S/PV.1703 Security Council

As representatives will recall, we are today celebrating the International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination. In the light of that fact the Chairman of the Special Committee on Apartheid, the representative of Nigeria, Mr. Ogbu, has asked to be allowed to make a’ statemer,t. The Council at its 1699th meeting decided to extend an invitation to the Chairman of the Special Committee on Apartheid. Accordingly under rule 39 of the provisional rules of procedure I invite Mr. Ogbu to take a place at the Council table and to address the CounciI. 6. Moreover, the South African regime has continued in illegal occupation of the Territory of Namibia, which is under the direct responsibility of the United Nations, It has sent its forces to Zimbabwe, in defiance of the United Nations, to prop up the illegal racist minority regime of Ian Smith and to wage war against the people engaged in the legitimate struggle for freedom. It has supported the Portuguese colonial authoritie’s in Mozambique and Angola, which are carrying on colonial warfare against the peoples of these Territories. It has repeatedly threatened the security and territorial integrity of the independent African States in southern Africa.

Mr. President, I wish to thank you, and through you, the members of the Security Council, for giving me the opportunity to make a sfatement on behalf of the Special Committee on Apartheid on this the lnternational Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination and the culminating day of the Council meetings in Panama. The warmth, charm and hospitality of the people and Government of Panama have become proverbial and I wish to associate myself with the gratitude so ably expressed by previous speakers. 7, The South African regime has thus become the bastion of colonialism in the area and the leader of the “unholy alliance” directed against the United Nations efforts to secure the elimination of colonialism, racial discrimination and ap&h.i It is essentially at war against the great majori@ of the people of southern Africa, and against the purposes and principles of the United Nations. 3. In resolution 2142 (XXI) of 26 October 1966, the General Assembly proclaimed 21 March as the International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination. It chose 21 March because it is the date of the Sharpeville massacre in South Africa in 1960, when the South African Police I 9. The South African regime, by resorting to brutal repressive measures against the African people and their movements, and all those opposed to apartheid, has tried to persuade the world that the country is peaceful. It has been assisted in this propaganda by some foreign interests which benefit from the system of apartheid in South Africa. The recent events in South Africa, particularly the recent strikes by the black workers against the inhuman exploitation and the denial of elementary trade union rights, belie this propaganda. Behind the apparent peace, enforced by vicious repression, the situation has become even more explosive. 10. In its resolution 311 (1972), adopted in Addis Ababa on 4 February 1972, the Security Council expressed grave concern that “the situation in South Africa seriously disturbs international peace and security in southern Africa”, It condemned the South African Government for continuing its policies of apartheid in violation of its obligations under the Charter and reiterated “its total opposition to the policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa”. It recognized the legitimacy of the strugale of the oppressed people of South Africa in pursuance of their human and politica rights, as set forth in the Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Bights. It urgently called upon the South African Government to release all persons imprisoned, interned or subjected to other restrictions as a result of the policies of apartheid. Finally, it decided “as a matter of urgency, to examine methods of resolving the present situation arising out of the policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa”. / il. The South African regime has again defied that resolution of the Security Council and has shown utter contempt for the authority of the Council. Instead of releasing pers,qns imprisoned or restricted for their opposition to apartheid, it has imprisoned or banned a large number of persons in the past year, including several churchmen and students. Members of the Council are no doubt aware that only a few days ago it served banning and house arrest orders on the leaders of the National Union of South African Students, an organization which has adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Bights as its objective, and the leaders of the South African Students Organization, a black student organization. 12. The Security Council should therefore urgently consider more effective measures to resolve the grave situation in South Africa. It must consider appropriate action against the South African regime in the light of that r&me’s constant violation of its obligations as a Member of the United Nations. ’ “economic and other sanctions, instituted under Chapter VII of the Charter and universally applied, constitute one of the essential means of achieving a peaceful solution of the grave situation in South Africa”. 