S/PV.2125 Security Council
▶ This meeting at a glance
4
Speeches
0
Countries
0
Resolutions
Topics
Israeli–Palestinian conflict
Security Council deliberations
General debate rhetoric
War and military aggression
Middle East regional relations
Diplomatic conferences and envoys
In accordance with the decisions taken at previous
meetings, I invite the representatives of Egypt, India, Iran, Iraq, Israel,
Jordan, Lebanon, Mauritania, Pakistan, Senegal, Somalia, the Syrian Arab Republic,
Turkey, Yemen and Yugoslavia, as T-rell as the representative of the Palestine
Liberation OrGanization, to participate in the debate without the right to vote,
At .the invitation of the President, iIr. I!Tuseibch (Jordan), Mr. Blum
(Israel) and i\k. Terzi (Palestine Liberation Oraanization) took places at the
Council table; and Fir. Abdel-Eie,quid ( E:RYP% ), i\lr. Jaipal (India), b4r. Shemirani
(Iran), Hr. Bafi (Iraq); Mr. Tueni (Lebanon), Mr. Kane (Ilauritania), lk. Nail:
(Pakistan), Mr. Fall (Seneqal), Mr. Russen (Somalia), Mr. El-Choufi (Syrian
Arab Republic), Mr. &alp (Turkey), Mr. Al-Haddad (Yemen) and Mr. Komatina
(Yugoslavia) took the places reserved for them at the side of the Council chamber.
The PRESIDEfiTT: I wish to inform members of the Council that I have
received letters from the representatives of Hungary, Indonesia and Sudan in
which they asked to be invited to participate in the discussion of the item on
the Council's agenda.
In accordance with the usual practice, I propose, with the consent of the
Council, to invite those representatives to participate in the discussion without
the right to vote in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Charter
and rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure,
There being no objection, it is so decided.
At the invitation of the President, Mr. Rollai (Rungarv),,llrO Suwondo
(Indonesia) and Elr. Sahloul (Sudan) took the places reserved for them at the side of the Council chamber. -.-
The PRT”S IiiEIlT : --I-.-- The security Council will now resume its consideration 0p item 2 of the a:_?nc1a..
Gfi-;lCSI-ff?liA ( T:uwait ) : !ir, Presic?en-t 3 I sI-j.ould Litre to pay ycll~ a
comr~liment for your :N:l:!ti cnc e . 1 hOW 110~ tei!ious it can be to preside over 3 protracted debate like this one, having myself just emerged fro;'! the bruising pace of a similar protracted debate.
It is gr,ati:Cyin,y that the Council s!?ould be consider-ill,;; th-e situation in
the occupied -Arab territories. In the last 12 years of occupation, drastic
clm,nC;es love talX.9 :+ce. In 1371 the Special Committee to Investigate
Israeli Practices in the Occupied Territories submitted its annual report
in trl7ich it stated:
"At -the hesrt of the iiiddlc East problem is the I "Homeland doctrine"
enunciated by the Government of Israel and suplported by the
0p~:osition. " (A/8389, pm 32).
The Special Colnrlittcc was referring; to the Zionist doctrine of Cretz Israel,
which means the right of Jews to settle, control and inhabit all the land of
Palestine regardless of the opposition of the indigenous Palestinians. From
1967 to 1977 this i!octrine was implemented under various excuses. It was
stated that these settlements were necessary for defence purposes. But, with
the advent of the extremist Begin Government, excuses changed, took a different
course ) and the true nature of Israel's creeping annexation was unmasked. It is
important to note that Mr, Walter Etam, the Chairman of the Israeli delegaticn
in 1948, notified Mr, Mark Ethridge, the Chairman of the United States delegation
tn the Palestine Conciliation Commission, that:
"The principle of self-determination should be observed for the Arabs
Of Palestine, The future of Arab Palestine should be left to its
inhabitants."
That was mentioned in I:1r. ]"[arl; EkhrirQevs report to the Secretary Of State
and published in 1377 in a book entitled Foreign Relations of-sic United States.
for 1949. That was saici ii1 i@r 191/.8,, but it was said to gain i~itern~hiOn2~~
support; it was not sincere. Ben Gurion, writing in the Introduction to the --
Government Yearbook for 1952, had this to say:
(; ir . F:i shorn , ."-,.-AT-..C- Kulrait ) ---)
;ihbery State consis-ts 07 a land izrlc? c? j?eOple. Israel is no exception.
gut j.t is a State identical neither to its la]:yl nor to its people I) "
Ife Trent 0x1 -to say :
,vIt has a1reaay been saiLi -that iTlIen the Etate was established, it had
nn1.y 6 per cent of the Jewish people. :ct must now lx said tha,t it has
been established on only a portion of the land Of ISrc7.el."
In 194.1; Israel ITas tellin:; j;lle t~orlfj~ -tl?at it ~p3.nted self.,-cleterminatioll for
tae inhabitants but a-t the saxe time informinG its local public opinion iha%
Gretz Israel had not been accor~rpl-ioheli. and th2-t the IState was built 011 only
a ;!ortion of the land.
Prime liinister Eel";in Vas quoted in ~;ze :Iic'dle Cast of London of October 1978 -.---- as hJ=vinG said:
"The settlement programme is an absolute necessity prompted by the
requirements of national deff3ilce for facing the t'nreats of our enemies. I made
a. proposal - and I am repeating it now - to set up residential quarters far
,Jsws In the hThrle nf t'r,e liberated Eretz Israel - Jericho, Hebron, Eethlehem,
Ramallah, IV'ablus, Jenin, Tulkarm, Q,alqilich, Gaza, Rafah and other townsen
In 1967 the Israeli Government issued Mat was called "the Law of
Ordinanccj Amendment Uo. 11, of 27 June 1967” 1 in which it proclaimed:
"'The law, jurisdiction and ad.xinistration of the State should aonly in any -- area of the State of Israel designated by the Government order. Iv
And immediately thereafter the Governxcnt of Israel issued the order extendins
the la?T, jurisdiction and administration of the State to a -Dart of the then occgied . . territoq, namely, East Jerusalem. So the first victim of the doctrine of
BetZ Israel ?ras Fast Jerusalem.
