S/PV.2043 Security Council

In accordance with decisions taken by the Council at its earlier meetings, I invite the representatives of Algeria, Botswana, Ghana, Guinea, Guyana, Lesotho, Mauritania, the Niger, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Somalia, the Sudan, Togo, Tunisia, the United Republic of Cameroon and Viet Nam LO take the places reserved for them at the side of the Council chamber. At the invitation of the Presiders t, Mr. Benjaoui (Algeria), Mr. Tlou (Botswana), Mr. Boaten (Ghana), Mr. Carnara (Guinea), Mr. Jackson (Guyana), Mr. Molapo (I,esotho), Mr. Kane (Mauritania), Mr. Poisson (Niger), Mr. Garba (Nigeria), Mr. Baroodv (Saudi Arabia), Mr. Kamara (Senegal), Mr. Hussen (Sonmlia), Mr. Medani (Sudan), Mr. Kodjovi (Togo), Mr. Mestiri (Tunisia), Mr. O.~ono (United Republic of Cameroon) and Mr. Dirlh BO Thi (Viet Nam) took the places reserved ,fur them at the side of’ the Council chamber.

I also wish to inform the members of the Council that I have received a letter dated 78 October from the representatives of Benin, the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya and Mauritius which reads as follows: “We, the undersigned members of the Security Council, have the honour to request that, during its current meetings devoted to consideration of “The question of South Africa”, the Council should extend an invitation under rule 39 of its provisional rules of procedure to Mr. Ilorst Gerhard Kleinschmidt, External Representative of The Christian Institute of Southern Africa.“’ 3. If I hear no objection, I shall take it that the Councii agrees to the request and, at the appropriate motnent in the Council’s proceedings, I shall invite Mr. Kleinschmidt to make a statement. It was so decided.

The first speaker is the representative of the Sudan. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement.

Mr. President, it is a matter of great satisfaction thal this debate is being presided over by you, a great friend and the representative of a great country that has very strong bonds with my country and people in particular and with the African people in general. We are indebted to India for the being the first to ask for the inclusion in the agenda of the General Assembly of the question of the evil laws of apartheid. Your legendary leader, Gandhi, was in the vanguard of the fight against racial discrimination in South Africa. The consistent support your country has given to all colonial peoples is a source of inspiration to many. 6. Seven months ago the Security Council was seized of the question of South Africa. It adjourned (hen without taking action on the four draft resolutions submitted by its three African members. There were those who argued for more time to persuade the white racist regime to change its apartheid policies. We have now received a clear answer from the Government of South Africa, a complete rejection of that plea in the form of intensified and repeated police brutalities at Soweto, the cold-blooded murder of Steve Biko while in detention and, lastly, the recent wave of massive repression of blacks and even of whites tliat dare to oppose apartheid. This is a manifestation of a situation in which our consciences, as sovereign judges, have long been and must be put to the test. 8. 1 am extremely happy that this morning we heard the representative of the United Kingdom affirm that his Government totally rejected this false assumption. Throughout all these years it has been agonizing for us to see the zealous devotees of democracy and justice uphold this wrongful assumption, only to discern their error and misjudgement long afterwards. 9. l-low can it be supposed that the custodians of democracy, human rights and justice can turn a deaf ear to the cries of thousands of men, women and children who arc being murdered or driven from their schools and homes as a result of the contemptible and infamous apzrthaid theory that is shaming the civilized world and impairing our endeavours to achieve a world of common understanding and mutual co-operation’? It is because of this regrettable fact that all attempts by the General Assembly and the Security Council to eradicate all forms of colonialism and u/~~~t/zeic~ From South Africa have been frustrated. They have been frustrated, regrettably, not in the interest of those who censure the faults and the crimes but in the interest of those who commit them. It is lamentable to see that sometimes even morality can be subverted by error. obtained, but we are ]loping tll:\t it Will L?)I~IC H.ith kSS human sacrifice and pain. That is why II\>‘ rIt’le@tioil .i!~ills the representative of Tunisia, the CI~~I’~?~I I C’ll;lirlniW d Ihe African Group, in requesting the C’0ll ricil to WSlllllf examination of the draft resolutions sttlrlilittcd tr> it SWCI1 months ago. The revised drafts. introducc*d ll!, ihe W}WXNtative of Mauritius /2()4(kh I~ZL’CJII’II.~/ , it’ adop~cd, would represent the minimum response to S~)rltll I\I’riua’s intraIlsigencc. 10. Such behaviour shows not only the contradictions between what some of us say and the decisions that are made, but also a complete lack of far-sightedness. For, by the simplest application of probability and the lessons of contemporary history, let none of those who say not what they do dream that their long-term interests, and indeed the interests of mankind, lie in their affiliation to the qxzrtheid regime rather than with the future independent Africa. 15. We hope that the Council will live 111) to its rlul!~ 01 preserving internationai peace and securi ly II!; il~~~~lyill~ tllc necessary mandatory sanctions against tjlc nlint>rity GOV* ernment of South Africa. By so doing, Iji~. (,‘ouacil will hI: upholding justice for the valiant Axaniarl ~w~~plc who XC determined to redeem their dignity and hil-tl\riphl. 11. It is perhaps pertinent to listen to the Right Reverend Desmond Tutu, former dean of Johannesburg Cathedral, when he warns that