14. The United Nations and Member States have repeatedly called for a peaceful solution to the situation in South Africa on the basis of the principles of the Charter. It may be recalled that in resolution 134 (1960) the Security Council requested the Secretary-General, in consultation with the South African Government, to make such arrange ments as would adequately help in upholding the purposes and principles of the Charter. The discussion which were subsequently held by the late Secretary-General, Mr. Dag Hammarskjold, with the Verwoerd regime in South Africa were fruitless because of the intransigence of that @me. 15. In resolution 191 (1964) of 18 June 1964, the Security Council invited the South African Government to accept the main conclusion of the Group of Experts on South Africa that “all the people of South Africa should be brought into consultation and should thus be enabled to decide the future of their country at the national level”. It requested the Secretary-General to consider what assistance the United Nations may offer to facilitate such consultations among representatives of all elements of the population in South Africa and invited the South African Government to co-operate with the Secretary-General, The South African regime, however, spurned this invitation of the Council. 16. More recently, in 1969, the General Assembly endorsed by an almost unanimous vote [resolution 2505 (XXW)] the Manifesto on Southern Africa of the Organization of African Unity. But, sad to say, again the South African regime has rejected the offer of a peaceful solution. 17. The United Nations has always been prepared to assist in a peaceful solution based on the principles of the Charter, but it cannot entertain any compromise of its principles. It cannot afford to be inactive when the policies and actions of the South African @ime constantly aggravate the grave situation in South Africa and southern Africa as a whole. 18. On behalf of the Special Committee on Apartheid, and on the occasion of the International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, I appeal to the members of the Security Council to consider and apply all appropriate measures necessary to deal with the grave situation in South Africa and to secure the eradication of apartheid, It is imperative that the Council discharge its responsibilities under the Charter for the maintenance of international peace and security. 20. I should like to make a special appeal, on behalf of the Special Committee on Apartheid, to the main trading partners of South Africa, particularly the United Kingdom, the United States of America and France, to reconsider their attitudes and to facilitate effective action by the Security Council. 28. In memory of those who have sacrificed their lives in the fight for racial equality and the elimination of racial discrimination, the United Nations has endeavoured to intensify its own role in that struggle. In particular, we have worked tirelessly in the development of concrete programmes designed to assist governments, organizations and individuals in their efforts to eliminate racial discrimination and to promote racial harmony and equality. We have striven to develop the most effective ways and means to remove from the minds of men the prejudices and erroneous beliefs which give rise to racial conflicts and discrimination. 21. The Special Committee on Apartheid pledges to do all it can, in the discharge of its mandate, to assist the Council in its consideration of this matter. 22. Finally, as these meetings are being held in Latin America, I should like to express appreciation to the Governments and the peoples of Latin America for their opposition to apartheid and racial discrimination. One vacancy for the Latin American Group still exists on the Committee since the withdrawal of Guatemala, and I hope it will soon be filled. 29. Notwithstanding the substantial gains made in this regard, however, we are profoundly conscious of how much remains to be accomplished before the complete achievement of the humanitarian aims and purposes enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and before the full translation into reality of the principles and goals set forth in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, The remaining vestiges of racialism, the policies of apartheid and other manifestations of racial intolerance in all their forms continue to constitute a serious source of international tension, in particular in southern Africa. 23, The South African rkgime, I understand, has been making frantic efforts to forge and develop economic, political and military links with Latin American nations in order to “build a southern hemisphere”. I have every confidence, however, that the Governments and peoples of Latin America will not fall prey to the manoeuvres of the racist r&$me and betray their loyalty to the principles of the United Nations and to human dignity, lest those 69 men, women and children shot in cold blood in Sharpeville would have died in vain and the innocent victims of apartheid in detention camps and gaols would continue to languish helplessly, without a ray of hope. 30. It is perhaps symbolic that on this International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination the Security Council is holding its meetings in this region of the world for the first time. The historic struggle of the people of Latin America towards the achievement of human equality, justice and freedom is all too well known. Inspired anew and guided afresh by the principles upheld by those champions of justice and freedom in Latin America, we in the international community must redouble our efforts to put an end to the practice of racial discrimination and the policies of apartheid Each one of us should do his utmost to contribute his share to the United Nations objectives of peace, justice and progress, for these objectives hold the promise that all human beings may ultimately enjoy all the rights solemnly proclaimed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. 