Couucil, cularge their scope of couccru arid iuitintivo to c~~compass this rasponsibility, we couslder it to be csscntial that tlic Security Council should achowlcdge the logitinmy of tl~osc cousiderntious III the fulfllmcnt of its trnditional role. ES. It is perthit, tfrcrcforc, iii the ccmtcxt of tlie CouiicD’s cxamli~ation of means for sccuriug UIC! inaliitcnaucc and strengtlicuiug of iuteroational pence nnd sccurlty in Lath America, that account bo takeu of the economic condition of the region. The rccllties of thnt conditlo~~ arc stnrtliiig In the extreme. The hitori~atiounl statistic that for two&lrds of the world’s populatloo the Itumnu c~~iro~~~ meut is domiuntcd by poverty, maiuutritiou, lilltorncy and misery is fully rofloctivc of tlio stnta of the liuman onvlronmcut in Lath Amedca. The region itself Is acutely cousclous of UIOSO dotIclcncies gcncrntcd by coudltions of uudcrdcvclopmcnt as well as by the maldistributiou of such mcngrc galns of dcvolopment as hve arlsou, 69. Out of this ackuowlcdgcmcnt thcro has come from Latin A~noricnr~ States lnltiatlvcs over a wide spectrum of ecouomic hctivity. Of these, uonc nrc more signiflcnut tliau .tliose which arc rcspousivc to the urge of paoples throughout tbo rcglou to take control over their eco~~omic destiulos dcspito the hazards arid impcdlmcnts posed by the Intore uational ccouonric system, Among the developing COW tries, the Lath American regiou l~aa becu playlug a promlucut if not, indeed, a Icadersl~iiJ roic III this ucw thrust for ccouoinic security. 70. Ccrtuin priiiciplas, iii pnrticuinr, have iuformcd the efforts: respect for the perniaricut sovcrcigiity of ull States over their natural rcsourccs, wl~ctl~oc of the laud or of the sees and subnmrlue areas udjnccnt uud sub]acc~~t to tl~ci~ coasts; rcspcct for and uctivc support of the rlgllt of nli Strctcs to carry out such collcctivc aud structural changes as they deem iutlispcnsable to thir social aud cconou~lc prugrcss; the necessity fur cft’ectivc dialogue with the doJr.in:lnt economic I’uwcrs and, more csircially, with the d\~l:h:mt L’$ ononlic l’~~er witl~iu the I~c~r~i:;lJl~crc hclf, so ‘advancsment of whos% i&e&s alI aur afforts arc sur%l~~ 1. dtrected. Dut If thsso afforts ar% to bn succ%ssful within th% Latin American region there ar% anom&es and inequities Latin Amarica enters a cpucial period af change. Lot the Council sot its facu against all effoets to stifle the legithnate %Edeavours of tha dovelophlg States af Latin America as that WC must correct and redress from within tha rogian, they scok ErJ harness their own iCSauI‘C%S for the botteFlr%nt of th lives of their peo&3. Let the Councii acblowledgc 75. In the aconomic 8s in the @tical Reid, the solidarity af i&ii1 America is impaired by consld%rations that increasingly have rclovanco only for a passing ora. hlstituthat economic, no loss than military, .aggression Is a violation Qf ttlc ChiSTtQF, constituting not merely a threat tions like the Special Comrnittcc on Latin American Co-ordination, whtch hav4 a vital ml% to play in the region’s effort to achi4ve collective economic security, must Onsure ta, but an iqsault upon, the poaco and Eacurtty of the area. And lot the Council eomo to grips with the phenomenon of the multinational corporation and ‘devisn mechanlsn~s for ansuriug that its n%n=governmental chnrneter doss not plwe It beyond tiic reach of tht? ~ounc~‘s nutho&y. Lh&3ss wnys that all tho States of Latin America may contribute to that achievement, Institutions such as the Intc~Amortcan DC. velopment Benk, SO totally committed to the pursuit of econorntc objectives, cannot clot% their doors to daveloping are found of thus promoting and strengthening the ccaw nomic security of Latin America, wo &ail iobou: in vain, and the Council ~&ail labour also with futility 111 endeavours States like my own wv&hb the region primsriiy in response to political considoratirans. And w4 are not alone in standhlg without. to maintain and strengthen international peace and security En Latin Anarica. 76. Recognizing thus the necessity for freer access to the 72. Portunatoly, l&n America is nat alone in its strgglo for economic ao:iity, for that effort is part of the aconamic organs of co-opcratlon, the eighth Annual Me& irlg of the Inter-American Economic and Social Council, worldwide st~~.$e of the developing States to secure maximum salfdarity. Within recant times, the non-aligned countries, which number more than half of the world’s developing States, have embarked on practical steps to. wsrds this end, and the Action Programme for Ocorzmic Ca-npratian ammg the Non4llgned Countries, which opens up far-reaching possibilities for redressing develop. mental imbalances through coltcctiv4 offast, has begun to unfold in practical and Fcsaluto wqs. .~ 73. .The Currferance of the QoreiSn Ministers of Non- Aligned Countdca, which was hold in Georgetown, Guyana, in August IW2-and which promulgated the Action Pro. grammo-paid special attention to the needs of arid the pressures upot~ Latin Atncricar~ Statas, It is perhaps right that I, as the Chehman of that Conference, should read into the recurds of this meeting of the Council the statement from the report of the Conference which reflects the unanimous fcel!q of its many participants: i ‘Ttra Cqnfarence examined the situation In Latin Amarba and expressed full support of the Chilean Government of People’s Unity bel:t upon cor,snlidating their national indepe&nce and building a new society; of the nationalist monFurrS take’n by the Peruvian Government and its efforts to safeguard the nation’s sov4reignty and to promote racial: progress; and also of the efforts of’ the people and Governmer~t of Panama to consolidate their tcrritcarial integrity, I‘hc participants welcomed tht growth Qf the efforts being made by the Latin kmorlcan paoplos to recover their natural rcSourccQ, reassert their sovereignty and defend the h&rests of their countries. The members agreed that the rcalization of Latin America’s full aud true independence is ~11 essential element in the general emancipation proven of the r4cently concluded at BogotB, Colombia, has &cd for more lust arrangemants, In its draft report the confercncc frank& states: ‘With rcspest to the problems of multilateralism, it is important to emphasizc that the exorciss of the rights and ubligatlons of countries that provide and rcceivc extcrrral ..ftnancbg should bo indopondent of other than strictly technical considerations, %sp%eiaHy in viow of the fact that th4 countries of the region have adopted various political systems and developmental models. In this regard, bilateral problems that may exist among member countries must be kept from affecting the multilateral nature of th4 decisionS of~d~c,intornational or regional Iending agencies.” On the capacity of Latin America to effect those changes and to bring abcut thase institutional reforms that must be the handmaiden of collective effort withitl the hemisphere, no less than upon the responses of tit% developed world to those aSpiratiQiis of our raglon that cry out for fulfdment, will depend the r:ospects for the effective econom!c security of Lath; An tea. 77. Let me turn, huwevcr briefIy, to the question of colonialism in Latin America. T!E Kcpublic of Guyana 11~s too recently emcrgcd from its OM colonial cxpericnce to have anything but the most positive position on the end of all colonial relationships within Latin America. Our own indcpcudcncc just seven years ngo, coming as it did in the context of the iudepcndencc of our sistsr West Indian ytatcs of Jarnnica, Trinidad and Tobago, and Barbados, marked an important point it1 the emergence of a new multiracial, muMlingual and, in every respect, plnmlhtic Latin American region. Uut it did not mnrk the CM! of .~ .~m cludcd fo; the ;ttolnmcnt of indel&&nca by the B&amas In ,hmo of fhls wry year. With the c&or ~nglish~sl~akjng StRtCs of the CaXibbean they are mOmbOrs of our COlTimunlty of countrim wO&hg asstduourly tawards the dQvclopmsnt of cvcr closer rslatfonsh.jlXi among ourselves and UN bulldIng of bridges of ulldcrstartdlng, frtcndship and cnq~cn&~n with the alder Latin American States. 79, AJnQllg tfJ4 rCl~~&Jlh~ ~~@h~~jmkiI~ tCJrftOJi!X of the rcgjan not yot indcpcndont the lnlibltlans on progress am not now tho traditlanal ones of a reluct;u~t withdrawal of the metropolitan Power; although lot it be said, had tha prcsent readiness to withdraw been manlfostcd at 011 earlier stage, it might irldccd hnve provldrtd that basis for reglonal unity on wllfch wc bclfove the political future of the smaller territaries must ulthnately rest. SC?, In UK eastern Caribbean, the associated State of Grenada has now reached an understanding with Uie United Khrgdom on the attainment of independence in 1974. The Government of Guyana will give its support to all such efforts designed to bring ai? end to the &itlsh metropolitan prcsertcc in the Caribbcau; but it is au objective that must be obtained in a manner determined by the peopfe of the teirltories U~emalves and their vhws must dotermino the character no less than the timing af the withdrawal of the ~NQtC0pOhJll Power. In tlliS cantcxt, let it be imown that throughout those islands fhcro is a widespread political ~awarcnesa and an effective partlcipatian by the peaplc In all the processes of government. There can bc no questjan of the right of these States to play anything but a full and equal role in both the hemispheric and the global systems. Ei. The polItIcal awareness of the Conmmnwcaltlt &lb. bean subrcgien-including the already lndopcndent States- -has already found expressian in programmes of social and ocanomfc transformation, in oxperimXIt5 with techniques and ways of living, In vital forms of the creative arts and In -the movement of rcgloiial httegratian which wllf &o&y euJmit~at4 In the estabilshment of a Caribbean conimurUty. These developments at home and a wllllngnesa to play a modest role in the tnternatianal camnumity have greatly enhanced the capacity with which hfstory has endowed the Englisi~speaktng States of the region to act as an Interpreter and as a bridge of undcrstandlng betwcpn Lathi America and the States of Africa and Asia. 82. But there ts one of the non-self~avemlng English. 