I thank the rcprescrlta~ivc tll’ the Sudan for the kind references hc adrlrcssecl to mc tlnd IO “The West has a crucial role to play to ensure the survival of all in our subcontinent and you should not abdicate your moral responsibility, because you in the West have undergirded aprtheid, injustice a,nd oppression by your investments and the use of the veto in the United Nations , , . You must decide where you want to be; we will not be unfree for always and we will remember those who helped LIS in our struggle.” 18. Mr. KODJOVI (Togo) (i/ltelp’c’tufic,Iz J~OI,Z ~+~rt(~/rL Mr. President, it is a pleasure to pay yt,rl ;I welLdeserved tribute for the efforts you have becil Illiikillg since the beginning of this month as Presidcllt fli’ the Security Council ‘to promote peace in the worIc1. blay I alsu thank both YOU and the members of the ~‘ourl~-il <or authoriziag mc to take part in the iml>ortant deI~:ltcs currently under way and to make my country’s rind rlly delegation’s contribution to the search for soluti~~rls tr, the situatioll created in South Africa by the recent rct,rcssive measures taken by the Vorster Government within tlla cL)ntext of the normal application of the system of CJpa~~/r~i~f+ 12. It should not, however, pass unnoticed that the latest Draconian measures come at a time when the five Western States members of the Security Council are attempting to enlist South Africa’s co-operation on Namibia and Zimbabwe. The idea is to blackmail those Western countries into silence about the deterioriating situation in South Africa proper. The Western States and the international community should reject the attempt to hold them to ransom, particularly as South Africa has no right to be in 14. It is not beyond the comprehcnSiclrl lbf aIlyho~I>’ here that the South African people will be ~(~~~1l~IIe~I to reslH to armed struggle, if only to L)pIX”sc‘ il SyStCblIl ~IlLlt institutionalizcs violence to oppress tlle111. It wilt he regrettable, therefore, if the Security C’ourlcil is tIcit Shh! tu use its authority and lay down the basis l’rll, ~CUCC in lhat area. Freedom for the Azanian people’ \vill ultimately 1~’ rIly country and for recalling the role cr I’ t]l~ late hkdu~t~lln Gandhi. 17. The next speaker is the representative (11’ Togo. I illvitc him to take a seat at the Council taI>l~~ ;lrlc] 10 make his statcnlent . 74. It is a question of safeguarding the lives of millions oi human beings doomed to slavery in their own country, or condemned to genocide under a massive racist pogrom. The object is to save the human race from the dangers and horrors of a new world war. We cannot continue to allow these imperatives to be outweighed by sordid material interests. 25. I no longer remember too well what political realities and what sociological and psychological factors impelled Cato the Elder to end all his speeches with the resounding cry “Dclmd~ Carthugo I’: Carthage must be destroyed. The 20. The peoples of Europe, concerned wit11 enjoying the delights of the euphoria of the belle $,~ot~ue, watched with general apathy and indifference the gathering of the Nazi storm. When, locally, that regime first began its work of destruction, no one worried too much. America was too far away and too powerful to feel involved. Russia, for its part, was at work on the great Socialist Revolution, China, too, in the silence of its grandeur and its vastness was preparing its emergence, The Nazi system spread like an oil slick. The rest is history. We know, too, the price that had to be paid to calm the storm. nature of the events taking place in South Africa, the terror we feel in contemplating the inevitable apocalyptic consequences of an intensification of institutionalized racial hatred prompt us to repeat “Apartheid must be stamped out”. The survival, the unity and the harmonious progress of mankind are at stake.