24. In the Declaration on the Occasion of the Twentyfifth Anniversary of the United Nations, the States Members of the United Nations have solemnly declared: ‘&We strongly condemn the evil policy of apartheid, which is a crime against the conscience and dignity of mankind and, like nazisni, is contrary to the principles of the Charter. We reaffirm our determination to spare no effort, including support to those who struggle against it, in accordance with the letter and spirit of the Charter, to secure the elimination of apartheid in South Africa.” /General Assembly resolution 2627 (XXV).] 25. Let us recall and reaffirm today, on this International Day, this solemn pledge and intensify the international efforts to secure the elimination of apartheid. 31. As I have stated on previous occasions, I shall, for my part, endeavour, within the framework of my responsibilities, to bring about the full and speedly implementation of the relevant decisions of the United Nations with regard

The next name on the list of speakers is that of the Secretary- General. I now call on him. 32. The PRESIDENT [interpretation from Spanish): The Secretary-General and Ambassador Ogbu, the Chairman of the Special Committee on Apartheid, have just made moving statements to the Council on the occasion of the celebration of the International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination. They deserve our whole-hearted gratitude. 33. The fact that the celebration of the International Day for the Himination of Racial Discrimination this year coincides with the series of meetings of the Security Council on Latin American soil constitutes, in my view, a happy coincidence, since Latin America pays tribute to human brotherhood. Racial equality was an ideal of those who liberated America and has become a complete reality in the course of Latin American history, 34. Through the broad pathways of Latin America all races move. Millions of Europeans, Asians and Africans reached our shores to mingle with our blood, to add breadth to our culture, to enrich our music, to share our joys, and to suffer our sorrows with us-in brief, to become . . a part of us. 35. Latin America is legitimately proud of its tradition in regard to the treatment of races, and it is therefore repugnant to its conscience and to its sensitivity that there exist practices, such as apartheid, whose ignominious design is to establish shameful differences based on the colour of the human skin, Consistent with this tradition, the Latin American delegations have from the outset lent their support to the struggle against racial discrimination which the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity have been waging in accordance with the purposes and principles of the Charter. 36. We must deplore the fact that all the efforts made have not so far yielded the desired results, and the world looks on with horror at the malignant extension of these practices to other regions of southern Africa and other parts of the world, and we Panamanians are affected by that, too. The perfidious resistance of the Government of South Africa to the resolutions of the General Assembly and of the Security Council is an affront to mankind which cannot be tolerated any longer. 37. What is needed is the political will to take firm action to remove this cancer which burns the body of Africa and other parts of the world. Once this decision is taken, our African brothers and those who suffer from these problems will, as in the past, have the most firm support of our nations. 38. I speak now as the representative of PANAMA. 39. I would say that we are convinced that the detennination of the Organization of African Unity will lead it to success in its struggle. There should be co-operation between Latin America and the African continent, and we 40. If in these historic meetings in Panama we have not taken up so important a problem and are not going to consider a draft resolution which would embody the feelings of our African brothers, that is simply because time does not allow. 41. The political philosophy expressed by the Chairman of the Special Committee on Apartheid today is the one that has to be followed because this, beyond doubt, is the most effective code to reflect what has to be done in order to put an end to abuse, raise the dignity of man and lay down ethical standards for social coexistence. 42. Panama wishes to announce that it will support any action that would bring to those who are today subjected to colonialism a system of government that is in accord with their aspirations and their capacity for self-government. Any voice of protest or of humanity will. find a response among us, and Panama will always pronounce itself against the degrading political system based on racial discrimination, know11 as apartheid. My country will pronounce itself emphatically against white minorities which try to impose the policy of apartheid to the detriment of the vast national majorities of the African peoples. 43. I wish to speak now about specific cases. 44. The explosive situation prevailing in the African Territories which are still subject to colonial domination and to foreign occupation should be eradicated since it represents a threat to world peace and to the security of the African countries. It is obvious that most of Southern Rhodesia has no confidence in the Government of the Prime Minister, Ian Smith, because it is a spurious government, and therefore that Government must disappear and must be replaced by a regime of the majority, which would come about as the result of a political process based on majority rule. 45. The policy of Portugal regarding the colonial Territories it controls is not one my country can agree with. My country believes in the self-determination and freedom of peoples. Panama sympathizes with the patriots who are fighting for the independence of the Portuguese colonies of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau). Panama shared the sorrow caused throughout the world by the cruel assassination of the great leader, Amflcar Cabral. 