6[wkhg Stntos for which the in~pedlmcnt to lndspcndeuce Is of H different kind. I refer to the State of RBIIZC on thfs kkirQl hk%hit n~ainland. Today, l%lize, itself a member of the fanlIly of Colnnlotl\~~caltll Caribbean States and an actfvo partl+ant In the Cart&ran Prcc Trade Area, Is being denied independence uot through the unw!llhlgn+~ss of the colonial Power to withdraw or through Its own lack of enthusiasm for self-detcnninatiort~ but because of UIO rightly Call for Its oxtlrpation whllo shutting our oycs to this cruel ru&ty that smvos mainly to porpetuato it. Thh &s ebviously not the Umc for detailed analyses of clajm and rcjotndor. Sufftco it to say that the Govcmment of Guyana stands full square behlnd the right of Belize to self&tern& nation-to separate edstcncc as an independent State gusrantccd of its sovcrclgnty and its territorial Mogrity, 84. ln this context, and jn order that the CautuWs examlnatlon may be fully Informed by the views of all areas witltln L&III Amerlc~, no fess than by an appreciatIan of the grcnt potential of this region for contributing to the maintentuico and strengthening of lntornational peace and security, lat mo read into tho record of the Cou~~cil’s proceedlngs tho Dcclaratlon of the I’rhno Ministers of the four State8 of Barbados, Guyana, Jam&a, and Trinidad and To :go at trio ccmludon of Ure Seventh Conference of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Caribbean COUII. tries held in Chagunramc;, Trinidad, hi October 1972. I quote from that Declaralion: ‘The Prlmc Ministers of Barbados, Guyana, Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago meeting together durhlg the Heads of Government Conference at Chnguaramas have considered the role of the Engllsh~speaklng Common. we&h Cartbkru~ countries in UIO Org~&~~Uons and Agencies of the western hemisphere and have agreed upon the followin+ +(a) The exlstlng exclusion of certajn CommonweaM Caribbean countrias from membership in ths Organ&n. tion of &serica~ul States on the ground of controversies between members of the Qrganlzation and a European Power, represents a11 attack on the antkolonial move. ment in tlla Blglldr~Spcaking CaIibbO8ll. It COllSUtUt0S a rojectlon of the fundamental obJecUves of the Inter. American System and the frustration of the lofty aims of the great Llberatiu Slmbn Bolivur to ereato a @omniunlty of lndcpendent aud poace.loving nations IJ~ the whole western kemlsphece. This la so whether the excfusfon la directed against an independent State or agablst an internally self~overning country seeklng to achieve full freedom and independence. ‘lb) TIN exclmlon is particularly offensive to the Governments and people of the English-speaking Carib. bean countries sluce it applles only to countries within this .41oup, and as such imports hto relations between American States a connotation of an i~:dcfensible disctimination. “(c,J 1’110 countrlcs discriminated against, as western hiisphcro countries, have an undonioblo right of access to the tlna~Mal and tech;tcal resourccp of the fern Americun Devclupment Bank. The refusal of KCCSS to these rcsourccs impodes their ccO~~~niic and social doveI* opmcnt and fetrl+ardize’- their aspiration to economic lndopcndcnco. 86, Has not the time come, artd is not the UCCftStQll Qf these maotinga af tha Security cQWlCi6 in Pan&ma the &XQp~tiQUS 111Q111Mt, fm’ Lotin kll0dClUl StflteS to dQsR the bwk Qf caloiti~ l&tory; tQ &a1wI~dgo that OVRF tl10 1Qilg SllilXch of h&tory Save fur th0 ~~~~~i~ous!l~Co~~e Of titb1 40. Shl~fu ConsiderattonS must hlforrn dccislons on the future of Bu foreign military pcosonces in tho ho~uisphoro, BQth tho prdmpts of the United Natlnns’ Da?lwtla~ 011 America wd rwo d !&ta comers; to abandon tbo posture Qf colonicd PQWOCS ar@h~g about baundnrics o$ if they had no boar@ cm the peoples to wham thcy’roh~to; to admit thnt tho Strongthcnhlp, of Intarnatian~ &~curity and their practtcd churncter ES Inaubatars of CCU~fFontatiQll and ccmfficl constltuto a marldate for their disbandment. fhero is no juridbrd basis on whkh the claims of ane colont&.m may bo proforfod abavc another; to nccapt the reaiitios of settled CQml~UnitieS iind settled States aud to reccgnbe that the hltorests of peace and security In tbo 91. hl so urging, 1 am conscious out Qf the exper1enc.e of my QWII Stnto that a response by E kger and more powerful nofghbour to theso imperatives that 1oQk boyand the COnfFoiltatiOllS af today to the Inevitable friondshlps of hemlspltoro dopnd OS muclk on QUF capacity to shc~w Justlce and undorstandlnp, to end o&or as it daos on our secuclng the lung tQmoFrQW can be mom richly rownrding In toniis of uitimato vnlucs than the trrulsient rotusns of hnpnsod solutions, Trio Protocol of Port of Sprdn concluded betwcon Cuywu~ nnd Venezuela ln 1970 is, I vanturo to su~ost, a cantompornry oxample of what can be nchieved in the rcsoluth~ of conflict when sohitions ~FI? sought by conscnjustice and understrurding from the States beyond the FQhl 87, But the prQblenls uf poMace and security in Latin Amerlc~ go beyond those croated by or residual to G formed coln~&iism. V&on in JMUIEY of this yenr the Security sus rather thim by power and when uildorstnr,dlng and viclon taka the place of hostility and limited perceptlans. The niechmisnis of qulctus which that Protocol dovisd and tho sincarl& of purpnse that h&i sblce charactorlzcd their oppkntion constitutes a practice contribution to tho Council @lve consideration tQ th0 hQ~dhlg Of 8 SOFir% of tll~Qti~lgs here the Pormanont Reproscnt&e of Panama to the United Notions stated that it was the dosfro af Panama to have discussed the qgostion of tho Camd of Pntuunnla. Ono docls not have to be long in this vibrnnt and friendly maintemuice rind strongthonin& of pence and LJcurity &II the heniisphoro. Togothor they represent the positive appllcb tloa nt P btiatcrrd love1 of that prevcntlve diplomacy which these meetings of the Council in Pannm~ may help to develop and ccmsolldate, cammunfty to foccgnizc, of to py mom than II flefftfng visit to Uio Zone to understand, the intansity of feeling which surrounds this issue and this Cauncil cBtlnc& whether It moets4n Panama or olsewhero, embark on an examinatlcm of moans fc~or the maintenance and strongthenh~ of inter. nntlannf poaco and security in Latin Amorlca without bslngfng wkllin fha ambit of its dolibaratbls UIQso Issues which now @t&e relations bctwecn Panama and the United St&s of hOFiG&. it is to the oredit Qf both Governments that they have embarked upan processes of bilateral dlaieguo snd negotiation that have PS their agreed objective the establishmant of now arrsngemonts for the operation of this important watenvay for the w&d’s shippIng, It L the duty of the Csuncti to give its full Support and its CVdv @.‘&t~lCO t0 all SUCh fJffQit8 fQr pasccful and offectivc resolution. But these sentiments tend exhortatiune would bo mere rhetoric u@oss underwritten an rd.1 sldas by n resolve to loach just solutions. 92. As the Security Council apprcnches its task at theso hnpartrult meetings, tet thu spirit of,dbtente now at kg0 &mang the mnjar Powers find u habitatlon rind a home wttltis this h0mjSphero; and lot the Cmnicll, mindful uf tho ~pportunltios ct hmd, tmnslste thu! spirit into praotkti c~ursba of actlon so that its doliberations may fulfil the promise which its prosenee Ir). Panama holds out to nil the peoples of Latin America, 93. The PRESIDENT (frtterpre@ilflort jhnz Spm&h,k I invite Mr. Enttiio KobaSa, the %crotnry for Bxtornd Eela. tlans Qf Mexico, tu take a place at the Council table. 94, Mr. RABASA (Mexico) ~jnferp~ofafj~tz .fkrttt &m&h): It is 8 ninttor of deep satisfaction fnr mo to attend this extraordInary series of meetings of the ,Security Cuuncll, the aecand to be hold #way from !leadquartors under ArtI& 28. paragraph 3, of the United Natlans Charter. 86, In the roar& for thorn solutions n special rosponsl. blllty dovalves in the U&cd Stetos to undefs’stand and be reapunslve to tho lmper~tlves of nstlunal dfgnity and wlf-iespcct that inform UK! Cue Qf Pollar~in.--hn~Mrati~~eos ukot nut only hcva so richly conditioned the natfonal growth and devoiopmcnt of the United Stutou i&If but hnvo in tho past evoked its championship of causes far baynnd the han~lrphora. 9.5. i’iour tho outset, with enthuslnsm orid no reservations Whatsoever, Moxlco su~>p”rted the hlitirrtlve Of the Govdrn~ meat of l*iilk+nii~ in offerlag thk its capital to scrvc 86 the 96, It is also a matter of special sat!sfaot!on for us that the Council roached a consensus both in accepting the invita. tlon cxtonded and in approv!ng the agenda Item, “Consider. ation of maasuros for the mab~tcnanco and strangthcn!ng of international peace and socurlty in Latin Amorion in conformtty with UIC provisIons and pr!noiples of th Chartor”. 99. The CounaIl doscrvcs to be congratulated for mcoting away from Iieadquartcrs since, ~~ addition to cons!dcr!ng that Itcm, it w!ll os1ablIs.h direct and hum~ul contacts aud can really got the fool of UN varied and complex problems Latin Anici%x now faces. 96. We arc convinced that, ns was so rightly said by tl!o hllnistcr for Porcfgn Affairs of Panama, my colleague and friend Juru~ Antonlo Tack, III transtnitt!ng to the President of tbo Councfl in January 1993 his Govormn0nt’s Invita. tion, Ulesc n~c0t!ngs will make “a positive Lontribution to the search for solutions to tllc problams of Latin AnrorIca, wlhh nr0 linked to the strengthening of international peace and security and the promotion of international co-opera. ticn” [see S/lO&Q?J. 99. Naturally, this conviction is based on our confidence thnt the Count!!, given the nature of the proscnt meet!ngs, w!ll strive harder than aver to adjust its conduct to the prlnciplcs of the Charter, which is the llighost standard of conduct far all organs of the Organlzation and all Its hlcmbcr States. 100, The signlficanco and scope of those princlplos have bcon d&nod !n several General Assembly declarations, some of which liold a place of honour-for exaniplc, the Bcolaralon on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly RclaUons and Corporation among States and the DcclaraUon on the StrcngUien!ng of lntcrnational Security, which, we10 unanimously adopted in 1990, at the commemorative session for the twdntysflfth anniversary of the Oqan!zat!on ~msdutlm~s 2623 {XXV) arti ?I$ {XXV)]. 