Reacting to that decision, The Jerusalem Post-, in its edition of 13 July 1967,
described it as follows:
"A ciecisive turlyi.fic ,,-point in the history of the JelTish peonle and of Israel .- has taken place before our very eyes. Our ancestral heritage has been
liberated and Jerusalem redeex!!ed to become once alore a city that is oL?e."
In 1977 the Detgin Government assumed potter on the basis of a proC;ramme
that included 26 points, I should like to quote four of them:
(Hr. Bishara, Kuwait)
"1 L NeCOGnition Of the unity of the destiny and the common struggle
for existeme of the Jewish people in the land of Israel and in the
Diaspora;
"2. The Jewish people has an eternal historic right to the land of
Israel, the inalienable inheritance of its forefathers;
ri-l 3. The Government will plan, establish and encourage urban and rural
settlenent on the soil of the homeland;
"10. The Knesset has empowered the Govermlent to apply by administrative
order the law, jurisdiction and atiinistration of the State to all
territory of the land of Israel as shall be detemined by administrative
order."
Foreign Minister Dayan was quoted in the Mew York Post of 29 July 1977
as saying :
'iI do not know anything more productive and constructive for peace
than living toGether with the Arabs, and that is what we do there in these
settlements."
But he had another enlightening and revealing interview with the
Jewish Chronicle. of London in May 1977, when he said:
"Arabs and Jews can co-exist, but only under Jelrish ruleqFi
The cru:c of the matter is the doctrine of Eretz Israel9 the riC;ht of
Israelis to occupy all the land of Palestine regardless of the kshes of the
indigenous Palestinians.
iIany spealrers have in the course of this debate referred to the applicability
of the Geneva Convention to the occupied Arab territoriesb
(Fir. Bishara, Kuwait) .-
The Chairman of the Special Committee, the Ambassador of Sri Lanka, spoke
on 20 November 1978 before the Special Political Committee of the General
Assembly. He said:
"The conclusions reached by the Special Committee on the basis of
this information are given in chapter VI lgf its repor&T, and those
speak for themselves. The Fourth Geneva Convention, which is applicable
to the occupied territories and which affords protection of civilian
persons under military occupation is not being implemented by the
Government of Israel. Consequently, the civilian population does not
enjoy any protection whatsoever from the violations of its human rights
by the occupying Power. The claim that this Convention is being applied
on a pragmatic basis is untenable. It is more exact to state that it is
only by coincidence that some, if any9 of its provisions are being
respected by the Government of Israel. Indeed, the essential provisions
of that Convention are being flouted by the Government of Israel as a
matter of policy. In particular, I refer to its articles 27, 47, 33 and
53”.
The General Assembly votes every year almost unanimously - with, naturally,
the abstention of Israel - on the applicability of the Geneva Convention to the
occupied territoreis. There is a denial of basic human rights in the occupied
territories. Palestinians and others are being deported, prevented from returning
to their homeland, and their properties are being confiscated in order to
allow more room for Jewish settlers. It has been stated in the course of
this debate that there is a programme of strangulation by thirst being pursued
by the Government of Israel , which is working hard on the diversion of water
sources towards Jewish settlements.
The General Assembly adopted two international covenants on human rights
unanimously, including the vote of Israel: the International Covenant on
(Mr. Bishara, Kuwait)
Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social
and Cultural Rights. Both Covenants open with the same sentence: "All peoples
have the right of self-determination". Furthermore, in that first article of
the two international Covenants, it is stated in paragraph 2 - which, again, is
identical in the two Covenants: "In no case may a people be deprived of its
own means of subsistence".
One of the former Prime Ministers of Israel described the position of
Israel by quoting a Russian proverb - and if this is not really a Russian proverb,
I would ask the representative of the Soviet Union to correct me. Levi Eshkol
said that Israel wanted the dowry but not the bride. The dowry is the land;
the unwanted bride, the Palestinians and other Arabs. In other words, Israel
wants to empty Palestine of its population, to depopulate the land by ways and
means which are contrary to international law, to human rights, to the norms
of justice. The policy of Jewish settlements followed by Israel is designed
to invite Jewish adventurers - mostly financed, unfortunately, by American
money - to replace the indigenous Palestinians.
The following was contained in an editorial published in The T;lew York TimeE _----- on 23 July 1978:
"Mr. Begin asks whether he has not been generous enough in postponing
Israeli claims of sovereignty in the West Bank and offering 'self-rule'
to the million Palestinians there and in Gaza. Why has Jordan failed to
negotiate from that point? Probably because Jordan, like a growing
number of prominent Israelis, understands the fine print in the offer.
WhileArabs rule their own communities, Israelis financed by their
Government and protected by their army would continue to buy and settle
West Bank lands so that when the question of sovereignty is next examined,
they will have completely altered the face of the region".
(The New York Times, sect. 4 (The 1pJeek in Review), p.- 18)
in The New York Times, which has no special sympathy for the
That was
Palestinians.
The problem which Israel faces in the occupied Arab territories is that
the Palestinians, after 1967, stayed put; they did not move; they did not
succumb to the terror which they faced in 1948. This fact has created a thorn
in the flesh of the Zionist concept, which wants the land without the people.