46. Panama wishes to announce that it supports the initiatives of the Chairman of the Special Committee On Apartheid expressed this morning. We know the colonialist argument that the Territory that seeks to be liberated is not yet ready for independence. We agree with the remark made by the representative of Argentina, Mr. Ortiz de Rozas, on an occasion when he said: “countries must be more alert than ever in preserving their sovereignty” [1630th meeting, para. 1511. 53. These forms of discrimination relate particularly to the following aspects: first, discrimination in employment and wages; second, racial segregation in the Canal Zone; third, discrimination in education; fourth, discrimination in housing. 54. I shall now analyse discrimination in employment and wages. During 1972 the labour force in the so-called Panama Canal Zone was made up of 15,035 workers, of whom 14,017 were employed full time and 1,018 part time. Despite this, the number of workers decreased by 207 as compared with 1971. As for employment opportunities, it is worth while to point out that approximately 75 per cent of all the workers are not North Americans, and within this percentage the majorit) are of Panamanian nationality. Yet discrimination is made patent by the application of two formulas: security posts and higher-echelon posts reserved for North American employees. 48, To be clearer, more specific and more decisive, we wish to state that we are in favour of all the liberation movements in the Portuguese colonies in Africa, as was stated by our Foreign Minister, Mr. Juan Antonio Tack, at the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly.1 We agree that every vestige of colonialism in the world must disappear and we identify ourselves with the third world because of the similarity of our problems in our struggle for the political and economic independence of our peoples. 55. We shall examine the first. For many years in the Canal Zone a series of so-called “security” posts have been created. These are held exclusively by United States citizens. These posts are arbitrarily determined and are not based on any analytical or scientific study of post classification. The intent is none other than to favour the North Americans over the non-North Americans. We observe that the posts of secretaries, filing clerks, office helpers, who actually do not deal with secret or confidential information that would justify the classification of security posts, are always held by North Americans, who receive better salaries and employment conditions. The creation of security posts, as I have said, does not follow any kind of prior analysis; a post which today is not a security post becomes 0x8 tomorrow when it is held by a North American citizen, 49. The Latin American Group in the United Nations has played a very active role in the process of decolonization of the African continent. As recognition of its outstanding participation in the matters that are today the subject of our concern, we wish to recall, inter alia, the statements of great historical value of the erudite representative of Ecuador, Mr. Leopoldo Benites, who is expected to be the President of the General Assembly at its twenty-eighth se& on. 50. Panama suffers with its brothers in Africa, with every threat to the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of its nations. My delegation condemns every kind of colonialism in Africa, in Latin America and in Panama. In the Security Council the voices of the five African and Latin American representatives must in unison condemn every type of colonialism. 56. I pass to the second formula, Higher-echelon posts are also reserved for United States citizens. There are two major classifications: manual and non-manual. The first refers to tradesmen and those who do physical work, such as carpenters, labourers, plumbers, electricians, and so forth, and there are 16 grades in this classification. Among the first six grades the Panamanian and other non-North American workers constitute the majority. Basically it can be stated that the posts in the seventh to the sixteenth grades in this classification are normally held by North Americans. The second classification is non-manual posts and relates to work done by professionals, office staff and so forth, There are 15 grades in that classification. Non- North Americans usually occupy only posts in the first three grades, and all those in the remaining grades are occupied by North Americans. 51. Since I am a fervent believer in the need for our peoples to seek public international support for the solution of their colonial problems, I shall in a few words refer to the main problem which afflicts my country in regard to colonialism. Panama feels that it is really authorized to speak about colonialism, since in a very small area of our territory the wealthiest nation of the world, with a facsimile of its own Government dividing our country in two, has concentrated the greatest resources known in the world. 