181. In these Declarations UIO Assembly emphatically reaffirmed the sovore!:,nty of States and the right of pooplos to dctermhic their owu destiny without interven. tlon, coercion or prossure from outside, cspccially such as Involves Uia throat or tlio uw of force, whether open or concealed, us well as UIC duty of States to abstain from any attempt that would in part or in whole break tho national unity and the terr!torIal integrity of May ot!lor State or country, The fully ropresontativo organ of the United Nations Jso oxpressed, with pnrticular flnlmos~, ils bollof that tiler0 is a close Interrelationship between the strength. ening of international security, disarmament and tho econo~~~!c dcvelopmont of countr!os, so thai whatovcr 103, In rbgard to dlsarmamcnt, our region can bo Jroud of hadng glvon the world an 0xnmpI0, the sJgnl’ilcanc0 of which it seems to IUP to ho d!ff!cult to oxaggcrato. It has ostabllshcd tho first-and so far the only-zano covered by a statute for the complete absonco of nuclear weapons over donscly populated tcrrlterlcs, 104. I am partlculnrly satisnad that those who havo prcccdcd me, the Foreign Mhilstcrs of Peru and Guyaua, hnvo cxprcasly rcferrcd to the Treaty for the ProhIbitIon of Nuclear Weapons In Latin An~or!cn, which IE a!so known as the Treaty of Tlateldco, thus givhg it the muno of !ho historic site in Mexico City whom It was oFnod for slgnaturo. Allow m0 to recall in Uds coim0x!on that, whon in February of 1967 this Treaty was unanimously adopted, ll Thant, who was than SccretaryCancral of the UnIted Nations, nfflrmcd: ‘The nations of Lathi Amcricn can, With amp10 justif!cat!on, take pride !n what they have wrought by their own irlitiativo and through thoir own efforts”. It is also rclovant to recall that UK? Ccnaral Assembly, when the Treaty was prescntcd to it in Uctobor 1967, proclaimed, in its resolution 2286 (XXII), which was adopted without a s!nglo vote agnlnst it, that tlds Latin Amcrictm instrument: “constitutes an event of historic s!gn!flcanc0 in the efforts to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons and to promotc international pcacc and security”. The States Par&s to the Treaty, among tham th0 on0 which is our host, alrsady number 18, so that the L&n American zone already cov0rs an area of mor0 than S million square ldlomctres and a population greater tlm 140 inIll!on, 105, OPANAL, which, as !s known, has Its headquarters In the capital of my country, has beon functiordng since Soptomber 1969, and its principal organ, UN General Conf0renc0, has already held thee sessions, Its f!rst Sccrotnry~onoral, the reprcsontativo of Ecuador to the Unitad Nations, Ambassador Leopoldo De&s Vbiueza, is today among us, as is the prcsont Secrctary~a~sral, the representative of Uruguay, hlr. Hector Groo Aspic!!, who has beon csp0ciaUy invited by the Sccurily Comrcil~ lQG, We bcliovo that the CouncU the organ wldc!~, lmdor th0 Charter, has the pr!mary rosponsibflity for the maInt0- nance of poaco* would do ~011 to add its voice, its pow0rful voice, toa UIC vobos of the Goncru! Asscmb!y aud the ;n v~rlous i)roblcnis ‘while undcrlinlug iho autonomy and lnsting charcctor of tho prlnclplos which my ~country has tradltlonnlly nnnlntnincd. Sin40 tho houd of Stnto of Moxlco shares rind ndhoros to many of tho concerns and promptings of the tl1ird world, ho \vUl avail hlmsclf of tho opportunity Adiiiilond Protocol II of the Treaty, whoroby those I’owors would commit thcmsclvcs as oarly as possible prin,slpally not to us4, or ta tlrl~4lltoll to use, nuclonr w4npons agsl11st of th0 tour to rCitOrat4 thl t0 th4 ili&OSt llUthoriti8S ill thcso dcvclopod countrlos. the stntus partics to t11nt illstrunlollt. 107. Concorning ccono~nic dcvclopmont, \ think It ~lrould be cmphasizcd that tho growing gap botwccn tl1o I+ dustrlrdizcd countries and tho dovclopi~~g countrlos con. stitutos, in our opinion, on4 of tliir most sorlous thrcots to the pohco of tho warld. Thnt IS prcclsoiy why the Prcsldcnt of Mexico, Mr. Luis Echovorrln, proposed ut tl1c third session of the United Nntions Cont’croncc on Trtidc and 1 12. The Govornmcnt of huma In various forums und on various occasions has cxprcsscd Its wish, w11i411 WC find complotoly wnrrnntcd, that thoa cxtrnordinnry mcotlngs of tho Council, for the propuration mid orpplzation of which It has spnrcd no efforts, might contribute to a Just and cqultablc salutlon to the quostlon of tho Canal, which, as is very undorstandablo, 110s for more than 11ulf II century bcon the fundamental conccrn of its forclgn policy. D4vc10p1n4nt, wllbll wns IlCld In Salltlllgl~, Cllil4, 114arly II year ago, to April 1972, the drafting of n Ciuutcr of Economic Rights and Duties of Stutcs. As is woll k11own, 113, Wc consldor that if tho two partics directly involved in this problem-rind It Is obvious thnt tl1o t~roblom also bus os)Iects \vlllcll lllt4rost t110 011tir4 intorllntll~nal conlIllu‘ nity-strlvc to adjust their rcspcctivc positions to 1114 principles of tho Cilnrtcr of lha United Nutions, which ;I 11nvo alcoudy had occuslon to mention, It will not bo difficult to nrrivc at u mutually and gonerally nccoptnblc the conf4r4nc4 cndorscd t11c illltlutivo of ill0 hclld of slut0 of Moxlco. The Working Group whlc11 the Conforcncc cstnblislied under resolution 45 (III) 11as /us1 held Its first session In Gonovo, and 1 would nut hesitate to call tho results oncouraghig. 105. It !s Indispcnsv.bfo that a new cr.1 of gcnulno lntornatlond ccono~r~lc coqcr~tion sl1oul0 conlo into being und that this co~pcrotion should ccilsc to bc a privllcgcd tnnttor of wlrlnt or goodwili, ml bcmno a ogrcem011t. 114. Uvon though, as cvcrybody knows, tho bnsis of lhc problem is dcrivcd fram the nppllcntlon of u bilatorul treaty und, thoroforc, its solution concerns only tho signntoly partics, novcrtholoss, bccuuso of its polltlcal, economic and ovon moral uspccts, all Amorlca is awniting tl10 outcome nnd is alortod to It. On tl1is 1 would vcnturo to comment thnt in prnctico in law, iO9. Tllo right of courltrlos fully to dispose of their nntural ~~SOU~CCS in order to cnsurc hi&or standards of living for thclr populnttons Is intimntoly connoctcd with the foragoing-and this is gnining grour~d in the totcrllational our times, III this hour of history, it Is dlfflcult to concoivc 01’ a treaty In perpetuity bclng still hi force, ospcclully wl1411 cdl-or nhnost sll-tho burdens arc imposed on on4 party whcrcns the otlicr cnjoys a!&-or almost nll-the preroga. tivos, collscicnco. 110. To build a just and oquitnblc~intornrrtionul oconomlc ordor whore tha rights of all countrlos are donned and prutectcd, und particulnrly tho rights of tho dcvcloping countrlas, is, ut this llnio, n primary duty of the hitcrnn- 115, in cxprosslng my hope that tlwsc mcatings wfll bc truly fruitful, 1 should liko, in conclusion, to communtcntc to tho Govcrnmont and poop14 of Pannmn our profound grstltudc for thclr cordial and gcncrous hospltnllty. tlonnl coimunily. Wo trust that thu conilng into force of the Chartcr of tho Bconomic Rights and Duties of Stutos, which wo lropc will occur In the not.too.dlstant future, will represent an invahJablfl contribution for th:! fulflhnont of this prllna~ duty. Tl14 Churtor will thou make spcdtlc. witilout uny rl@dlty und with tl14 tlcxlbili~y wl~icl~ the lnwe rind even the constitutions allow for in the lntcl1lal order of each country, u series of legal s~snriards of’ n~l~ud~tory 116 I T11c PRBSIDI!NT (irtfcrprelullo~~ /iwr ISp~rrls/r): I invite t11c Minister for ,llxtornul Kolations of the Kcpubhc c~f Colon&u, Mr, Alfrcdo Visqucz Catrlzosn, to tukc R piucc at tl1c C:ou114il tublc und to make Ids stutcmcnt. comp1iallc.e which will bc II guurnntcc of’ justice md oyuity for all pcoplcs in rcgurd to their cconoulic :md ~cciul situation, cstnbllshing a minimum of lntc~nntional ~lublllty in those ftclds. WC feel cortuin tllut ec0110niic c~xqlorution 117. MI. VASQUlX CARKIZOSA (Coloa~blu) (ktc~~~~c~nlhr /hiI Sjmthh); This scrlcs of m4ctlugs of tlic Security Cou11ci1 Is not a cer41no11iui uct IIOL’ is II routlno; nnd it Is no Its,: thuu II recog~~iti~ of the pursonulity of la1111 AIIIOI~C:I, which has plcyed such it significant role in Liro dcv4loplrrent of i1~terr~ulional III\V, At the soul4 time, It constitutes inI invitution to this hcn1lsph4ro to ussert its vlows oil pcuco among nations wlthln this frauicwork will constitute WC of t114 1r1ost 4ffectlv4 111oi1118 to corrsolidato pmcc. 111. To ucl~icvc more end bcttcr co-op41atIo11 1 rcpcnt, coupration--ill tllo politicd, ocononnlc, rcictltltlc aud aud s4curitv. 119, For lily cuuutry It Is u matter of spcinI satlsfnctioii that those nloctlu~s RL‘C bclng hold In the Ropubllc of I’tu~ama, willc11 llns so mnuy tlos of brothcrlmod with UIO Rcpubllc of Colonlbiu and In wl~oso capital a now Intcruatlomd 1nw came Into bolng at tho boglonlng of the nlncteoat1~ century , Siuco thou wo !lnvo formd UIO oldest and bcst-constructcd mglo1u11 oryn~~lmtlo~l for its tlunc, wltliln lcgai staudnrds Intondud to guuru~ltoc rospcct for the tcrrltorlal sovcrclguty and polltlcnl lndolmdcncc of Statcs. llorc III 1826 a Congross was convcncd by SIni llolfvar us Prcsidcnt of Colombia rind IIC~G too a trcatv was slnued the snn~c ycnr wl~ic11 inld dowu as a prcco,;t the chcctlvo dofoncc of soverolg~~tlcs, 120, Whlh III blrOIlQ tIICrO WQS talk Of IIlt~rV~i~tIo~Is, iirotcctorntcs, tutclngos aud mliltary alila~~ccs, lo Lath Amorlca tlio thluklrlg was of legal acts, boundarias of low and olhlnatlon of UIO right of conquest. Tl~erc could not have bccu n grantor costrast thl that betwceu UIC two Congrasscs: tl1u OIIO fu Vlo~u~a in 1815 and the OIIC III I’amma In 1826. Time were two politlcal 11c111lsihcres lcaulug towards difforeut goals. Buroi~c concclvcd Its intoruatlonnl Ilfc 011 the basis of llcgon~o~~y by a few Powers and ln tams of powor. Shn6u Uollvar bcilavcd III the uulty of Lath Amorlca as a sound instrument to safeguard sovorclguty *id strongthou the dcmocratlc conquests In tills part of the world, 121. After Its first yonrs of lndcimdcnt life, Lath America had to fnco the probiom of lntorvcntlon. It also suffcrcd tilt offocts of au ma of colo~~lalis~u and of pcnotratlous from dlstaut Powers on Its coasts. Bec:nus~ of tia cffoct of this situation, sovcrclg~~ry \Gas roicgatcrd lntcruntlondly to a procarlous tltio, nud lntcrvcutfon bccanie UIO grcntost iutcruatlonal problcal of tills lmnisphorc and tim i~rincll~td EUSOII for its urgelit conccru, Not linvliig tlio nillltaiy powor to rupulso Ietorvor~tloih ill0 i~oi~lcs who wcrc the victim of lutcrvoutlou IIUVO lmd recourse at thes to Improvlscd raslstanco, soulotlum to shit Imtcst, At any rate, Lath) AmrIce ~nadc UIC intoilcctuu1 and diplomatic effort of its major doctrlnos to dcclaro Ulc lutcrventlom iulposslblc autl ii&al. 122. The Drape Doctriuc OII tllo forced ilaymcut of pub!ic dcbls npponrcd after the lh~ropcim flcots CIII;IO to our I*OIIS!S to enhrcc paynmt of tllesc debts, and tlic c’ulvo Doctrii~c crnorgcd as IIII antidote ug~hst tliihiiiatlc interverltion fol tIIC bcllcflt Of’ fOl’CIgl1 COlllIl~lllICS alld coIlCeSSIolllIilIlcs, ‘~IIc Bstradu Ihctilnc uiso trlcd to iircvs111 intorvciltiou by \vithholdLli: rccogllItloll of LI IlCW ~cwcrlllllr!Ilt, llllli Ihnt SC1 of icgul iloctriiies ci~iile to h cuiuiliiatioi~ in 1933 hi tlic direct arrnnpmcnt, mcdintlon, arbh&m or ic~al sot&- mont, Wo lwc prf~cicd asorlos -of spoclfIc .trontlcs on tlmo mhj~cts, willcl~ are appllcd wIUIII~ the rcgiouai systomO Yet, It Is lodisimnsablo to stnto that nono of thcsc rc?p,Jonul snlutlons provoat us from IiartIclImtlng Iii tlio lhltcd Nntlons or ostabilsl~lng tics of frlondsliili and solldarlty wltli couiitrlos of otm contlncuts. 