There were some who said, "Let us incorporate the whole area without giving
the political rights to the indigenous Palestinians". There were others who
wanted to create bantustans around the big cities in the occupied territories
without giving the right of citizenship to the annexed areas. There were
still others, among them the present Minister of Agriculture, who said, "Get
rid of the whole population". Admittedly, all these solutions and ideas were
never found adequate.
One should ask why Israel places itself above the law, why it takes
international law into its own hands, regardless of the norms of international
law and the United Nations Charter. Israel does not want even to be criticized
for what it does in the occupied Arab territories. It considers the area to be
a liberated one, and therefore no one, including the Security Council, has the
right to question what it does therein, Nothing illustrates this attitude
better than the two statements made by the representative of Israel, yesterday
and on Friday last. He spoke about Pakistan in Asia, and he ended up in Cuba,
in Latin America. But he did not touch upon the item under consideration.
Many speakers have referred to the norms of international law and their
violation by Israel. There is more than violation of international law. The
West Bank and Gaza are victims of a newly introduced concept based on mystical
affinity. In this modern age, a new argument is replacing the United Nations
Charter in the occupied territories. Furthermore, new language is being
introduced, The West Bank is called Judaea and Samaria; Jerusalem is said
to be unified, not annexed. In 1967 and thereafter, Israel talked about
war of defence; now it has become war of liberation. The Israeli Government
refers to its expansionist design in the West Bank and Gaza as a thickening
of present Jewish settlements, It does not acknowledge the confiscation Of
tiab land; instead, it says that this land is closed off. This is new
language, which I really do not understand.
I referred earlier to what Foreign Minister Dayan dubbed coexistence between
Jews and Arabs in the West Bank and Gaza. What kind of coexistence is Israel
talking about when it has been made clear that such coexistence must be under
Jewish rule - as Mr. Day-an demonstrated in his interview with the Jewish Chronicle - * .I._
of London. In fact, Israel wants the coexistence in the West Bank to take the
pattern of the relationship that exists between a rider and his horse, a master
and his docile subject. We are advocates of coexistence, but it should be
among equals, and it should be all over Palestine, wherein Jews, Christians,
Palestinians could live together as equals, in harmony and partnership. But
the pattern of coexistence which Israel wants, and which Mr. Dayan defended,
it the right to have the cake and eat it. gives
The Securi-t;y Council must act decisively on this question on three grounds,
p&i& I shall enumerate. The establishment of Jewish settlements in the occupied
Arab territories and the annexation of Jerusalem are, firSt, immOral; Sec@nd,
illegal.; and, third, warmongering. Those settlements are immoral because they
violate the tTro covenants 1 cited earlier, one on civil and political rights
and the other on cultural, social and economic rights. They deprive the
Palestinians and other Arabs of their Water, on which they have survived for
thousands of years. They deprive the Palestinians and other Arabs of the soil
they have tilled and cultivated for thousands of years, They deprive the
Palestinians and other .Arabs of their basic human rights concerning family reunion.
In short, they are immoral because they are the edifice of inhumanity.
My second point is that they are illegal. They are so because they violate
the Fourth Geneva Convention. They breach international law:, they violate the United
Nations Charter. They are there in collision with Security Council and General
Assembly resolutions. They are maintained andbeing expanded by brute force.
They have been established against the wish of the lawful owners of the territories.
Ny third point is that these Jewish settlements are warmongering. I have
said that they are immoral and illegal. IQ third point is that they are
warmongering. They are a prescription for a military confrontation. They do not
contribute towards peace. They are not conducive to peace. On the contrary, they
are signposts for disaster, as Lord Caradon, one our former colleagues, described
them in one of his articles in The Times of London. They are the outcome of the
military occupation which feeds them and keeps them, Therefore my delegation
expects all the members of the Council to tell the Israeli Government that these
settlements are null and void, illegal, immoral and warmongering.
The representative of Israel has stated in the course of the debate that
this debate is intended to impede the process of the peace talks. 1 heard him
very clearly yesterday. Ny answer is that nothing impedes peace more than these
Jewish settlements, Rothing murders any prospect of peace more than the
ex-pansionist policy of Israel. And nothing invites war more than the
continuation of this process of displacing the Palestinians. These modern
predators of Arab land must realize that their prononncements about peace will cut
no ice with the international community until they recognizc the right of the
Palestinians to self-determination and statehood in the occupied territories.
(yr. Bishara, Kuwait)
I have restrained myself. I have used moderate language. I do not like to @O beyond -that because we attach great and serious importance to this debate,
bly dele&Wtion iS of the view that the Council should go beyond the
reitemtion Of General prinCipleS and that action should be contemplated. The Proposal of JoYdan for the establishment of a commission of the Council to
inves.tigste the situation in the occupied Arab territories and the submission 0%
a report On its findings thereafter is in the view of my delegation unimpeachable.
It means that the Council, after 12 years of ruthless occupation by Israel, is
serious in taking action rather than reaffirming general principles which Israel never respects. It is for that reason that my delegation supports the proposal of
Jordan for the establishment of a commission of the Council,
Finally, the world is entitled to know what goes on in the occupied
territories. There is a black-out on debate on this issue in the United States,
lxt-t; that was expected. We do not cater to the pleasure of any Person, of any side,
Of any country. But we must act in a manner that is reconcilable with the
United nations Charter and its provisions.
I thank the representative of Kuwait for the kind
words he addressed to me,
The next speaker is the representative of Israel, upon whom I now call.