52. This is the present status of discrimination in the Canal Zone today, 21 March 1973. As you know, mY territory subjected to colonialism or to a colonial situation in any of its manifestations always suffers from a characteristic evil which goes with it: discrimination. Discrimination is the handmaiden too of the colonial enclave in the heart of Panama known as the Panama Canal Zone. Discritnina- 57. This is how discrimination works; the higher-echelon posts are reserved for North Americans, excluding Panamanian and other non-North American nationals. Thus, as far as employment opportunities are concerned, we have these two outstanding discriminatory situations which are typical of colonialist enclaves or colonialist situations like the so-called Panama Canal Zone. 59. While it is true that there has been some improvement in the situation, it is no less true that wage discrimination persists in the Panama Canal Zone, which is part of our territory, and that that discrimination is a painful and irrefutable reality. Wage discrimination in the so-called Canal Zone is unjustifiably based on what is called a cut-off line, arbitrarily drawn through every group of posts, whether manual or non-manual. 60. Those who are above that cut-off line-the North Americans-receive wages equal to those paid for similar employment in the United States; whereas workers in the grades below the cut-off line-manual or non-manual workers, who are precisely the Panamanians and other non-North Americans-receive wages based on an arbitrary proportion related to the minimum salaries established in the Republic of Panama. Basically, it can be stated that this discriminatory practice is nothing less than the perpetup tion of the “gold roll” and the “silver roll”, later called the “U.S. rate” and the “local rate”, and today called “security posts” and “non-security posts”. That is tantamount to saying that it is the same job with a different name, which is expressly contrary to current agreements, which call for non-discrimination in employment and salaries. 61. The next picture I shall draw for you wiI1 give you an idea of the exact number of employees of the Panama Canal Company, which runs the Canal Zone, broken down into North Americans and non-North Americans, and the salaries they received in 1972 which were equal to those of the United States, and the salaries at the local rate. The number of North Americans paid at the United States rate was 3,490; non-North Americans numbered 1,856. The number of North Americans paid at the Canal Zone rate was 91, and the number of non-North Americans was 8,580. 62. But that is not all: there are other characteristics of the racial segregation in tile Canal Zone that is typical of every colonialist enclave where segregation is applied. This has been the case in the Canal Zone, as it is called, ever since the construction of the inter-oceanic Canal began, and subsists to date in many aspects. The North American authorities who govern the colonialist enclave kr.own as the Canal Zone have for years been segregating the blacks into several communities, outstanding among which are the following: Pedro Miguel, with a population of 1,408; Paraiso, with a population of 1,659; Gamboa, also known as Santa Cruz, with a population of 2,102; and Rainbow City, with a population of 2,375. 64. As for teaching and school administration staff in the Canal Zone, here again there is clear discrimination. In fact, the non-North American teaching staff are not allowed to teach courses in the North American school system, even though they may hold degrees from the United States and be qualified to teach there. On the other hand, the North American teaching staff may teach courses both in the North American school system and in the schools where the Latin American educational system is applied. 65. Lastly, as for the physical and material advantages and conveniences of the installations, we can show members of the Security Council, by means of photographs or a tour of the Canal Zone, some of the school buildings for the North Americans and, as a contrast, the schools serving the Latin Americans. 66. Another mortifying manifestation of racial discrimination which might be of interest to you relates to housing, One of the most typical characteristics of any colony or colonial enclave is that of housing. It can easily be seen that by means of this type of racial discrimination, which is widely practised in the Canal Zone, the agents of the State which organizes and maintains this colonialist enclave derive the greatest benefits and conveniences in housing, as compared with the natives of the sovereign State and of other States. Discrimination in housing in the Canal Zone is based primarily on nationality and race: the best housing is built for the North Americans, particularly if they are white. On the other hand, the non-North Americans and the blacks live in either the old wooden three-storey houses or in the very small low-cost houses that are being built. The most obvious form of this type of discrimination in the Canal Zone can be seen by members of the Security Council in photographs which we can make available to them, and of course they can also observe it directly by taking a tour which we can offer them through the Zone. 68. As PRESIDENT I call now on the representative of the United States. 76. The great October Socialist Revolution of 1917 freed the peoples of Tsarist Russia from national oppression and racial discrimination. The family of Soviet peoples, made up of more than 100 nationalities and national groups, has been transformed into a single, friendly, fraternal family of peoples. Tsarist Russia was known as the “prison of peoples”. The October Revolution freed the peoples of the Soviet Union from national and social oppression and gave them completely equal rights and opportunities in all aspects of life and in all activities, in education, health, access to training for trades and professions and to the diplomatic service.