124, It bccoms ulorc obvlous dally that thcro Is 110 rcglonui probiom whlcl~ Is not tlcd to u unlvcrsai lntorcst. TIIO concept of It~tornutlonai solidarity c11co1111msscs the planet, TIE Vlct-Nnm war 11~s proved thnt thcro aro no iocni conflicts, tlint ovcry cotifllct bus ropcrcusslons Iii otlior parts of the world, Tho sane occws wlth qucstlons of lxm~, currency dcvaiuntlons, trade burrlors, the ecology of contlnonts, qucstlons of labour, or the coiicctlvc potltlon of the dcvcloplng countrlcs to dlsposo of tllclr untural rcsources on land as in Uio wa. The u~ilvcrsailty of contein- 1:orary i~robicms ionds UC lo bcllovo that pcaco ilkc wnr in the world Is airoady lndlvlslblc, 125, That Is why Lntln Amrlca, outsidc its rcglon, Is part of a poup of prolotariau or dovcioplug couutrlcs wl~lci~ IIUVC bceu called ‘Yho third world” rind wl1lc11 have. la unison, sought a pcntcr imrtlcli~ntlon of the po&er couutrlcs In tllo bcuoflts of progress to wldcll UIOY hdvc contributed wltil thclr inbour und with thclr Imports from the rich couiitrlcs, ‘I’110 clrcio of intornntloilal actloii of htlu Amcrlce, bocausc of cco~~ornlc nocossltlcs, has oxpundcd, nud Its thluklng 1~1s bocorm sharpor on the gcueral problems of Imnco, 126. Above all, Lull11 Amoricn cinlms equality of rights for its l~eolhs aud n broad atld rccogtllzed capacity of Its Govormnents to i~artblyato III any lntcrnntlanni dcclslon wl~ici~, In the ccouo~~~lc rind fh~auclnl fields as ~wcll as lu the I~olltlcnl fiold, my affect thd couditlous of IIf or of labour, in the couutrlec iu this pnrt of the world, T11o U&cd Nations, as 1111 luterna~lccnsl otganhtlon, would have 110 imrposo wcro thoro 1101 UIO purpgsc of ~clllovh~g the Idonls of lutcrnational solidarity. 127. As Latin Amorlca SCBS It, it is prop’ for a sovcroigri and Mcimdcnt State to llavc the rl&t to exploit UIO naturnl resources on its tcrrltory, and fomipll capital must be invcstcd in our rcglon with II view to u gcnuln~ particlpatiou l11 the cconontic and social devcloimeut of our countries und not for si~culatlvr i~urlmses. Forelgu capital can give cc~nsitleral~ic usslstaucc to dcveloimmt !f it heli~s, Instead of hinderlug, the prosperity and udvuncculent of our uatlonui lndustty with rcai tccluloioglc~~i contributions. 1%x. The systm ot lntcrrlntionnl 1oa11s n~ust IX nd]ustcd to UIC ccruditicms of tleveloimc~lt and the avnilobil!ty of 129. Latin Amoricn olpl~ns the just treetnlent which corresponds to its capacity to work 111 IJ~ternatlenal cxol~~u~gc~, The lengthy doleyod process of dIscussIons held ah~ca 1964 at seaslone of the WJUted Nations Conference on Trsde Jmd Development have not made it !~ossib!e to br!Jlg about the dlrrrppoarancc of a lesser !JartlcI~aUon of this reg!on in trade In world markets, If !one slncereiy seeks peace nr~d secllrity, it will bc IndIspcnsnble to g!vc prlorIty to UJc ocononllc co~~~jltlons cl’ t!Jc countrlcs of tlJc tlllrd world, among them IaUJi America. 135, The IdealogIcal plurality of States is an Incontestable reality aJid It corresponds to n thne such as ouf8 of tlie complete eJnanclpntlon of !%~!)les. Colombia for its part mafntalns universality in its relations rind we see tills as a corollary of IJ~teniaUonnl. solidarity and of the undeniable fact thut dIplonlat!c relations entaIl no recognition of other ideologies, But tlrls broad policy of co.operai.hm cequlros the most complete respct for tlie terdtodal Intagrlty aJid pollUcal lndepondcnce of Stntos. !ntervenUon and tbrrid torlal occuprtlons are renuuuits of c~&UalIsm or super s&d nlethods of tha cold wnr, 130. Ln recent years UJe monetary system has JJndergOnc profound chnnps tuurd grave dlsturbnnces which !EIVO totally altered the assumptions 0~1 currency stobIl!ty which were consIdered to b lasling In the Dretton Woods Agreements ill 1945, TiJll8S be changed, lt wi!! be JlflCOSSJUy t0 renevaluate tho IJ~ternaUonal tlnancial and monotJuy sItut+ Uon, and in order to acllevc broad world consensus no State can be deprived of t11e right to be consulted. hlternatlons! solidarity cannot be the result of Uic dictates of a grcup of countijes over ruiother, but must be the result of complete rued totn! understand@ 136. AlU~oug!~ the need for dlsarmnment Is prhnnrI!y the rcsp~nslbl!!ty of the great Powers, Colombia has also bellcved It desirable io clllitinnto unnccessnry or sophip Ucated armsments in Latin knsrica as on0 JnOaJis to contrIbute to universal c!IsnrmanJent and to increase invest. merits for esononlic rind smisl deVe!opmenL The Treaty of Tlatelolco also Is a statute $dIspensab!e to prevent& LaUn Atnerlca .from becoming SI st.oragc de!Jot for nuclear weupons or an atondc test@ ground, 131, At present htjll Amoricu is carrying out some ax!&nents designed to give our development problems ht.!~i Amerlcen solu!lons. The Idea Is galnlng ground of continental rtationalisrn find of self.lJcIp. In tlds connexlon Colombia is associated with fIvo countries of the arca of the Andes. Wo have been joined by Venezuela to constitute a s!~eclal zone of development and hmnonhtlon of cc@ nondc policlos which already has a Jnarket cap&y of 60 Jn!!l!on Inhabitnnts and Q total gross product of $22,000 137. WC lnave defended new Ideas on the law of the sea. It Is nccessruy to incorporate In International law the doctdne of the sovereignty of coastal States over the natural and Ilvlng resources of UJe sea adjeccnt to their coasts, which we hsve called the patriJnon!a! sea and which adequately covers the Jrced to preserve these resources for the benefit of those States and to accept freedom of navigation and overfllgbt. With the Secretary of !?,xternal Kelr&ons of Mexico, Mr. Rabw, I had the honour on 28 January of this year to sign a declnratlon recommending the conslderaUoJi of an econondc zone In the future law of the sea as a m!n!mum request of Latin Amer!cfl. =nl!!!l011* 132, In the politlcnl as well a3 in the t~conomlc field L&In AnJedca is a continent which Is becoming ~wlire of Its own persona!Ity und w!!! project It in the ssr~icc Qf rfiace and security-and these are not for us a Jnere absence of warlike o!?eraUons or a recess between confllots. Race and security for us mean a!! the tights of peoples to lead 3 life of di@ty with guarantees for human life. Peace and secudty meim tie legal o&r of nntlons built OJI freedom rued Justice, with the ellnllnation of any violence as Bn instrument of coercion In intcrnflcion:d rolatlons, . 138. PitJly, at tllese meetings t!ie problem of the I’a~~ruulm Ctma! w!!l be discussed. Doubtless It Is a bilateral qJJesUon between the Republic of !%~~~rna and the United States, which wIl1 !JJJVO to be rmlnly rcspondblo for the revision of the Hay.Uunau Varilla Convention of !8 November 1903,” We know thnt the two states concerned 11JJve undortrtkcn direct negotiations which wc nre wa+:ting with our best w!sher that thoy mny lcud to u solution. Colombia 13% The prindplos of IntcrnatIoJird cu~QperatioJi 0re enslnined In the very Charter of the Unitcc! Nutlons nJJd In the very recent Declrrration on Prindplcs of InterJJatIoJJal Law conccming Friendly KclittIoJin aJ\d Co-oyorrrtion EJIIQI~~ Stfites, adoptcd 10 1970 by the GeJJeral Assembly JJJK! PuJJaJJJa !Jud JJ COJJJJJIOJJ hlstory and wc have se&d JJJJY [JYSdJJlkHJ 262.5 (xxv//, l’hC !XOb!OJll Of p\lliCe iS JlOt OIIU uf a lack Qf prir~&~lcs, bccousc there nre many, and very ~c!cviuJt ones Jmd very lofty ones. It is R prob!eJn of good f&h blld t!lC EiJllp!C lJ!Jp!kXltiOIl of ill1 flltC~llnti9llll! !i!W concclved of for our times, 1110 liquidution of the cold wur 140. Under trcatlos In forceI Colombia on the other hand cnjays special transit rights through tho Panama Canltl, and it Is only natural that on behalf of the Republic of Colombia I should doom it IIttIng to recall Uds clrcum. stance which has enabled us to know each other better and to srento closer ties of friendship between Panamanians and Colombians w&h tla Incessant yassage of sldps and the movement of masses of people through this corridor of America. There is at any rate n continental interest, which Is only ioo understandable, in free tramIt for all naUons. This intcroceanlc course consthutes one of the most important nurritimo routes for the world, and free transit througli the Panama Can131 Is essential for hitcrnatlonal trade and communications. 141. To sum up, we must assess the present sifuatb~ In Africa and Asia, as In Latin kucrica, there is an irrevocnblc movement for the recovery of all the rights of statehood, The UnIted Nations has in fulI measure been the groat forum for ideas on the legal equality of peoples, and this world Organizotiou has mnde possiblo the necessary ro. adjustment of old situations Inherited from the past century. To ignore this is no longer possible. klistory is taking huge strldcs forward and what was feasible for power polltics in the niuetcenth century and at the begimmig of this one Is now contrary to the Charter and to the feeling of InternatIonal sohdarity. Perhaps between the smoke of wars ---and the crossroads of conf’hcts we are approaching a Ume o; settlement of difilculties and a new intemntional order based on certain irrevocable postulates: the strategy of peace to intensify social and econon~c development; total sovereignty of the htdopendent State; recovery by the State of its natural resources; the self~determination of peoples; -co-operation and solidarity among nations. now Invite the next speaker, the MinIstor fpr hxternal Relations of the Republic of Cuba, Mr. R6ul Roa, to take a place at the Council table and to make a statement.

Mr. Presidcn!, I wish to thank you very much for allowing mo to make u statement on behalf of my Govermucnt before the Security Cour~cll. 144. It is not ap1~roprlatc to iudulge in ritual courtesies or courtly obsequiousness when speeukmg among I~~1~los which, although they constltuto u cougerics of blood, languages, cultures, traditions, customs, styles of life arid 145. To cncournge dissension, to isolate and to cause animosity among our peoI~los was one of iho tactld moans; it used in Its policies of exixuuiion and hegemony, but the cohesion, the closeucss, the meeting and the rebellion have been reborn wlth proud Impetuousness and what was termod a dream in Bolfvar and hlartl is tod.ay a true process under way. Tha peoples of our under*devcloped kmdca, exploited and dependent as they am, dsc over mom u&ad and tightly knit and through different roads are now cl~nelling their high spirits towards the same goal, 146. Neither with the peoples of our America nor with arly people do we speak as lord to sP;vant or cs servant to lord, We spenk as brother to brother. it Is for that reason that a fraternal feeling of so1ldarity towards the heroic Panenumian people and firm support for the Government thnt is led by General Omar Torrijos, which today stands for nntional dignity and claims full exercise of sovereignty over the territory that has been taken from It on the isthmus Is the message that I bring from the Revolutionary Govormuent of Cuba and that 1 pronounce from this rostrum. 