Hr. BLUPl' (Israel) : Mr. President, it is unfortunate that at a tiqe
of mesjor ssrorldV crisis you are being required to preside over a barren ritual that
has been repeated so often in the past. As the world contemplates the ever-rising
death toll in South-East Asia, violence in different parts of East Africa,
fighting between South and Worth Yemen and several other grave threats to
international peace and security, we have been summoned here, at the whim of Jordan
and its allies, to consider an artificial issue, a matter that does not cOnStitQte
any threat to brorld peace and security - unless, of course, these Governments are
looking for any pretext to feed and fan their belliPerency.
Indeed, the role lqhich the Security Council is today led to Play behoves
us seriously to question whether its tasks and functions, as defined by the United
Nations Charter, are not 'being deliberately undermined by some Ifember States- LeL us
consider just the past 12 months I) during which we have witnessed a number 0~
conflict situations which have seriously endangered internatiOnal peace. Let us
remind ourselves <ha-t over this short period the SeCUritY Council has been unable
or -untrilling to take effective steps to stop the fighting in the Horn of Africa,
in Zaire, or in Chad, where Libya has ef?feCtiVelY annexed a large part Of that
country and continues to intervene in its internal affairs. In Lebanon, a
Syrian occupation army remains in place after having perpetrated large-scale
brutalities on the indigenous population; Moroccans, Algerians and others are
embroiled in the Irestern Sahara; and in several other regions we have witnessed
armed invasions and acts of aggression that have resulted in tens of thousands
killed and hundreds of thousands, if not millions, turned into refugees. We
have witnessed thousands of square miles of territory 'being occupied by foreign
forces, the destruction of incalculable property and the gross violation of
human rights. In several cases, as in South-East Asia, involving both large and
small Powers, these explosive situations have threatened to engulf ever larger
areas with potentially awesome and horrifying consequences.
Yet in every case these serious conflicts either have not found their way
on to the Security Council agenda or they have been left unresolved with the
Council unable to act. There can be no more urgent task for those concerned with
the role of the United Hations than to consider why this is so and what can be
done about it. In his report to the thirty-third session of the General Assembly
on the work of the Crganization, and in several of his press conferences, the
Secretary-General has offered some important insights. Several rlember States have
also voiced their concern and expressed a variety of views on what might be done.
Frustration sometimes produces moments of ,truth. At the risk that the
immediate past President of the Security Council may object; to the proposition that
the truth remains the truth only when it is universally applicable, I would
nevertheless like to quote his remarks in this forum last month. He said: P1 . . . We should not be selective in our concern over issues that threaten Peace and security in the world. We must strive to place international interests
above our IXm?OW national interests if we want to be faithful to the provisions of the Charter. It is also wise to draw a line between impartiality and passivity. Impartiality must be strictly observed." (S/PV.2118, pp. 37 and 38)
(Mr. Blum, Israel)
bd the evil Of selectivity not been allowed to plague the Security Council
ie would most certainly have been able to adopt a more balanced and effective approach to many international crises9 including the Arab-Israel conflict. In
fact, the cOUnCilvS record on the Middle East has generally revealed a two-fold selectivity =* both in choice of topic and in the substantive discussion itself.
In deciding lrhich aspects of the conflict to put on the Council's agenda, the
Council has consistently ignored Israel's grievances while eagerly seizing upon
iSSUeS of interest to the Arab States, Vhen debates were held, the issue was
frequently prejudged, taking full account of the Arab Position while turning a
deaf ear to that of Israel.
Vhat objective observer, scanning the Council's resolutions of recent years,
tqould maintain that the one--sided and lopsided resolutions of the Council
aCCUrately reflect the complexities of the Arab-Israel conflict? In'the last
30 years, Arab Governments have violated every conceivable universal treaty,
convention, United Nations principle and requirement in relation to Israel.
They have repeatedly broken every cease-fire and armistice agreement. But
when IT&S the last time that the Security Council passed a resolution critizing
any Arab State for any such violation against Israel? Certainly not in the last
decade: not in the last two decades, nor even in the last quarter of a century.
Yet, with what facility can those same Arab States summon the Security Council
on any trumped-up charge against Israel and obtain the passage of a resolution
concocted by them or their eager supporters. It is in this setting that Jordan
has staged the present debate on the apparent assumption that, given the failure
of 'the Council to reach any decision on the major issues threatening international
peace and security, certain members will be only too ready to seize this
opportunity with a view to flexing the CouncilvS liluSdeS~
I vould therefore as15 that Council members recognize this exercise for what
it is, as having nothing; to do with the responsibilities entrusted to the
Council under the United kTations Charter. Furthermore, had there been snY
readiness by the instigators of this debate to recognize the Jewish PeoPlefs
inalienable right to self-determination, national sovereignty and indePendence,
had there been any will on their part to live in peace with Israel, the issue
before us mould not have arisen in the first Place.
Only because lqe are faced with a group of States that have rejected peace
out of hand and only because these same States remain Obsessed with and totally
committed to a campaign of relentless hostility - or, as they call it, "rejection;' _
is every issue being manipulated and blown UP Out Of 811 PrOPortiOn ta its
importance in the conflict. As Professor Fred Gottheil of the University of
Illinois told the Committee on International Relations of the United States
House of Representatives on 12 September 1977:
"JepriSh settlements on the Vest Bank is an issue today Only because
the existence of Israel is an issue... the issue of Jewish settlements
in the Freest Bank today is simply one thin layer that emanates from and
partially conceals the core of the conflict, namely, the non-recognition
by the Arab States of Israel's right to exist".
As our TTar-torn region inexorably moves towards pea,ce, Jordan has identified
itself openly trith this rejectionist position by participating in the Arab summit
meeting in Baghdad from 2-5 ijTovember 1978 and by subscribing to its bellicose
declarations and designs.