I should like to request clarification on two points of order. Are we on the record? In other words, am I correct in understanding that, without our having adopted an agenda, this morning’s proceedings at this point constitute part of a meeting of the Security Council? We feel that if the remarks just made by Ambassador Boyd are to appear in the verbatim record they should be clearly represented as the views of the representative of Panama, because in our view they are not befitting the high office of the President of the Council.

In reply to the representative of the United States I would say, first, that it is true that we have not yet taken up consideration of the agenda, but are at the moment paying a tribute that was planned and organized in agreement with the Secretary-General and the Chairman of the Special Committee on Apartheid. With regard to the United States representative’s second point, I trust that in the verbatim record the distinction will be clear between the statement that I made on behalf of the Security Council, which was contained in the paper that I read out at the beginning, and the statement that I made when I spoke as representative of Panama. I felt in duty bound to inform our brothers in Africa, in Latin America and all over the world that we here in Panama know that colonialism exists, and that there is racism, and that racial discrimination is practised in the Canal Zone, even though it be “American style”. 77. I can recall a specific example from my personal experience. When I headed the Soviet Embassy in Japan, 17 nationalities were represented on my staff. I remember Lord Caradon’s joke when he was representative of the United Kingdom to the Security Council; he told his colleagues to look at the “Russian” Soviet delegation in the Security Council: the head of the delegation was Ukrainian, the first deputy, Armenian, and the second deputy, a Jew. That, he said, was the Russian Soviet delegation in the Security Council. For him it was a joke; for US, the Soviet peoples, it is a political reality. 78. That is a practical example of the complete equality of all nationalities in our country. Thus the Soviet peoples, our Government and our Party are impassioned supporters and advocates of the elimination of all forms of racial discrimination, apartheid and national inequality. It is the Leninist nationality policy which has ensured for us the complete equality and full development of all our nations and national groups under the same conditions of social and national life.

I thank the representative of Panama for his clarification. I was puzzled because the tenor of his remarks, in my view, did not seem to be in keeping with the moving addresses that we have heard on an occasion which, as I had understood it, was to mark an International Day for the Elimination of Discrimination. 79. The Leninist nationality policy was ‘reaffpmed in decisions of the Twenty-fourth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union-a fact which was reflected specifically in a special, separate provision of the programme of peace, co-operation and friendship among’ peoples which was adopted by the Congress. This provision restated that all manifestations of racism and racial discrimination must be decisively condemned, that a boycott must be instituted and that all United Nations decisions on this question must be carried out.