147. -To paraphrase MartI, wo 113~ judged it imperative that it should be for Panama, which suffers, wldclr struggles, wllt~h urges, which advances and does not measure the risks or the sacrifices, that the first Cuban words at tlds meeting of tha Security Council are spoken. In a word, I bring the tribute of Cuba to the indefatigable tlghters of yesteryear and today that did not yield and will not yield thalr noble undertakIng of regaining their mu& luted national rights, relntegrathig the colonial enclave called the Canal Zone into their homeland bud turniug the transoceanic waterway into an open road, open to ail the peoples of the world under the Ilag, the soverolguty, the jurisdiction and the administiailon of Panama. Tho dearest aspiration of the Panamanian people was always to huvo a canal for ail maukind and not a water monopoly, a canal surrounded by shipyards and factories and not by militnry busts and the facto~lcr of the green berets, a canal for peaceful transit and not a cm1111 for war planes aud warships. 148. The Luban delegation wishes also to state thu! WC arc cxtremcly grutcful for the generous hospitality and the fOc indopendon& .‘and the ~uns!cakab!e courage of tlce Danli~cic~n peoplo,~as well as tlie ccoatiun of now Statos, suc!i (is Jmiica, Tchddad ond Tobngo, Guvana and Bacbados, whil also stcugglo to consolidate their eman& patlon tlccough the regaining of tlcoic nntucal cosoucces and wealth, confcontod as they ace by sevoce difiloulties and stubborn cosistanee. Howevoc, them can be no doubt that it is in Panama that tlcosc tensions cuused by North h;lloclcnn in~poclaUsm today lcavs ceaclced tlcelc h&best pohct, ane peace and sccucity hc Ameclca is seriously cndangoced. If thus becomas obvious to us, it is no loss obvious that this dsmgoc tluentens out entice continent, north to south, nnd tlcccefocc tlce entice couthcent must face it. It would seem useless to add that the 1Wucmaninn problem forms pact of that context. 149. The meotings *of tho- Secuclty Counoil in tho capita! of Panama* with an agenda that cal!s for an examination of pcobloms dealing with international peace and security in this henllsp!cece, is of such importance that it cannot be gainsaid. It Is obviously a political and moral victory clcalkcd up by tlce Government of Panama, I~essuces, actiflccs and threats all failed. lice majority which at one time nlecI~anica!ly oboyed ccdecs in the Security Council and tlce Gonocal Assembly has been slcattacod-an unncis. talcable sign of a elcango in the h~tecn&iona! play of forces arcd tlco growing influence of the now currents of lclstocy. But tlcat is not al!. For the ficst time the pchiciple~ of tlie Clusctcc have prevailed over the traditional subterfuges of the Ocphttlrm of Amecican States, the soca!!od ccgiona! dependency of the United NaUons-very clever is taking from the competence of the Security Council, usually under orders, tlce considecation of problems OF catifylng faits aecomplis, lcowevec cepcehenslble accocding to its own precepts. 153. If UW supreme organ of tlce United Nations pcoposo~ to study in Panama measuces to preserve and stcengtlcen intecnntIOnal pence and security in the hemisphere, then we must put before it foe Its cOncidecaUon, even if briefly, but openly and without ciccumlocutlon, UIO complex and bucning realities that conspire against both peace and security, At tlcis time pciority must be given to the question of the Canal as far as Latin Ameclca is concerned, and thecefoce we must give flcst attention to it. 1SO. Sufilce it to cecsll still cdcont events: the ovectluow of the constituUons1 Acbenz Govecmnent in Guatemala; tlce meceenacy invasion of Cuba that was smashed at Playa Glcbn; and the condOnatiOn of tica brutal nggcession against the Dominican Republic, met by the courageous unacmed people and a group of patriotic soldiocs led by Colonel Pc1111c1sco Ccu~~mKo, who assumed lcecoic stature in tlce second bnttlc for the independence of Latin Amccicn against North American impeciahsm and the oligarchies at its secviee. Dead or allve, Cuba pays him tribute with respect aud admiration. Allve or dead, Ice is and will continue to be a slcining symbol of UIO revolutionary comoienee of the Dominican people. 154. During the last few yeacs, poverty 1~s crossed Latin America in sevenleague boots. Tlds shaking reality is the sum and substance of the coalities thnt form the profound network from wlcich it is born, and wlcich Mndecs the pcesccvatlon and strengtlcening of pace and security in our continent, Although we miglct genera!ize out anolysls and our conclusions and include Afcloa and Asia, obviousfy I prefer to limit myself to Latin Amecica, Nor would Uris involve any loss; for wlcen all is said aud done, Latin Amecica, Afciea and Asia ace to&y one and the same, facing one and tlce same common oncmy wlciclc stands in the way of Ucelc liberation and development, and again one and the same in tl~e irrevocable decirlon of tlceh peoplc~ to cl~oOse and shape tlceic own futuresO The n~U!ion~ of human beings w!;o clw dally with the sun and who go to bed lmngcy enoh night ln those three combcents have resolved now to cenlain awake and alert until that dawn breaks. lS1. Puctl~ocmoco, we must stress the fact tlcat this meetbcg is taking place in n country whleh, despite’ite peculiac geographical conflgucaUon, despite tlce fact that it possesses a long coastline On the Pacific, and despite Its ancient Uos wit!1 Peru end New Gcanada, is nevecthelessbecause of its demogcaplcic composition, its tropical idi@ synccados and its culture witlc strong Antihoan hnprints-a parcel of our own Cacibbean Ameclea, with features of natlonal entity that it assumed long before it declaced its iccdependanco from Spain, If on one slda of the isthmus tlce coreno waters discovered by Vasco Nufhz de lialboa come 155. A mere glance at the hemisphere shows us hnme. diately the gcowlng gap between development and undecdevelopment in Latin Ameclca and the growing develop ment of tlie Power which, in en unholy alliance wit!c the native oligaccldes extracts the wealth of those countcics, t,akes over thoic natural resources, focws labour conditions down, exploits investments, focclng Unancial dependence upon thorn, blocklclg and breaking off scien!lUc exchange tlcrough tho tcansmisslon of Obsolete tecbndogy; and enpgos in ideological penetration and polltical dominion, as well as diplomatic and military usur’pu!lo~~. That Power, tho most apgrossive, ambitious and weulthy of our day, is-need I say? I ,tho United States Of America. What people of Asia or Africn is unawaco Of its appetities, of its p+clldy 111, OII tlio other sldo the spume-covered waves of the Ca~ibbenn bcoak On the New WOcld. constantly shaken by ~yc1011os and at OIIC tilno, IIS indeed IIOW, travelled by conqulsbckms, adventurers, picntos, self-seekers, Ushccn~en~, Odmimls, Outiawa, s~m~oc~, traffickers and llbocatocs. 152. A nation t11at has suffoced tho uplieavale of the p(Jlftk!Ui tidal waves unleushed by outmoded ompiros and Yankee ~~eOeOlordalism, tho yphnl column of Panama, IS in an acoa wlcece have taken place the most dcamutic fntocna- ~Olltr! tUl~ytOlly t!lat Our colitiiiollt !kyy over yem wld t!w 1l)tJut pcoti~uud tcansfOrmations in impccial pOWQC celations 156. Study of the rclntionships and structures of depen. dance wldch give rise to stagnation and tho distortion of the econontic, political, social and cultural lives of our ~oplos has been appronchcd from dlffercnt stmldpohlts and has been the subject of dlffcrent intcrpretniions. There is n copious bibliography on tho subject in many langungcs, and on0 of the most com.~no~~ errors is, through incompetence or delibcrnte1y, to confuse development with growth; hence the erupthig volcanoes and the clay-footed giants, who mask certain statistics with glaring fallacies. 157. But the fundnmcntal conciuslon to tro derived from theoretical study and concrete experience has alrcndy been clearly established and cannot be chalionged~ The phenome. non of underdevelopment is the consequence of capitalistic expansion in its successive phases of develop nent: colonislism, bnperidism and no~coioninlism. Therefore, it is tho result of a long process which is characterized by the complex relationship of poiitical, economic, social and cultural dependoncc. The type of domination gohg along with this dependence has persisted in the countries that have emancipated themselves only formally from their one&n0 metropolitan mastars. The external poliUca1 changes have left the structures of dominntlon hitact and, therefore, have not altered their adaptation to the require. ments of the developed capitalist countries that created and imposed them. It is too obvious that the method3 used by ne~colonhdism are more subtle and clever than those of the one-time colonial r8gbne; they have chliged their shape, but the substance and the spirit have not in any way varied. 156. The reactionary violence that has accumulated in those deformed institutional formations must ‘ineiuctabiv give rise to thc revolutionary violence of the people, and to bnperlalist aggression in defence of its spoils, privileges and impositions and of the domlnnnt ciassos Ued to its interests. That is one of the obvious realities that conspire against pence und security in Istin America. 159. WC camlot overlook the fnct that the phcnontcnon of unde~dcveiopment snd dependence today falls within the context of a historic moment of transiUon, when, in additton to tho fundamcn!al contradiction bctwcen the capitalist and socialist systems, there are the contrndictions 160. .-T’he doctrine :of muiUpoiarlty Lof powers that. has - been adduced by so inany and elaborated by the (I&CIEC gr/sc of President Nixon-is only n curtain of rhotoricrd soot to cover up the basic antagonism bctwcen cnpitalism and socialism, tho general crisis of the capitalist system and tho anti-colonial revolution L.nt is trying to dominntc n vnst srca of tho world, in which the imperialist Powers are desperately trying to retain the fruits of their villainous pillages that have ghm them the possession, usu and utilization of 80 iwr cent of the natural resources and bnsic Wdth of mankind. 161. Of the present population of the world, only about ‘5 per cent has ncccss to the material goods and cultural values born of their gigantic and explo3ive exploitation. And, although wlthhi the ambit of scientific and techno. logicni progress the developed capitalist countries are already on the threshold of the iwenty-first centmy, the ma]ority of undcr.dcveloped countries of Latin America, Africa and A&I are still laggglng behind on the very edges of the itresent century, and some have only just crossed the frontiers of contemporary civilisation itself. 162. The under.developed countries, as part of their slruggh! for liberation and dovelopmcnt, have pressed internationd 0rganizaUons to help them to solve this prciblcm. Yet the initiatives for development that have been promoted and cncournged by the United Nations beginning in the 1960s and that were renewed in 1970, DP we have already heard stated at the conferences of the Economic Commission for Latin America as well as at the meetings of the Group of Seventy&vcn and of the third session of the United NaUons Confcrenot on Trade and Davelopment show that the result has been a great number of failures and frustrations. Undcrdevelopment nnd dependcncc in Latin Americn has grown; and, therefore, the threat to peace and security, likewise. 