This Security Council session has been consciously timed with the explicit
purpose of disrupting and subverting a particularly sensitive stage of the current
peace process, in accordance..with the stated aims of the Baghdad Conference.
For the last few weeks, the Jordanian press and radio have been advertising this
design. It cannot be a mere coincidence that Jordan, which in past years has
shor,m that it is capable of controlling its territory, served as a base and
staging post for a PLO terror plot calculated to coincide Trith President Carter's
visit to Jerusalem. Last Saturday, 10 March, four armed terrorists crossed the
Jordan River on a mission of murder and seizure of hostages for the purpose of
criminal ransom. Their attempt was foiled by the Israel Defence Forces, and
the leaflets found on their bodies made their aims perfectly clear.
Lest there be any misunderstanding about these aims, the head of the
terrorist PLO spelt them out in the rally held yesterday in Beirut -cJhen he said:
"Carter, Sadat and Begin should understand that we will.burn everything*
This area is the area of volcanoes - yes, the area of volcanoes as well as oil. 1 want to tell Begin that when Arabs explode their volcano there will
be only Arabs in this part of the world.. Our people will continue to keep aflame the torch of revolution with rivers of blood until the entire
occupied homeland is liberated - not just part of it':,
These are the views that the Council is being asked by some to subscribe to.
These are the views of the terrorist organization that has been accorded
irregular privileges in this building, including the opportunity to participate
in our deliberations in clear violation of the United Bations Charter and of
the rules of procedure.
As the concluding statement of the Baghdad Conference of last Rovember
makes clear, the issue is not the settlements but the illegal challenge to the
existence of a State Member of the United Rations, Hence 3 if this Council were
to live up to its Charter obligations,it would have long ago dismissed this kind
Of’ request and it would have addressed itself to the real threat to peace and
security, namely, the Arab refusal to recognize Israel's rich-t to exist and the
Arab refusal to negotiate Trith Israel, Had the Council acted in this way from
the early years of the conflict, i-L would have helped to save the peoples of the
%Lddle East from much turmoil and suffering, as well as to enhance greatly.its
Own standing and prestige.
The real issue before us is not as has been represented by the Jordanian
representative and those who have joined him in this debate. Rather., it is the
SaEle fundamental issue that lies at the root of the Arab-Israel conflict and of
all its various manifestations, namely, the stubborn refusal to acknowledge the
Jewish peoplefs riGht to statehood and independence in its homeland.
.
(Mr. Blum, Israel)
The inseparable bond existing between the Jewish people and its homeland,
Eretz Israel - the Land of Israel - including Judaea and Samaria, is an
integral part of the world's history and cultural heritage. The association
of the Jewish people with the Land of Israel, unique in historic circumstances,
has become an integral part of world history, inextricably entwined in the
texture of world culture. FIere at the United bTations constant attempts have
been made over the past 30 years to obscure this inseparable bond that exists
between the Jewish people and the Jewish homeland. But no amount of distortion
and fabrication in this building can undo so central a fact of the political,
spiritual, cultural and religious history of the world.
The historical dimensions of the eternal Jewish ties with the Land of
Israel have been described by the prominent British historian and theologian,
Mr. James Parkes, who stated on page 10 of his book, Whose Land?, that:
"The land of Israel is intertwined far more intimately into the religious
and historical memories of the Jewish people; for their connexion with
the country has been of much longer duration - in fact it has been
continuous from the second millenium B.C.E:. up to modern times - and
their religious literature is more intimately connected with its history,
its climate and its soil. The Land therefore has provided an emotional
centre which has endured through the whole of their period of 'exile',
and has led to constant returns or attempted returns, culminating in
our own day in the Zionist Movement."
Unlike.:the two other major religions, Mr. Parkes continues:
"Lyudaism iz7 tied to.the history of a single people and the geographical
actuality of a single lan,d,s'
That can be found on page 136 of his book.
This self-evident truth also found its expression as's matter of course in
the League of Nations Mandate for Palestine, which stressed "the historical
connexion of the Jewish people with Palestine and . . . the grounds for
reconstituting, - I repeat: reconstituting -' their national home in that
country." The Mandatory Power was also entrusted with the duty to encourage
"close settlement'by Jews on, the land, including State lands and waste lands
not required for.public purposes,"
historical and spiritual tie of the'Jewish
A function of this profound
been the existence of an uninterrupted Jewish
people to the Land of Israel has
presence in the Land since ancient times. But the right of the Jewish people
to its land is also sustained by more recent realities. In Jerusalem, for
example, Jews have constituted, a clear majority for at least the last
century and a half, At the end of the British Mandate in 1948 Jews
accounted for more than two thirds of the population of the Rely City,
During the Jordanian occupation of the eastern part of Jerusalem between
1.948 and 1967 stagnation set in and there was considerable emigration from
it, since Jordan discourage% economic development in Jerusalem with a view
to ensuring the primacy of Amman. Particularly hard hit were the Christian
residents under Jordanian occupation, and their numbers decreased
significantly during that period, It is worth mentioning in this connexion
that in 1965 Jordanian legislation was passed restricting the development
of Christian institutions by cancelling their right to acquire land in or
near Jerusalem. When Jerusalem was reunited in 1967, the number of its
non-Jewish residents was 'about 70,000 - roughly one quarter of the population.
The non-Jewish population has risen since to about 95,000.
In referring to present-day Jerusalem, the representative of Jordan
asserted that the distance from Bethlehem to Ramallah was 40 kilometres.