The Security Council’s debate on the question of South Africa and its policy of apartheid has been suspended for several months, but, as we all know, this does not reflect any lack of interest on the part of our Governments. Indeed, quite to the contrary, it is the result of the intensive international diplomatic efforts which are being directed towards the resolulion of the problems of southern Africa, in which the policy of upmthc~‘d of the Government of South Africa plays a central role. Let me sumrriarize them briefly. 21. Today, in South Africa, it is the blacks and their sympathizers who are lortured physically and morally by the apartheid rCgimc, a hateful system which benefits from complicity and support as we know, It is said that history does not repeat itself; yet the same causes produce the same effects. The monster that has been allowed to grow, that has been helped to develop in South Africa will soon no longer be content with the short commons offered by the black population of Azania and the young independent countries in the region. It will soon set its sights higher. For that matter, has it not already acquired the most powerful means of resistance? Is this just an allegory, an exaggeration’? Alas, no! No, because some very recent statements leave no room for doubt. 27. At the conclusion of our considerations during the month of March on this subject, the five Western members of the Council joined together in an initiative designed to bring about the independence of Namibia in a manner consistent with the provisions of Council resolution 385 (1970). The exploration of the means of bringing about this objective has required a great deal of effort and is continuing. At the same time, the United Kingdom and the United States have been involved in the elaboration of proposals designed to bring about early independence and majority rule in Zimbabwe, And this initiative too has reached a decisive stage. 22. Indeed, Vorster confirmed his hostility to any compromise on the question of apartheid and his systematic rejection of the principle of “one man, one vote” and, on 23 October last, declared his country ready to “survive on its own” and to “stand alone” against the combined attacks of the great Powers and denied ever having promised that South Africa would refrain from manufacturing atomic weapons, That is a clear statement and requires no comment. 28. During the month of May, the United Nations, in co-operation with the Organization of African Unity and the Federal Government of Nigeria, convened at Lagos the World Conference for Action against Apartheid. It was the most significanl such conference yet held on this subject. It brought together delegations front 112 Governments, I2 inter-governmental organizations, five liberation movements, 51 non-governmental organizations and a number of prominent individuals. The wide range of participation, as well as the high level at which the Governments were represented, left no doubt about the seriousness with which the international community regards the problem created by the policies and actions of the South African Government. The Lagos Dcclaration,z which was adopted by 23. In such circumstances, the international community must go beyond a mere denunciation and condemnation of apartheid, and timid sanction measures that are adopted only to be violated. Confronted with the Vorster rEgimc whose twists and turns, guile and unremitting determination prevent us from seriously envisaging any possibility of a so-called negotiated settlement, the international community must stop shilly-&allying and quibbling and abandon its complacency, which, considering the circumstances, are completely unjustified and indeed smack of 2 United Nations publication, Sales No. E.77.XIV.2, sect. X. 29. In the wake of our deliberations here at the United Nations and elsewhere, and of the Lagos Conference, the Government of South Africa can have no illusions as to how it is seen by the rest of the world. Its policies, which have created a society embodying cruel divisions along racial lines, have been universally condemned. The South African C;overnment has been advised by voices within and without that it has set its country on the road to disaster, and that only a commitment in favour of fundamental change can avert it. 30. The response of the South African C;overnmcnt to international appeal and demands for progress towards racial justice has been uncompromising, Last month, Mr. Steve Biko died in a South African prison, and his was the twenty-first such death in South African prisons in the past 18 months. IHis death deprived black South Africans of a leader who was widely respected as a man with potential for engaging effectively in the inter-racial dialogue which is essential to a peaceful evolution of South African society. The Canadian Covernrnent made known its concern to the South African (;overnment and advised it that a full and prompt investigation into the circumstances of Mr. Biko’s death was warranted. 31. Canadians reacted with shock and dismay to the latest oppressive wave of bannings and detentions and the silencing of an important element of the South African press. To give expression to these feelings, the C2lIl~lLliiUl C;overnment called in the South African Ambassador to convey to him and his Govertimcnt our concerns. 32. Among those struggling courageously against the unjust and humiliating system of apmdzeid is Mr. Percy Qoboza, the editor of the principal black newspaper, T/W World, which was among those banned last week. In a papet that he presented to a conference last May at the I.)niversity of Pretoria, Mr. Qoboza stressed that black leaders wished to have a dialogue with the whites of South Africa concerning the future of the country which is ttieit common fatherhmd. I-te said---and it is worth remembering his words: “It is never too late to do the right thing. It is never too late to transform the might of South Africa into the might of justice and dignity for all. It is never too late to build a South Africa where pcoplc of all races can live together in mutual respect and tolerance.” It is LhaL generosity of spirit which must bo encouraged among all segments of the South African population. 33. Now the Security Council is considering measures which can be taken to promote change in South Africa. Opinions vary as to what kind of measures can most appropriately be employed to move rowards that objective. But there is no difference of opinion among our members 34. The Canadian Government is prepared to support the imposition against South Africa of a mandatory arms embargo under Chapter VII of the Charter and, in addition, WC are prepared to support a call to all Governments to review their economic relations with South Africa. There is no doubt that the proposal in relation to action under Chapter VII of the Charter is of profound significance. If adopted, it would be the first time that a Member State was to be the subject of measures taken under Chapter VII. It has rightly been regarded as a grave decision, to be taken only after the most serious consideration and careful weighing of its implications. 35. Since 1963, my country has strictly maintained a voluntary embargo on the export of artns and military equipment to South Africa, in accordance with relevant resolutions of the Security Council. Since 1970, that embargo has covered the export of spare parts. Nevertheless, in the light of the steady deterioration of the situation in South Africa over the past several months and South Africa’s continued ability to acquire arms and military equipment, my Government considers it appropriate that the voluntary arms embargo should now be made mandatory. 36. The implications of our actions here in the Council are far-reaching and should be lecognized as such. If we can reach agreement on a united determination of the kind that I have indicated, a clear message will have been sent to the C;overnment of South Africa and to those who support it from the world community, as expressed through the decisions of the Council. My delegation looks forward to contributing to such a conclusion to this debate.