163. I do not llavc to’stress the fact that the palnfui deterioration of Latin American economies has become even more acute with the second devaluation of the North American monetary unit. The vertical fall of the dollar, an obvious example of the pathological upheavals that beset the capitalistic system, hns for Latin America and the countries of the third world spelt a reducUon of ahnost $1,000 million of their dollar reserves; and if we want to assess the pathetic picture, we need only add to the present grnvo situation the foreign debt of those countries, which rose in the 19703 to nearly $70 thousand nliilion. Signillcantly, in 1971, ns a counterpart of that further dotcrioration in the latin American economics, and as II conscquencc of the in(ercapit;tlistic conlradictions, trade, economic, tlnancial end tcchnicd assistance relations botwccn Latin America and the Mopcan Common Market, Japan and the socialist countries showed R relufive improvement. 164. But those sporadic changes do not and cannot cha;lge the nature of the tragedy. III Lath America, at this very ail& prhnarlly, of the Soviet Uidon, But tab peoples tliat arc not ready to pay that price n4ust know that thoy will * mm never emerge from u44da~development and dopendcnca,. 169. But I shall spcnk of Cubn, to struss tlie pre~conditioas Uist we consider to bc tndlspc44sablo in order to go beyo44d under.development ruid dependence. It would be unforgivably 14sIvo to depend on the hternaUo44al coqerutlon of iinpe4ialism to sliattcr tlie vicious circle of roiatlons between t$e dovoiopd cnpitalist countries pnd the depen. dent rind under.devclopcd nations, since U4e prose44t st4uc. turcs were crentod by the vory forclgi4 centres of power Uut gobble up U4eir resources and wcaltl4. As a corollnry, 1 can say that ti4cre is no liberation rued development a4ld tlicre camlot bc a44y without 44 change in tl4e cconontic or4d social structures that will make basic changes in the coiltroi of Uie 141ea44s of production, such as agrorla44 reforin a44d Uio nationalization of the koy sectors of tile economy. Reform and dcvelopmcnt wit14 populist attractions only tend to bnzreasc stagriatio44 olld dopende44ce. We have to shako up ol~d radically dango the relations and the structures of irlternal and extorrlnl donllnation. In other words, tlie pre-condition for development and UbcraUoa IS rcvolu. Uonary change. 165. Prom want, hungor, i@orailce, oppression and the destructlo of marginal and over.exploited soclni ci~sscs arlse, drlpplng with UIO blood and sweat of utiiers, tlie cnse and privileges of tiiosc circles that base themselves on under~dcvelop4no44t iuld dependency. 166. Tills series of undeniablo truths is ti4c result of n defl44itc strategy end is protected by the poiltlcal, juridical and m.ilI:ary nlachlncry owned by the Uillted Srates but placed lu4dcr different headlags, ~141~11 form a colnpletc gamut ranging from the coiisultative 4necti4igs to Uic Inter-knerica Treaty of Reciprocal Assistnnce, Unough ti4c prevcntlvo interventions and tile South I’acific Co44una44d illegally located on the I’aiia4na Cai~al. Tho Ideological backgrou44d of this policy of expansio44 444tld 14cge4noiiy dates back to many years prior to the unilateral prociama. Uon of the invalid Monroe Doctrine. Today it is rclnforced by Its 4nliitary bases and its launclllng pads of nuclear rockets, 170. We In Cubo obtained full liberalion arid the objective possibility of dovelopl44g along the socialist road through tire revolutionary ar4nod struggle of our people. But ti40 road of access to power cau vary a44d always depends on spccitlc circuinstnnccs, What is bnportant is Uio ilnture of the cl4angc and that the people partlclpatc in it. 171. Thus, Chile hns now started, u44dcr the dlrectio44 of d4e Governt4ant of Populnr Unity ru4d Pro&dent Salvador Allcndo, to regain its basic wealth at4d 44atural resources within the co44stitutional frn4nework rind is carryirig out the process rcsolutcly in the face of tlie threats, aggression and plots of North k44crlcan I4nperinlis4n~ Tile Revolutionary Ciovcrnmc44t of Uio kined Forces of Peru, under its President, Ge44cral Juan Volasco Alvnrndo, hns already, and also in accordaiico wiU4 its owl4 co~~cepUons iuld circuit stances, uildertakcrl a series of eco44o4nlc ol4d social struti tural chaiiges wi!li tile declared purpose of freeing itself from under-dcvelopmcnt and depcndcnce, Uoth U4osc 444ovemo44ts arc charactorizcd, furU4erinore, by tl4o objectives which tiicy have set for ti4c4nselvcr, iiamciy, to beiicfit the workiug popuiatioi~ u44d tile needy 14111s1:cs. Tl4e sucrifices and dovotio44 called for cu14 be 4tcceptr d aiid carr!cd out by pcoplcs ordy if Uioy work for thcnisolvcs a44d if they take part In tile endeavours. Cuba, through its acl4icvc. alcnts, shows that the work ca44 bc do44c. 167. Ma44y countrlcs of Lot114 Ps;&ca l4nvc cxprcsscd their hopes of avoiding Uie catastrophic perspectives of an atondc aggression by twning our co44ti44cnt into a 44uclcar free zone. That was doubtless a laudable hiitiative of Mexico. In 1967 after lnborlous negotiations, tl4o TrcIty ProMbiting Nuclear Weapons in LaU44 Amcrlca was ap proved in Uist country, Apart from 4notivatio44s resulting front its owl4 co44crete situatioil and consUtuU44g a basis of its fore& policy, Cuba has refrained front subscribIng to tliat Treaty, s111co we beliovo that tile 440ble ahns of tl4e Treaty of Tlatelolco, as it is usu;lly called, will be a pure pipe drca444 until it covers also U4e donuclcarlzatlon of tlic oilly ntlciesr I’owcr ii1 tile he4illspi1crc. We uro iiot attackl44g tiie Treuty; wc abstaillcd, 168. 1 sha!! not speak of tho harassincn!s, the prcssurcs, tile infiitwtloiis clt’ counter~rcvoiutioiiarics, tlie acts of sabotage, @racy and aggression of various types that we iiave suffered in Cuba, i44ciudh4g tlie real thrcnt of a nucle;t4 hccatorrtb. Nor shall I speak of the ccc~~~o~nic bluckadc a44d ti4c trude c444bnrgo iriiyosed 044 us With tile C01141iVel4CC of those w110 at that tl414c acted as the Gins of Eath AIIWI~CN. I shall 44ot speak of tiiat iivi44g, lies14 and r44ligl4tc44i44g history, bccausc it is sha114eful u44d I: would take me too long. But 1 will say thut that was the high p4icc the Cuban pc;~plc liad to pay definitivciy to break away from Nor111 172. Cuba, Chile a44d PCIU uro the fht exponents of the new ruvolutio44ury situa114~44 114441 hns galncd grorouad in L4ti44 A444erica as a rcspo44sc a44d u chniic~~gc to the on~14ous coridltlo44s u44dcr wM4 WC axist, But in tlie prcscnt circu4nstar4ccs of Lti44 Amcrlco and the rest of the world, frcedo4n aird development can b fully achieved o111y Ulrouglr U4c Effective HIKI 444ilita44f IAOII of’our pcoplcs. As this IS t!lO h’W Of !dStoQ’-WO S!‘l’!! be!Ollg t0 M CCINlhC and po!!tlca! union of the !~oplos of L&in America. On Utnt day tllo Ulroats to pace and wcudty III our he~‘li~ sphere w!!! also ba wiped nwey, 173, Tlu, dircctlon of !&tory Is a!so clin~‘giug h’ L&l America. The peoplas nro not only gottltlg closer togothor aud tryhlg to obtahl their rigllts ngrdu; in other fields-nud ot other !ove!s, some countries !l;lvc !~3gun to cxcrclso their soverclgn right, III accordauco with their laws rind ucads, to bcnof’it from Uloir bnsic rosourcos aud naturni wealth, whether they be 01’ land or III tile scn, dospitc mopsuros of prcssuro which, bccnusc thoy violntc the prhiciplcs of s&GdotcrmhinUon of !x+oplcs tmd those of non-hWvonUon set forth in the Cllnrtcr of tile United Nations, coustltuto n threat to h~tcrnatloua! !XXC~ aud sccurity.~ ~. 174. Tho totn! brcnkdowu of the A!!inncc for Progress, tho key crisis through which UIC Orgnnizntion of Amcrlcnu Stntcs is going, rud tho mcnsurcs of self-dcfcnca ndoptcd II’ tho Andcnn Pnct; tllo outry of Venezuela iu tl’c Orgnnizr,. Uon of Potrolcum Exportlug Countries, and of CIdle aud Peru hi tho Orgnnization of Copper Exporting Countries; tho progrossivo stntcmeuts of the Chnrtor of 1lma; UIC tim!d nspirntions of the Spcin! Coiu~“ission of Latin Amoricaii C~ordlnntion; aud tllo recout ~ngrccments arrived nt In Bogota at tho hltor~knerictiu Ecouo~uic nud Socia! Council uaothlgs, whom the United Stntos wns practically isolntod aud si!ent, nro clcnr hidlcations of iho growhlg nwnreuGss that the devclopmont of our contluont is irtcampntiblo dth ne~coloula! dopondcuco OII the IJnitcd St&s. W!e that dc!Endcnce otists, we cnn state nxlomaUcn!ly t!l;lt pence aud security nro bohig thraatcucd. 175. It is witldu tlds context, of which it Is n pnrt, that wo must study the I’UII’ itcm on our ngouda: the tllrcats to pncc aud security III Go homisphcre that UC in Ulc ~~ccb~coionla! rolntlorls huposod by Ule Wtod Stntcs OII Pariama iu the s~cslled Caun! Zone and in the trnusoconuic waterway itself rind that emannte from n trenty which violates tho most clemcntary nobms of hltcmntiouu! Irrw. It was sigucjd uudor thrcnts uud with au impcriullst. 1~11 on !?sh~f of u “hhssin~‘ic civihhn u~ssioi” mid to bonollt the torrltoria!, ecoi’~n~ic, com~i’ehd, fi~~nnciul, poiiticnl ui’tl mi!ltary expnusion of the Uuitcd Stutos nt the oxpcnsc uf Pannms nud L&hi America. This most shu’noh~! Illstory of piracy is rccouatcd 111 huudrods of books, umi the chlcf robber hhnsoif procluhucd It 111 u famous, cynical bind tmc stntumcut when he sa!d, “1 took l’mu’~“. 176. If wo truly want to midorstnud the signlfkaiico ml mcauing of tho bunling situution thnt flowed from this uo~co!onhl aiclava we must study it witldn the framework of tho very process of tho forrnatioii of the P~numutiinu pcoplo. No disloynl sccoesion from Colombiu, 110 republic 177, If wo look back to the scvoutccuth ccutury rind pnrtlcularly tho boghmh~g of tho ciglitccnth ccritury, when tho Pnaamnninn isthmus llod bccomo n brldp,o of dry inud botwouu the two ocoaus, wo shrill sco thnl its sottlors, a growing mixture of Spnninrds, ludinus cmd blacks, woro bccomlng hicronshigly nwnro of thu role as a bridge which gaogrnphy aid cconou’y hnd givcu tha !)rovirLes of Pnmmru and Vorngun. The Ilcavy flow of Iuterconth~ontnl trndo that stnrtod III Portoboio 011 the Cnribbceau rind i’nmm~ 01’ the Pacific led OVCI’ at tllut Umo to thought of tho uccd for some ditch to brlug tho two O~CUI’S togothor. T!IO idon of n caual ncross the isthmus dntcs brick to thnt thno. 178. The movement, progress rind prosperity that co!o111u! trod0 llud crontod in I’nuamn shrook durhlg tho second hnlf of the clg!itoonth cOnfury, when the majority of trndc wns dircctcd south throug!l the Strait of Mngolhm, cnushlg sociu! nnd economic suffcrhg. But durhlg those !mriods Pnmm~u~ ninn nntiomdlty joilcd, rind it bcama cvon more dngulnr, As CEsnr A. do L&n stated, “It was mom pronouncod than t!int of othor rog!ous thnt lator bccamc hidcpondcet Stntcs”. The rest of our couthlout nud Cuba have followed the snmo process. The gostntlon of nutionnlity In tho Spnnish colo~‘ios wns n p!1euo1w3i’o1’ very shdinr iir all cw’trh nnd rnn pnrnllo! In thorn. 