The truth, of course, is, as any map will show> that the real distance is,
and has always been, 22 kilometres - about half of what he asserts. The
representative of Jordan apparently needed this gross exaggeration..to advance.
his preposterous claim that the city of Jerusalem now constitutes one fifth
of Judaea and Samaria. Again, the facts are that the total area of Judaea
and Ssmaria is 6,000 square kilometres. The area of Jerusalem is 108 square
kilometres - that is, less than 2,per cent of the area of Judaea and Samaria.
Expressed in statistical terms, this clearly means that the credibility
rating of the representative of Jordan stands at about 9 per cent. The remaining
91 per cent must clearly be relegated to the realm of fantasy, imagination
and worse. Indeed, whoever. listened,to his statements in this discussi-on
must have come away with the feeling that the statistical rating of the
Jordanian representative's credibility has been rather generously and charitably
(Mr. Blum, Israel)
COLll?ul; e d . This, of course, aPplies also to the flood Of other figures with
IThich he so liberally Punctuated his remarks and which imst recwttably
be considered as an underestimation by him of the COWXil's intellkence.
In Rebron and Shechem (Rablus) , Jewish colwimities existed from the
thirteenth century until the present century. In the case of I-Iebron, the
ancient Jewish community ceased to exist in the mid-1930s Only after scores
of its members - including many theoloRica1 students - were brutally
massacred by their Arab neighbours in 1929. The attackers did not spare
women, children or the elderly. They destroyed Jewish houses, razed synaE;o;3ues
and burned Torah scrolls, bringing a centuries-old Jewish Presence to a
temPorary halt. This brutal pogrom was yet another illustration of that
spirit of tolerance and brotherly love of which the Jordanian representative
spoke so animatedly last night. Villages such as Atarot; I!Teva YaEakov,
Bet Ha ’ arava ? Qallia, Revadim, Massuot Yitzhak, Ein Tzurim and Afar Etzion
existed in Judaea and Samaria until 1948. South of Gaza, Jews lived in
villages like .TCfar Darom and Be'erot Yitzchak.
The continuous Jewish presence in Judaea and Samaria, as well as in
the Gaza district, was brought to an abrupt but temporary end by the
aggression of the Arab armies in 1948. The Jordanian occupying authorities drove out every Jew remaining in the Jewish quarter of the Old City of
Jerusalem - and, for that matter 1 anywhere in Judaea and Samaria. What they
achieved by the nalied use of force, they formalized in their laws.
Article 6, paragraph 3, of the Jordanian bJationality Law of 4 February 1954
expressly prohibits Jevs from holding Jordanian citizenship, Another Jordanian enactment stipulates that the sale of land to a Jew is punishable
by death, a sentence already pronounced in Amman on several residents of
Judaea and Samaria. Not only do such laws constitute unadulterated anti-Semitisn
reminiscent of the infamous 1Turemberg Laws of Nazi Germany, but they also
stand in flagrant violation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and
of the international law of human rights in general. *
The present Jordanian allegations are thus nothing other than a public
reaffirmation of that same policy of official anti-semitisn.
Those who have rightly shown such sensitivity to discrimination on
the basis of race, colour or creed would undoubtedly recognize that anyone
who asserts that it is illegal for a Jew to live in Judaea and Samaria just
because he is a Jew, is no better than an advocate of apartheid. 'Racist
expressions such as "Judaixation" and "de-Arabization" are disturbingly
reminiscent of the "Judenrein" policy of the Nazi Nuremberg Laws‘, banning
Jews from certain spheres of life for no other reason than that they
were Jews.
However, discrimination on the part of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan
has not been directed solely against Jews. For all the solicitousness which
it today pretends to show towards its Palestinian brethren, Jordan's record
in Judaea and Samaria from 1948 to 1967 was such that it should disqualify
that country from requesting this debate at all. In the i-9 years during
which it illegally occupied those areas, the Jordanian <Government
deliberately curtailed their economic and educational development so that they
could not compete with the primacy of the territory which became the
Kingdom of Transjordan in 1946 and which previously had been the eastern
part of mandated Palestine. 'Hence from 1948 to 1967, agriculture in the
areas concerned was kept at a subsistence level. Industry was VirtUallY
non-existent and no infrastructure was developed. The Jordanian occupation
authorities oppressed the local population and brutally suppressed the riots.
which broke out at frequent intervals. During those 19 years, scores of
Arabs in Judaea and Samaria were killed and hundreds wounded by the Jordanian
army.
The attitude of local residents towards the Jordanian occupiers can be
readily gauged by an interview with 'Arab residents of Judaea and Samaria
which appeared in the Beirut daily;Al-Hawadith, on 23 April 1971:
"Those arriving from the West Bank define the situation thus:
'We have not forgotten nor will we ever forget the type of rule which
degraded our honour and trampled the human feelings within us, a rule
which they built by their inquisition and the boots of their desert men.
We have lived a long period under the humiliation of Arab nationalism,
and it pains us to say that lsre had to wait for the Israeli conquest in
order to become aware of human relationships with citizens.'"
Jordan's real attitude towards the Palestinian Arabs persisted after
r%7 - and if proof is needed one has only to recall the ruthless killing
of thousands of Palestinian Arabs in Jordan in September 1970.
In contrast to this dismal record, the State of Israel has carried out
in Judaea, Ssmaria and the Gaza District an immense and constructive
programme of development marked by human concern and respect for the Arab
identity of the inhabitants.
The population of Judaea, Samaria and the Gaza District, which was
365,000 in 1967, has risen by about 20 per cent, now reaching a figure of
approximately 1,150,OOO inhabitants. Health and medical services have been
greatly improved,resulting in a sharp decrease in the death rate and a
considerable increase in the birth rate. 'So much for the depopulation
fantasies of the Jordanian and Kuwaiti representatives.