I sl~ould now like to address the Council in my capacity as representative of INDIA. 38. The item on our agenda has been appropriately Ibrtnulated as “The question of South Africa”. Since the very inception of the United Nations, South Africa has been a question mark because its membership is not consistent with the principles of the Charter. Its pursuit of racial discrimination as a social objective and its policy of npurtkekl, or the separate development of races, arc flagrant violations of the Charter, Its doctrine of racial superiority is in violent contradiction to the spirit that moved LhC founding Fathers of the United Nations. 39. South Africa should not have been made a Metnber or the United Nations in the first place. But since that was unavoidable, India took the initiative to have inscribed on the agenda of the first session of the (icneral Assembly the subject of the racial discrimination practised as State policy by South Africa. Since then, the General Assembly has discussed this question year after year. The Security Council has also been engaged in debate on this matter since 1960. 40. The United Nations has declared apartlwid a crime against humanity and against the conscience and dignity of 41. The response of the white Government in South Africa to the urgings of the international community to abolish apartheid and to move in the direction of racial equality has been consistently and totally negative. The recent repressive measures adopted by the Pretoria rCgime are evidence of its decision to consolidate its political position and to proceed with the further implementation of its policy of apartheid. This is nothing other than an open challenge to the United Nations and to the values which we are carefully promoting for mankind’s future based on justice, equality and peace. 42. Judged by the values of Western civilization, South Africa is clearly a serious embarrassment to Western Europe and the Christian world. Judged by the values of other civilizations and religions, South Africa is an enemy to everything that is fine and noble in man; it is also an enemy to one’s faith in the further evolution of the human spirit to its full potential. 43. The rCgime in South Africa is not an eccentric old man with outrageous views: nor is it an obscure and small society with outlandish habits. It is a self-righteous and vicious maverick among the nation States of modern times. It has not withered away under the burden of’ its own iniquity. Five generations of Africans have endured injustice peacefully in the hope that the international community would be able to bring about a change in South Africa. 44. The African people of South Africa have now ap parently no hope of any peaceful change for the better. There are only two choices open, since peaceful action for change has now been banned. The two options are either armed struggle or mandatory action by the Security Council. 45. We are dealing with a situation in which a minority of 14 per cent of the white population is determined to occupy 86 per cent of the territory and to rule over some 20 million Africans and others and relegate them to separate development in 14 per cent of useless land. This monstrous injustice is unparallclled in this or any other time in history. The denial of equality on grounds of race to some 10 million persons cannot bc tolerated by the United Nations any longer. It cannot be regarded as a matter falling within the domestic jurisdiction of the white minority rdgime at Pretoria. It has incensed the entire international community and it endangers international peace and security. Whatever the sacrifice, the United Nations should give the highest priority to redressing this massive injustice. 46. We talk nowadays about outlawing and prohibiting weapons of mass destruction. Apnrtheid is nothing less than a political weapon of mass destruction. 47. My delegation considers that the time is opportune fol converting the existing voluntary arms embargo into an immediate mandatory arms embargo against South Africa. 48. At the same time, we should begin the process of examination, study and legislation for the progressjvc imposition of economic sanctions in the months to come for this is only the beginning of what may turn out to be d prolonged test of will and trial of strength between the Pretoria rigime and those who are opposed to its policy of apartheid. It will be prolonged because of South African self-sufficiency. It is going to be essentially a struele between the Pretoria rCgime and those who trade with it and who will be called upon to make the adjustments and sacrifices necessary for winning this long drawnmout struggle. 49. Consequently, we must take into account the willingness and capacity of the Western world to maintain the tempo of sanctions in the military and economic fields. My delegation has no doubt that Western co-operation wi]] be forthcoming, first in small doses and later in larger measure, depending upon South African intransigence. 50. My delegation is particularly sensitive to the precarious and vulnerable position of the African and other people inside South Africa and we shall never support any course of action that might make their burden heavier. Since they have been denied all possibility of peaceful action for change, we propose the alternative of mandatory sanctions by the Security Council because we believe that it can bring the Pretoria rCgimc to its senses sooner or later. 5 1. Resuming my role as PRESIDENT, I should like to say that the next speaker is Mr. Horst Gerhard Kleinschmiclt, to whom the Council extended an invitation under rule 3L3 of its provisional rules of procedure earlier in this meeting. Accordingly, I invite him lo take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. 52. Mr. KLEINSCHMIDT: Mr. President, ] want to thank you and the members of the Security Council most sincerely for giving me the opportunity to address you on the new and pressing issues which the South African Government has brought about in my cotlntry. 