I thank the Ambassador of the United States for his remarks. 73. As representative of PANAMA, I feel that I have paid a tribute to our brothers in Africa with the statement that I made,

The delegation of the USSR would like to express its appreciation to our colleague and respected friend Ambassador Ogbu, the representative of Nigeria, for his initiative in raising at today’s meeting of the Security Council the question of the Council’s taking note of this important day established by the United Nationsthe International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination. The United Nations has long been concerned with this acute, pressing and important international problem. Racism, apartheid and racial discrimination in all 80. At the twenty-seventh session of the General Assembly the delegation of the USSR took an active part in consideration of the questions of apartheid and racism and in the adoption by the Assembly of a special resolution [29I 0 (XXW)] on the convening this year at Oslo of a conference on the struggle against apartheid and racism. 81. Ambassador Ogbu in his statement just made here referred to the death of one of Africa’s outstanding sons, Amilcar Cabral, an impassioned fighter for the freedom and

I had not intended to speak .at this stage, but because there is a risk of this occasion being marred by procedural exchanges I wish to make a few remarks and to put it on record that my people, my Government and my delegation here today regard this as a solemn occasion, a day dedicated to the international fight against racialism and racial discrimination. 83. The statements made on this occasion by the Secretary-General, by the Chairman of the Special Committee on Apartheid and by you, Mr. President, indicate very clearly the need to strengthen the forces fighting against racialism and racial discrimination. 84. In his statement the representative of Nigeria appealed to the friends of South Africa to put pressure on the South African Government so that it will eliminate racial discrimination and apclrtheid in that country. The appeal of my good friend the representative of Nigeria reminded me of a verse incorporated in a Christian song, one sung throughout the world wherever there are Christians, be they Catholics or Protestants, a song sung every Sunday throughout Europe and North America by Christians: Men whose boast it is That ye come of fathers brave and free, If there breathe on earth a slave, Are ye truly braye and free? If ye do not feet the chain When it works a brother’s pain, Are ye not base slaves indeed, Slaves unworthy to be free? The verse concludes by saying that true freedom consists in sharing the chains your brother wears. To the best of my information, that verse, which is now included in a Christian song, was written by none other than the notorious English slave trader, John Hawkins, I am informed that that verse was composed by him when he was somewhere on the coast of West Africa capturing slaves. I 0 take it that it was composed on the coast which came to be known by slave traders as the Slave Coast. You see, Africa has gone through the indignity of being defiled, dehumanized. When slaves were the main commodity they Once to every man and nation Comes the moment to decide In the strife of truth with falsehood For the good or evil side. 86. The question we should like to ask is this: For how long will countries like the United States, the United Kingdom, France, West Germany and Italy continue lo connive in and aid the practice. of apartheid? What has gone wrong with the conscience of the people who run those Governments? What has gone wrong with their Christian conscience that makes them connive in and even aid and abet the practice of apartheid? 87. We Africans are most grateful to those nations, big and small, which have joined us in a common solidarity and a common front against apartheid and racialism, particularly in southern Africa. We Africans are determined-and I havu: said this many times-to resist racialism in southern Africa. We want to have it on record that we fully support all that you said, Mr, President, and all that the representative of Nigeria and the Secretary-General said on this occasion. This is a solemn occasion when the world must re-examine its conscience and decide whether or not racialism and particularly apartheid shall be tolerated any longer.

To conclude this tribute to the peoples of Africa, who are suffering more than any other peoples in the world from the rigours of apartheid, colonialism and racial dlscrimination, I shall read out for the record of today’s meeting a document that has been handed to me by Ambassadors kbdulla of the Sudan, Jeanne Martin Ciss6 of Guinea, Odero-Jowi of Kenya and Sen of India: “The African and Asian members of the Security Council express their thanks to the Latin American members of the Council for their initiative in introducing a draft resolution on colonialism during the Council’s meetings in Panama City. “The African and Asian members fully agree with the Latin American members that the elimination of CO~Onialism in Africa, Latin America and Asia is a vital prerequisite to the maintenance and strengthening of international peace and security. “In view of this and of the limited time at the disposal of the Council in Panama, the African and Asian members would prefer that the meetings of the Council should be fully devoted to Latin American problems, in the full confidence that the mutual solidarity and co-operation between the three regions will continue to be consolidated and expressed by them over the question of decolonization at the United Nations and in other forums.“2 93. I would begin by thanking Mr. Kutakov for his total dedication and devotion to the tasks that he has so brilliantly carried out, his wise counsel and the outstanding way in which he has led his Department. He and his staff have made it possible for the Security Council to function smoothly. I personally am pilrticularly grateful to him for the efforts he has made in connexion with the holding of these meetings of the Council in my country. Adoption of the agenda 94. Throughout his years of service Mr. Kutakov has proved to us that he is indefatigable. In moments of grave international crises, the Council has always been able to count on him to be alert and ready to offer his help and his wisdom. The agenda was adopted. Consideration of measures for the maintenance and strengthening of international peace and security in Latin America in conformity with the provisions and principles of the Charter 95. His devotion to work and his courtesy in dealing with all of us have been proverbial, and we can say exactly the same of his awareness of the problems and his ability to find solutions to them, when solutions can be found, or to create an atmosphere conducive to understanding. In other words, Mr. Kutakov possesses the tact that is expected from high international civil servants so that they can, effectively and with dignity, carry out the delicate tasks entrusted to them.