Education for this population has been expanded, The number of children
in schools rose from 222,000 in 1968 to 3'75,000 in 1975. 'The number of
institutions of learning increased from 987 to 1,299. Two universities and
two colleges are functioning where none existed before 1067. .The number of
teacher-training seminaries has increased tenfold. So much for the
de-Arabization fantasies of the Jordanian and Iluwaiti representatives.
Contrary to allegations which have been made here, the water system in
Judaea and Samaria has only been improved since 1967. The supply of drinking
water has in fact been tripled since 1967. Moreover, with the use of modern
irrigatj.on methods, the area of irriqated land cultivated by the Arab population has
increased 160 per cent, With improved drilling and pumping installations,
Arab farmers are now assured of a more stable and. regulated floTr, and this has been a major contributing factor to the spectacular agricultural progress
which has taken place over the past decade.
(Mr. Blum, Israel)
~~ricultural output and the industrial growth rate have both risen by
about 11 per cent a year and, since 1967, income from agriculture has
increased 2.6.times in real terms, 'The significant mechanization of
agriculture is shown in the fact that the number of agricultural-tractors
rose from 130 in 1947 to 1,750 in 1976 - an increase of 1,300 per cent.
Unemployment has been practically eliminated. 'In the Gaza District it has
fallen to O.G.per cent, including the refugees. 'The gross national PYOduct
has increased at an average annual rate of 14 per cent.
Income and standard of living have risen most significantly. 'Private
individual expenditure per capita, calculated at constant 1960 prices, has
risen in Judaea, Samaria and Gaza by nearly 100 per cent. 'Income per capita
has risen even more, indicating the creation of considerable savings,
Here are some figures indicating economic and social progress: the number
of automobiles licensed in Judaea, Samaria and the Gaza District rose from
about 5,000 in 1967 to over 25,000 in 1976. Only 2 to 5 per cent of the
population of the territorie,s in question had television sets or electric
refrigerators in 1967. The figure today is well over 30 per Cent.
Of the 16,600 officials in charge of administration, 16,000 are Arabs.
The civil and religious laws are applied by Arab magistrates, 'The towns
and villages in Judaea and Samaria are administered by municipal councils
elected by secret ballot. 'Elections were held in 1972 and 1976. 'In 1976
women voted for the first time.
The relevant electoral law reserves to the Government the right to name
additional members of the municipal councils and to choose the mayors. That
was the practice during the Jordanian occupation. Israel has never tried to
influence the election results, no matter what the political Opinions of the Voters
or the candidates were. In 1976, participation in the voting was 85 Per cent,
despite the methods used to intimidate the population into boycotting the
elections.
There is complete freedom of the press. Several Arab newspapers are
published in Jerusalem. Everyone is fxee to listen to the radio programmes
of his choice and to watch any television programmes from Jerusalem, from
Cairo, from Amman, from Beirut or from Damascus. Freedom of religion and worship
is fully guaranteed. The holy places of each of the religions are administered
by the representatives of those religions.
Two bridges over the Jordan, becoming more and more crowded every day,
ensure a link between the Arab population and the countries of the Arab
world. There is movement in both directions. Arab students of the territories
in question can go to the Arab countries of their choice to study and can
return to their homes at will.
From 1968 to 1976, 5.5 million persons crossed the bridges in both
directions. In 1977 alone, more than 1 million persons and almost 60,000 vehicles
crossed the Jordan. Of the persons who crossed, 63 per cent were inhabitants
of the territories, 30 per cent were inhabitants of various Arab countries,
and 7 per cent were tourists.
That is the general picture of this so-called Zionist hell, which exists
only in the perverse imagination of Israel's enemies, I could go into further
details and cite figures at greater length, but I think that the foregoing
information suffices to dispose of the ludicrous contention regarding
"de-Arabization".
I have already referred to the inalienable right of the Jewish people
to the Land of Israel. A corollary of this is the right to live in any ptirt
of the Land. We do not regard ourselves as foreigners in those areas. The
Israeli villages in Judaea, Samaria and the Gaza District are there as of right
and are there to stay.
(Mr, Blum. Israel)
It has never been the aim of Israel to exercise control over the lives
and activities of the Arab inhabitants there. We seek to live as equals with them, not to replace them,
Incidentally, many of the present-day Jewish villages in Judaea, Samaria
and the Gaza District have been established on Jewish-owned land, expropriated
in 1948 by the Jordanian or the Egyptian Government. Most of them have been set up on government and public land which had been barren for centuries. In
those very few instances in which private land has been involved, acquisition
for public purpose was in accordance with the pertinent Jordanian law and full
compensation was offered.
The present Israeli villages in Judaea, Samaria and the Gaza District
are inhabited by about 10,000 individuals. To assert, as does the Jordanian
representative, that that number, in the midst of 1.15 million Arabs, constitutes
a "demographic change", "erosion", "cannibalization" and what not, is both
ludicrous and racist.
The right of Jews to live in Judaea and Samaria has also been challenged
here by some on legal grounds. I have already alluded to this aspect earlier
and I should now like to dwell on this matter at greater length.
As is well known, with the termination of the Mandate over Palestine
on 14 May 1948, the armies of seven Arab States, including the Transjordan
Arab Legion, illegally crossed the international boundaries in clear violation
of general international law and in breach of the Charter of the United Rations,
which prohibits the use or even-threat of force against the territorial
integrity or political independence of any State. The armed aggression of
those Arab armies was aimed at crushing the fledgling State of Israel and the
Governments which dispatched them had the effrontery to make formal announcements
Of their illegal action to the Security Council,
Referring specifically to the communication sent by Transjordan to the
Security Council, the representative of the United States stated that the
position of the Ring of Transjordan was characterized by:
11 ..* a certain contumacy towards the United Nations and the Security
Council. . . .