53. I should also like to express my very deep appreciation of the significant and uncompromising statements which have been made by the majority of the representatives Who have addressed the Council during this debate and who have proposed direct, concrete and proper action to be taken against the apartheid system. 54. I have worked in The Christian Institute of Southern Africa since 1972. In 1975, I was appointed as assistallt to Dr. Hcyers Naude. One week after my appoinlment, ] Was detained under the notorious Terrorism Act. After my release and after I was compelled to Ieave South Africa. ] set up in the Netherlands the first external office of the Institute. 55. 011 19 October 1977, the organizatiorl ] ml rePresenting here today, together with 17 others, Was of’ficial’y declared a banned organization. Al] my c~JllWues ‘I’ 56. By describing these actions, I am not describing the far worse acts which the South Ai’rican police perform, whether we talk about the destruction of shanty dwellings in Cape Town or the torture and murder of our comrades in prison detention centres. But it is the sum total of this action on the part of the Vorster system which has brought about this renewed world-wide outcry against apartlzeid. 57. Even some of apartheid’s traditional allies seem to have had second thoughts about their relations with Pretoria. Even they seem possibly prepared to undertake certain cautious steps to stop their own further strengthening of the apm-fheid State. But already it is clear that these allies of apartheid, these countries which benefit cconomically from the present order in my country, are prepared to apply only the most cautious of measures. 1 want to ask those countries what worse kind of things need to happen to us, need to be inflicted upon us by the police of MI-. Vorster, before they will take more courageous steps to end their involvement. 58. There was a time when we in the Christian Institute published reports about imprisonment without trial, when we reported on detentions and on torture, But in certain quarters we were not believed, we were thought to have gone too far. Today, after the death of Steve Bike, we have been vindicated and at last the facts are being accepted. 59. It has only just become known what were the true reasons for the death of Steve Biko. The medical report done at the autopsy states that the cause of death was injury to the brain. Other extensive injuries to his body further contributed to his death. Details of this report, which is a secret report until it is admitted in court at the inquest, leave just been released by a Swedish journalist from the Stockholm newspaper Expressen. He has released detailed information on the contents of this report. 60. We first had to wait for the death of this significant person in the South African struggle before it was clear enough to certain of Mr. Vorster’s friends in Europe, as well as in North America, that it has now become difficult to continue their traditional support. 61. We want to know from those who do not want an oil embargo, who do not want to adhere to arms embargoes, who do not want to end their nuclear collaboration and who do not want to stop the economic exploitation in South Africa: what else must Mr. Vorster do to us before certain countries wiIl show the political will actually to stop strengthening apartheid? 63. This is a historic moment for aI1 the people of SOldl Africa who want freedom. Their determination and WitI tu attain liberation is being demonstrated evcly day. But as of now there is but one path left, one path Only-ild that is tlie path of our national liberation movement, the African National Congress (ANC). We are very grateful today that our true leaders had the wisdom in years past to map OUl the path from which none of us ca11 depart now. We Can do nothing else than ask for our acceptance in their ranks. 64. The Christian institute of Southern Africa is no liberation movement, nor does it want to become one, but I believe that many in our ranks can and will realize thal their Christian convictions demand that they should also play a full part in the liberation struggle as it is being carried out by ANC. 65. We believe that ANC has carried in the hearts ancl in the minds of the people of South Africa the powerful tradition of resistance against racism and exploitation and that its ultimate victory will bring peace and justice to our land. In achieving this goal, the people of South Africa need to be united, and it is only the ANC banner which can make this possible. 66. 1 do not believe that the events of 19 October do nothing more than merely add to the long lists of detained people, banned people and banned organizations. No, 1 believe that Mr. Vorster has attempted to put an end to an era of resistance to his Government’s policies. He has, through administrative action, removed visible o12Ilonents to his system. He has, I believe, drawn a final line under the growing dissent he has had to fact throughout South Africa. At the overt level, he may have succeeded, In time to come we may read less in newspapers about the nature of our struggle. But the people continue to suffer. Their poverty and their subjugation are reaching Yet new levels. But their anger and their determination to end ay/artheirl have not been changed by these moves of the south African authorities. 67. Many countries in Western Europe and in North America have in recent years, through their non-governmental organizations, supported in various ways the emerging organizations of opposition inside South Africa. Often, we believe, they have been motivated to do so by the desire not to have to support radical alternatives, as espoused by the African National Congress, Today there is-and I speak for one of the OrganiZatiOrU that has been supported from