In accordance with decisions previously taken by thy Security Council [1696th-1699th meetings] and with its consent, I invite the representatives of Algeria, Argentina, Bolivia, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, Jamaica, Mauritania, Mexico, Trinidad and Tobago, Uruguay, Venezuela, Zaire and Zambia to take the places reserved for them in the Council chamber. 96. Those of us who have had the privilege of dealing with Mr. Kutakov personally and directly have been immediately won over by his courtesy, his human warmth and his fine sense of humour. 90. I wish to inform members of the Council that the delegations of India and Indonesia have now added their names as sponsors of draft resolution S/10931/Rev.l, dealing with the question of the Panama Canal. This draft resolution now has eight sponsors: Guinea, India, Indonesia, Kenya, Panama, Peru, the Sudan and Yugoslavia. 97. I am sure that Mr. Kutakov will carry out the new tasks entrusted to him with the same wisdom and efficiency with which he carried out those entrusted to him as Under-Secretary-General at the United Nations. 91. As no one wishes to speak, I believe we should now allow some time for the consultations in b progress to continue, 98. Finally, I wish him and his family good health, happiness and prosperity. Tribute to Mr. Leonid Kutakov, Under-Secretary-General for Political and Security Council Affairs

Mr. President, I formally move that the statement you have just made regarding Mr. Kutakov be considered as reflecting the unanimous opinion of the Council.

Before adjourning the meeting, I wish to make a statement. I The meeting rose at 1.1,s p. m 2 Quoted in English by the speaker. BOW TO OBTAIN UNlTED NATIONS PUBLICATIONS United Nations publications may be obtained from bookstores and distributors throughout the world. Consult your bookstore or write to: United Nations, Sales Section, New York or Geneva. COMMENT SE PROCURER LES PUBLICATIONS DES NATIONS UNIES Les publications des Nations Unies sont en vente dans les librairies et les agences depositaires du mondo entier. Informez-vous aupres de votre libraire ou adressez-vous A : Nations Unies. Section des ventes. New York ou GenAve. KAR IlOJIY’fMTh &f3AAHSM OPrAHH3AI&HH OD’IiE~WHEHHMX HAUHH MJRaHKR OptYLtlHDa~HH Ob-b,?AKHeHHbIX HauaR Mo)KHo KYnHTb a KHHXHbIX Maraannax H arenrcraax a0 acex panonax xnpa. HaBOAMTe cnpasltrr 06 ns~~amuix a aameu xmnxrfo~ hfarasmfe n~ln namnre no *flpecy : Opranuoaqns Ob-begnwennbrx HanwR, Cenuua no npoaa~te us~aaaR, Ham-YIoprc HJIH Xexeaa. COMO CONSEGUIR PUBLICACIONES DE LAS NACIONES UNIDAS Las publicaciones de las Nacionea Unidas e&an en venta en librerfas y casas distri. buidoras en todas partes de1 mundo. Consulte a su librero o dirfjase a: Naciones Unidas, Seccidn de Ventas, Nueva York o Ginebra. Litbo in United Nations, New York Price: $U.S 1.00 (or equivslsnt in other currencies) 73~82096-April 19761,925