179. At t!io dawn of the nh~cteout!~ century i?mamu was, ns wa have sold, alrondy a11 outity porfcctly d!ffcroutintad from n!! the rest. T!ioro urc highty sl~uificuut ovcuts to provo it, Prmuua couthmod undor Spanish don~nntion nftdr Colombin had brokou ioc)so, It wns stl!l lhlkud to Spuh~ nftor Contra! kncricn hnd brokou away. !‘annntrmhu~ coutingcnts participntod in tho battles of UIO Liborntor, uud UIC provitlco broke nwny from tho Spnulsh crown ou 21? Novcmbor 1821. ShnOu Bollvnr greeted thnt evout with exultant words: “I WlllOt OXiWSS til0 t’c?Olillg Ol’ joy illlli adiriirutiou t!lUt hvuded IUC wh I hoard thut PIII’UII’~~, the ccntro of the univorso, bud rcg~:ueratcd itself uud frued Itsolf of Its owll Will, The uct of hlcpcutlcnc0 of I’iwunu is the IilOBt glorious iwi’uu’wt uuy hmrlcuu provh’co otul offs history. !Zvcrythhig hus bcc~i covcrod, Justice, guuorosity, po!icies und tiutlonnl Intcrosl.” 180. hi 1826 the I,iborutor solccCod the istluws :m the ceutre of the fIuslrutod mcctiug of our !~cop!es 10 uuitlt, tc~ ropl by force lho rcconquast set up by lhc I loly hiliuucc und to sturt n coumlou policy. ho of the cardinal purposes in Wivar’s mind wils to IiOlp iu tlu i~rthqmridorlce Of CUllil~ which wns ulrcudy huugorcd for by the Uuitod Status u&r 181. The wide-scnlc conception of BolIvar, that, III order to strcngthon their indepndence, gurantce thcIr sccurlty and speed up their poiitlcsl, economic, social and cultural dovclopmcnt, :hu only altcrnativc for countrlcs that had liberated themselres from SpaIn was *to constitute a fcdoratlon of peoples, was wclconwd b) Panama with such walm cnthuslesm that ilb first act of sovereignty iuld self-detcrinb~ation WCS to unitb with Greater Colombia-a fruitful germ of the continenta! union the promoter had in mind. This couragcaus declslon, dlffcrcnt from that of many other countdes, led Pannmn into great dlffIcuitics when, in 1830, Greater Colombla broke apart and C@ tombia was unfortunately plun~cd Into chaos wIt11 Panamn renlaiting lhlked to it, against the wishes of most of the Panamanian peopie, during the tormentod period of wars between fuctlons. During t11a.t pcrlod the Pnnanurnlan people remained true to Its unshakoblc dotermInation to constitute itself as a free and independent nation. Dospitc repeated defeats of its attempts in 1841 it became fleetingly hldepcndont and was recognlmd as a sovereign Stutc by a number of countries. Uut in that same year, when the United States wa; usc.pi~~g the 1nost fertile land frcm Mexico-land which added to the annexation of Texas -what arc today the states of California, New Mexico, Kansas, Oklahoma, Nevadn, Arizona, Utah, Colorado and Wyoming-the MallarIn@BIdlack agreement was slgned, giving the nascent Power rights, privileges and hnmunItics in matters of navigation and free transit across the Isthinus. Also, that nation pro1nIsed to ensidle the neutrality of the terdtory and the rights of sovereignty and property of New Granada. in the light of that agreement, the Unltod States did not take too long to obtuin the econonlic and strategic prlvllcge of bulldlng :he railway from one ocean to the other. From that moment on, North Amcrlcan Interferonco and the strugyie between the usurlxrs and the vlcthns followed close on one anothor. As an Illustration, lot US look at the famous “slice of the wafcrmeion” and the Intrusions carded out either because of the imperialists desire to do so or bccause,of the demands of otliers, III 1860, 1861, 1862, 1865 and 1886, when Panama lost Its autunomy ml was reduced to n mere province. 182. The Panamanian professor Nils Castro very perlincntly recalls the vibrant accusatlcrl mode 122 years ago by the outstanding 1~11nan~.~nian thinker Juato Arosemenu: “The Yazlkeos have caused ull sorts of trouble. TI-ay have d~owii an insolent contempt for institutio11s, customs, authorify and the national race itself:” ‘111~1 was the time when the California gold rush pckurcd thousands of adventurers across the isthmus leaving in their wake htnnlliatiou und hatred. 183. ‘l’hc disguised policy of “patie11t waitiiq” was now followed hy the impaticncc of “MonroelsI!i” and “big 184. But the UnIted States lnterventlon that was going to dlsI$ure and distort the constant struggle of the Panamanlan pcoplc for indcpndencc WU~ that of 1902. The Thousand Day War, wllicl~ started in Colombia, becnuse of rivalries of power ~;;wx liberals and conscrvalIves$ left more t!ian 50,000 dead and caused enormous danlngo and tehsions in Wn.rma, wllich until that timc had managed to remain outslde the upl~eavals. But thIs time the rcpercussions of the struggle had unlcashcd a social war In the Isthmus led by Victoriano Lorcnzo, The UnItcd States lntorvoned as a settler of squabbles between the liberals and the conscrvatlvcs. The peace was signed on the battigllip IWsconslr~ But the prom& to respect the lives and property of the Hberals of the “other war” was violated in l+mama, where VictorIano Lorcnzo was shot and the ltberal loaders were outlawed. And yet the llcrriin4Iay Treaty for thr constructlon of the Canal was slgnod, II Canal in wlllch too much hope of cconondc hnprovcmont had beon placcd by tho Panamanian lmople. Rut the terms of the agreement wore so leonhie that the Colombian Congress refusod to ratify it. President Theodoro Roosevelt then decide? to tear up the Mallarino.Bidlak Treaty and turn to force, 185. Oa 20 Kay 1902, 111 Cuba, the first neo~colonIal experiment of the conthient was starting. On the very threshold of the popular victory, the result of 30 years of struggle, and despite the warnings of Jose Mart& it was a ropubllc that had boon dIstorted with a constItutIona appendix whtch stIpulatod the right of the United States to III~CIWIIC 111 its domestlc uf’fairs :md oper~eti the slulcc grtcs of its basic rcsourccs and nutural wealth to the voracity of American bunk.ers, niorchants and ca!JItallsts. l’crhnps it wirs the must dramatic phase uf the process that was hcginning in the Cnribbean then. 186. On 3 November 190.7 somcthing very shnilar took p!ncc in l%mama, Already possessing Puerto Rico, the Philipph~es and l hiwall, iilld having Imposed !hc I’lntt An~ondment cm Coba and e~tablishcd II riuval has0 at GuantInunio-41 sli~atoglc h1frastructuro that was 11cccssaiy to protect the hltoroceanic Canal-the Roosevelt Govern. mcnt drcided to give cconomlc and military help to the 187. Jod Mart! had seen before, dur!ng and aftor, as well as around the events. Before he fell so radiantly on the battletleld, the apostle of freedom told Ids Mcxlcan friend, Manuel Mercado: 191. The ncgotiatlons wldch were started, !n the light of the Jo!ut Declaration of &mama and tlie U&cd States of 3 Apr!l 1964,5 cuhn!nated in 1967 !n three drafts: the Panama Canal treaty, the troaty for the bullding of a so&level cE!;al by Panama, and the treaty for tlie defence and ncutrallty of tlie Panama Canal. Fccl!ng that these instruments “did not meet the objective of br!ng!ng about the prompt el!m!nat!on of the causes of conflict between the two countr!cs”, the prcscnt Government of Panama rojcotod them and negotiations were broken off. And that is what he did and would do: “I am in Niger of g!v!ng my life for my country and for my duty every day-because I know it and I know how to do It-I tlllnk 1 can In time, with the indepen. dcnce of Cuba, stop the United States from sproadlng over the West 111dlcs and thus fal!!ng more heavily on our lands of America. Wllatever I have done t!ms far, whatoyer I do, is for that end,” -“to avoid the road being olxmcd up in Cuba that will be fed with our blood and lead to tho annexation of our countries by the brutal North Americans that despise us. “I lived in the monster and I know lls entrails; and my sl!ng is that of David,” l&Z. Appointing llimself Special Envoy and M!nister Pleni. ratentiary, the freebooter Bunau Varllla went to Washing. ton. On 13 November he prosentcd credentials and on 18 November he signed the Istlunian CanaI Convcntlon, together w!th Secretary of State liay. He d!d not evon wait for the Commission’s arrival to negotiate formally. La&rig powers and rights, Eunau Varilla turned Panama into n Yankee protectorate, T!ic symbiosis of the policies of tllc “big stick” and “dollar diplomacy”, parts of tlie planned United States neo~colonialism, was thus starting elmul. tancousiy in the Greater Antlllos and in the Istlunus’on the mainhmd. 193. The oauses,of the confI!ot between the two countries were listed by the Panamanian Government: perpetuity, polltld jurisdfction and administrative authority, the carrying out of unauthorlzod c!v!l!an works, protcctlon of the Canal and the !nsufUc!ency of direct and indirect benefits to Panama. 189. In tho history of !ntornat!onal relations, the Istlunian Canal Convention is tho most cxprossivo proof of unscrupulousness, contempt for pr!nc!plc, open rapacity and contempt for a people. Tile majority of writers have demonstrated its absoluto juridlca! !nva!!d!ty and, Uleroforo, the fact that it does not truly oxist in the light of fnternatlonal law and the Charter of the United Nations. Among the authorities on the matter thorc nre many An~or!cans who share tills view. But it is the patriotic writers-hke Julio Yau, Jorge Turm and Jorge I?. Illueca States flag,- In -accordance, with t!i views of Prcsldcnt Kennedy, at the secondary school @ l#Op. me ~: mmI 190. Th!s ferocious aBress!on of United States troo!% wh!ch gave r!sa to vociferous ind!gnat!on ~anlotlg the Panaman!an pcoplo, lo9 to the breaking of d!!~lonmt!c rclati~ns wit!1 the U&cd Stat0s and Ule COIIVOI~~ of the bcurity Council and of the Organ of Consultation of the Organ!zat!on of Anlericiul States, to ez4m!ne th0 causes of the conflict batwcen tho two countries tltit wns endanger. !ng hcnUsphcr!c peace and seourlty and establ.!sh conditions for negotiating a new conventfon that would remove those causes, making it possible to cstabllsh on a IIOW baslr. the relat!ons ar!s!ng from the construction and U~O of the Canal. 192, On 29 June 1971, Palama rcnowed the dlaloguc with the IJn!tcd States, clearly dcf!n!ng its position and setting forth !ts guldellncs, through its NBn!ster for Foreign Affairs, Juan Anton10 Tack, and issued the followring ha& documents: protest of the Revolutionary Government to the Government of the Unlted States (26 June 197O), state. merit at tho hoadquxters of the Organlzation of American States (26 JUIW 1970), rejection by the Revolutionary Government of the t!uec draft treaties of 1967 (20 August 1970), statement in the American Soc!cty in Panama (15, December 1970), statement at the First Regular General Assembly of the Organ!zat!on of Amerlcatl States, in Sa~i Jo.