I should like to add this to what Ambassador Ramphul has just said: We wish the vote on the four draft resolutions to be taken not later than Monday. We are ready to be here at any time when the other members of the Council are ready to vote, but, I repeat, we do not wish the vote to be taken later than Monday. 68, The message from the oppressed people today is this: take strong action LO end apartheid Do not debate whether economic sanctions will hit the poorest people most. The poor people ask when apartkeid will end and not when it will become more endurable. If the South African people have to suffer, they want to suffer with hope and with an end in sight. Ameliorating measures, such as codes of employment practices, have provided no hope; they will never end apartheid; nor have they benefited the affected people to date.

Like the representatives of Mauritius and the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, we should have preferred the vote on the four draft resolutions before the Council to be taken this afternoon, If some members are not in a position to vote today, the Council could meet tomorrow, or on Monday at the latest. A decision on these draft resolutions must be taken on Monday at the latest. 69. I thank the Security Council once again for affording me this opportunity of addressing it.

There are no other names of the list of speakers for this meeting. I should like to consult the members of the Council about what they wish to do now. Do the sponsors of the draft resolutions before us wish to speak at this stage?

It is not clear to me whether anyone is in favour of holding a meeting tomorrow.

I wish to make it clear that the three African members of the Council are quite willing to work tomorrow.

On behalf of the three African members of the Council, sponsors of the four draft resolutions before the Council, I would ask that we proceed now to the vote on those drafts.

1 take it that that is not a formal proposal. On balance, I think that it might be better for us to spend our week-end ,cogitating about these four draft resolutions and trying to get our respective Governments to give us their instructions by Monday morning. I should therefore like to propose that the next meeting should be held on Monday at 10.30 am.

Speaking for my delegation, I would say that it is undoubtedly well known around this table that negotiations are in progress. We have not received instructions and are not prepared to vote now. The meeting rose nt 5.40 pm, COMO CONSEGUIR PUBLICACIONES DE LAS NACIONES UNIDAS . Las publicaciones de Ins Naciones Unidas estAn en venta en librerias y casas distribuidoras on todas pa&s tlcl mundo. Consulte a su librero o dir-ijase a: Nsciones Unidas. Seccidn de Ventas. Nueva York o Ginebra. Litho in United Nations, New York Price: $U.S. 1.00 (or equivalent in other currencies) 77-70001-October 1978-2.200