& Costa R!ca (15 AprU 1971), and letter to the Secrctar~General, U Want, (4 October 1971),6 194. Article II of tlie Isthnllan Cana! Convontlon states tl:at “The Republic of Panama grants to the United St&s ie per!xtuity tho use, occupation and control of a zone of 6 This con~nnunlcal.lun WIIS writ t& Member St& by LI nutu vcrbulo dstcd 7 October 1971, 2! =“the uso,~occup!ion and control af any other lnnds and waters outsfdo of !he zone above.dcsoribed which mny bo ~wms4uy plld ~~nvonion!“. I! la provided in urtlclo XXIII of !lro Co~lvcn!lOn of 3YO?* 195. In the R&s-Roosevol! Trenty of 2 Murch 1936,’ tho UnIted States yicldcd !he c&h! to use, occupy and control any other lands but rotained the peorpetulty of UIO concoWu~ of the CMiIl Zone. In l,967, in the abovcn~ntfoned drnit tceatles, I! proposed ‘the mnhltouance of t&e vnlidity of the Znne to the year 2067. “If I! should become necessary II! lwy Ol1110 to employ armed forcas for tho snfoty or protoctlon of !hc Cunul, or of :b ships tlur! nurko use of the snme, or the roilwuys und uuxlllory works, the Unltod Stutes nhnll IIWO the right, u! nil !lmes and In i!a dlocrotlon, to use Its pollco and Its lnnd rind nnval forces or to oslubllsh fortiflcatlons for (11369 purposes,‘” 196. Cuba considers thn! the perpetuity of those nao. colon1~ agreanments should be abrogated as well as their conccsslons. I! must be borne in mind that they pro null and void: tho roproscntativo of one of the partloa did 11ot hnvo full powers, and.thece was no free c~~~scn!. The will of UIQ United States was imposed without the Ponaman~~ peoplo’s appcovd. The Convbntian of 1903 Is intended pccolwly to legitbnize n situetlon which is contrary to law, 201, Cubn consldors that nelthcr of those srtlclce author izcs the United Stutos to trnnvform the Canal Zone Into par! of Its world.wlde system of nlllltury bases for ~ggrctivo purposus 0s to guarantco the security of Its continental tcrrltory; nor to UUllze !ho territory of the Canal Zone as n !rai~tilg ground for its armed forces; nor to train speolnl and convcn’zlomd forces of the L&n Amorlcnn ~~nlfca; nor to sond axpeditlons of rangom or camouflaged planes to Latin Amcricun countries struggling for tholr UbernUon and dcvdlopmcn!; nor to use !ho Zone RS a headquarters for Its Southern Comnumd, D regional bmnch of the American Army; nor to turn tho 20110 Ill!0 0 cclltro for sub:~erslon and n bnsc for Interference in the domostlc nffairs of the countries of Latin Ar’orlcn. The armed nttack ,ngrdns! the Donllnlctu; Republic, orgnnlzcd in the Crulal Zone, consU!u!od one of !he gravest threats to secutity In 197. The Unltod States hns even gone beyond the Dr, conlan terms of the Convention. I! is there se! forth thnt rho polI!ld Juris&cllOn rind ndmltistratlve au!hority were lhnitcd exclusively to “(ho , , . malntonance, oporatlon sanitation urid protcctlon of tho Canal”, But the United States Government has arrogntcd to Itself the full right of exorcise of the vaunted jurisdictlun and authority in the CMnl Zone. ...-. 198. Cuba considers tile! the ne@colonld enclave Is affectInk Uro sovccolgnty and torritorhd intogrlty of Pnnnmn and we feel !hnt full cnfoymen! of !ho inherent powers over the ontiro territory of the isthmus must be returned to PMnIllil. hntlr~ America and proves the Uctlon of the peace slructures when they or0 left hi tho hand3 of aggressive crlmhials of Uds type, 202. The ull~cncompnsslng powers assumed b:r North American hnpeclalism .In Paama constitute the greatest thron! to sccurlty and pence in our continent, involuntarily exposed ns we are to the lncdculnblc consequences of Its aggresslvo pollcIes and mllltary adventures. 199. When the Treaty of 1936 limited the powers of the Ur&ad Statos to “the maintenance, operation, snnltation and protection of the Cnnal”, It was obvlous that the word “construotfon” had been dropped, rind, tiierefore, that prior agreement should be obtnincd before any ci~ihn .corls!rucUon was corded out, The United States has cnrrled out s~h construction without respecting either the letter of the agreement or the authority of the Panamanian Government. Cuba considers !hat w inmedIate end nlust be put to tbls lnadndssiblc abuse of power. 203, Cuba consldors tha! it Is Imperotlve to dismantle the ndlltary bnsos and neu!cnll;Le tho Canal Md that Panama has the right and duty to defend its own territory, which has no! Auffeced any threats, aggressions or damage except from the Unltcd St&s. 204. As for the direct benefits dcrived from the Canal and the rallwuy ucross the Isthmus by tbc PtiPnnndan people, they are laughublc: I! is nut worth mentluning the nleIc plttunca given Punan~~ for thclr use, cuntrol and utllization. The preaont Panamurdae Government has cofused to nccop! I!. 200. The Pawna Cmol Zone has become II powder kop to the peace und ticurity of the henllsphoro. Arllclc X of the 1936 Treaty, prepz:ed In the light of tho forosaorrblo immineuce of the Swmd World War, litorully stutcs: “hi CDSII of UII iri!eane!lonul confloyation or Uic cx.Iste11ce of zny threvt of aggrwlon WlllCfl would andengtx :ita security of the Republic of L’nr~atnu or the neutrality or security of the PMPII~ Cut~ul, the Govern. 20% Doprlvud of Its own con~4derablc msources, or even possessIng thorn, the muln resource of Panama is its gw~ruplIlcul lOctl!l011, The Ist:m!us dues IlO! exls! bxause of (iI0 hnkdl: UlD ~‘IlIlYI exists because Qf ttw MIuus. The uarnhlg dorivad from Its use shuuld be lhe basis for its 206 If pouce und security uro deslrcd In L&In Amorlco, the rlghtu to full l~~dependo~~co, sovoroignty 5nd solf. dctorrnlnutlor~ must Lm roepectod, und, therefore, tho power Lund rlght of 511 Stutos to c5rry out structurnl chnnges und selcot tholr roilds to devolopmont wifhout foreign Inter. feronca, whothor those be c5Ilod ocor~omh blockade, trirtfe emburgo, coorclvo uotlon In the lntcrn5tlonul credit or. gunhutlons, dlplomntlc pressures, dlroct or lndircct roprlsals, ldeologlcal frontlcrs, the Illckenloopor Amendment or open or vollcd nggression, of tho khld thnt has occurrod and Is occurrlng In so mnny different modalltlcs. 207, The hour has olreody struck whon nil forms plrd mnnlfostatlons of colonlulism und nco-colonlullsm lo Lntln AmerIc must bc wlpd out, lncludhrg tho Commonwcslth of Puerto I&o, the seditious actlvitlcs of transnatlonnl onterprlses 5nd the navul baso at Guanthum~o, on nrea whtcll is part of our nntlonnl territory 5nd which w5s taken over ngnlnst tho oxpross will of the people of Cub5 und used uftor the trlumyh of our revolution as a nest of countcrrovolutlo.:>rles and splos. We most energetically protest ngainst this arbitrary inrposltlon and WC reiterate our soverclgn right to restore to our homeland that portIon of our country lllognlly torn from It by Unltcd St5tes lmporlnllsm. Nor should any of those forms and manlfestotions of colonlallsm and nco~olonlalls~n be allowed to perslst In Africa or A&, 208. That, III short, Is the posltion of Cuba on the problems submlttod for tho Council’s consldoratlon. 209. Cub5 llas nlw5ys shared the age-old drslre of aII peoplo~ for peace 5nd security and, thcrofore, we support the mensuros adopted by the United Nations for the granting of lndopendoncc to colonial or dependent peoples, for general and complete dlsarl~mont, for the tutal destruction of nuclear weapons and their moans of delivery, for the abolition of existing arsenals and for the cessation of their manufacture and testlng. When supporting these moves, however, Cuba has also stressed that these undertnkhigs will meet m5sslve obstacles whllc the iniperialist policies of u~resslm nnd exploitntlon oxlst. 210. The efforts of the Uolted Nutions to th5t end will glvo positive results ooly when the security, indcpcndence 5nd torrltorial hltcgrlty of all States, large and snmll, 5re guuranteed, and this can be feasible only through the overthrow of the oggrcssive purposes of imperialism. In the Middle East there is still grave &ngor to the independence of the Arab ycoples and to world peace, bccauso of the territories usurped by Israel with hnperlallst asslstanco and Its stubborn rofusrtl to give them brick uncondltlonnlly. 211, It Is lmporatlve thnt we state cntogorically’thut no I-country of I.&In knedcu can or could, uven if It wcro proposed to It, for obv!ous reasons, 5110~ U~O existcnco of ~tuatlons that offoct Intern5tlonul peace 5nd security, ‘I?14 constant rcsponslbUlty for having provoked these must always f5U on the shoulders of tho only imperiollst Power of this homlsphcre, 212. It IS ilOW for the &XUrlty COUllCu t0 Sd th9 pdittC5l and jurldlcnl framework that will gu5r5ntee rocognitlon, obedlcncc wid respect for rhc sovereign rights of Pnnnmu ln Its ~~~yotlntloas with the UnIted Stntcs on the Canal Zone. The allern5tlvo is clear-cut wld finill: eltlar the Cnnal and UIO Canal Zone 010 made P5rumlirnlan and lntln America is allowed to bc free and davelolad, or pcaco rind security will bo lncroalngIy endangered in this part of the world, 213. l’he I’HI!SIL)l?NT (klc/‘pretuhon from @m~ls/i): I now call OII the rcprcscntativo of the United States of America, who wishes to excrdse Ills right of rcpiy, 214, Mr. SCALI (United Stotcs of America): In exercising my right of reply, I reject without qualification the falsehoods, the page after page of cahunny whtch have Just been dlrccted against my country. I reject without qualiflcatlon the counsels of hate rind the voice of venom that, for page after page, have polsoned the atmosphere of fhls chnmber, olr this body dedlcatcd to frlendshlp and concord. ‘iI10 accusations against my country 5ro so wild, so reckless, so far removed from the trutlb that they are unworthy of a detiled reply at a thne when the winds of peace and hope are stlrrlng around the world. 215. There are m5ny differences, many-issues, that must be patiently resolved by the process of diplomacy In this hcmlsphere and in the world. The approach we have just heard from the self-appointed spokesman of a people whose present condition must arouse the compassion of us all is not the way to achieve the high purposes of this body, nor to fultll our hopes for tha Security CouncU and the United Nations. 216. But I have neither the time nor the inclination to refute in detail aI of these accumtlons. This meeting is being held to contribute to the maintenance of peace and security in this hemisphere. The statements of the representative of Cub5 do nothing to advance US toward the noble goal which kas brought us to this table. 217. The PRESII)BNT (interpretation from Spnish): Before adjourning the meeting, I should like to inform members of the Cound tk~t lkr Excelkncy Indird Gandhi, the Prime htitisler of India, has sent the following rn~s~rlgc to the President of the Cour~cil: “The meeting of the Security Council in Additi Ababa last year was an historic event. it provided an opportunity natlona The subject of dlscussion at the Security Council mectlngs is of hrtorost to the ontlre world community as no economlo and soohd progross is posdblo unless the