"The contumacy of that reply to the Security Council is the very
best evidence of the illegal purpose of this Government in invading
Palestine with armed forces and conducting the war which it is waging
there. It is against the Peace; it is not on behalf of the peace. It
is an invasion with a definite purpose, .,.
"Therefore, here we have the highest type of evidence of the
international violation of the law: the admission by those who are committing
No. 72, 302nd meeting+ PP. h-43)
The representative of the United'States also stated, and that was in
May 1948, that the communications sent to the Council by Transjordan and by
the other countries whose armies invaded Palestine: Y ._ "are the best evidence we have of the international character of this
aggression." (Ibid.)
The Ukrainian representative told the Council on the same occasion that
the purpose of the f1 .., armed intervention in the internal affairs of'palestine LT$to destroy
the State of Israel by force of arms and to bombard the peaceful cities
of Israel under the pretext of restoring order." (Ibid. No. 76,
307th meeting, p. 1%)
The representative of the Soviet Union pointed out, arain on the same occasion,
that:
"The USSR delegation cannot but express surprise at the position adopted by
the Arab States in the Palestine question, and particularly at the fact
that those States - or some of them, at least - have resorted to such
action as sending their troops into Palestine and,,c,arrying out military
operations aimed at the suppression of the national liberation movement
in Palestine." (Ibid., No. 71, 299th meeting, p. 7)
Incidentally, the Soviet representative who made that statement was none
other than I!&. Andrei Gromyko, and the national liberation movement he was
referring to is none other than Zionism, the national liberation movement of the
Jewish people.
(J!lr. mum, Israel)
The violation of the international boundaries of Palestine by the Arab
armies having constituted an act of armed aggression, the consequent.illegal
occupation by them of any territory previously forming part of the Tx.nda.ted
territory of Palestine could not give rise to any legitimate claim of sovereignty -
Ex injuria, jus non oritur. Thus, the purported "annexation" of Judaea and Samaria by Jordan in 1950 was in violation both of general international law
and of the Israel-Jordan General Armistice Agreement of 1949. It is not
without interest to note in this connexion that even the Arab League in 1950
threatened Jordan with expulsion from its ranks because of that purported
"annexation".
on 5 June 1gG7 I~in1s Hussein spurned an official raessase from Israel,
deLivered through the United liations intermediary, ii>viting him to stay out
0: the si::-day war which 1)egan that day, Instead, the Jordanian occupants of
Judaea and Canaria openef?. fire on Jerusalem? and all alor@ the armistice lines
76th Israel and,. as a result of their rene~~ed aGgression, lost control of
Jvdaea and Samaria. Thus, Wen the Israel Defence Forces entered Juaaea and
$alesriga in June 1367, in the COLUCSC of repellir?z the renelzed Jordanian amression,
they ouster from those territories an illegal invader who enjoyed, at the MOSt,
the rights of an occupant. Rowever, the rights of such an occupant under the
International Law of Delligerent Occupation are self-terminating upon the
conclusion of the occupation and no rights whatsoever survive for hin thereafter.
Pinfnent authorities of international law throuGhout the mould have
repeatedly stat& in recent years that, in the 1iGht of the facts and the
emlicable 1217, Israel'has Better title 'to any territory of the former . -. -- Palestfile Xaiidate than any other State. These distinGuished authorities include
Professor Eq;ene PostoTr of Yale Law School, Professor Elihu Lauterpacht of
the University of Cambridge, &gland, Professor Julius Stone of the University
Of Sydney, Australia, and Professor Stephen SchVebel of Johns Hopkins University,
xzilber of the United Bations International Law Commission. The latter,
in an article nublished in 1970 in the American Journal of International Law
(volme &, pp. 344-347), rightly stated that:
"Uhere the prior holder of territory had seized that territory
mlmrfully, the State which subsequently takes that territory in the
lwful exercise of,self-defence has, against that prior holder,
better titleail
Professor SchlTebel then concluded that:
"Israel has better title in the territory of what was Palestine,
including the Trhole of Jerusalwl, than do Jordan or ?Qypt,"
The aqwflent has also been raised that the presence of Israeli villagers
and famers in Judaea and Smaria constitutes an obstacle to peace. Let me
point out right aTTay that, olriny; to Jordan's "Judenrein" policies, there was not
oue Israeli famcr living ina Judaea and. Samaria between 1948 and 1g6Ty and yet
th er e va s no kllingness on Jordan?s part at that time either to conclude peace
rrith Israel.
Kor eover g far from constituting an obstacle to peace, the Israeli
villaGes are in fact a vital deterrent to war. Lven a cursory glance at a map of the re@ion shows clearly that alon g Israel's narrow central coastline,
where 80 per cent of Israel's population lives, the distance between the
pre-1967 armistice lines and the Mediterranean Sea averaces between 9 and 15 miles,
or about the distance from the northern tip of Manhattan Island to the
World Trade Center. Until 1967 all of Israel's major toyrns and cities were
within range of medium Arab artillery and Jerusalem was within 1iCht mortar
range of Arab forces. Villae;es of the kind we are discussine have proved
to be an effective form of early warning systeill.
If anythinG, recent developments on our eastern front have only
Vindicated Israe19s long-standing security concerns and confirmed the ilaportance
Of the villages in that resard. Aside from Jordanss refusal to enter into
negotiations toTrards a peaceful settlement, and the belligerent statemnts
emanating from the Baghdad summit, we have seen an unprecedented military
build-up by Syria and Iraq, which, recently, according to Newsweek magazine
Of 12 February 1979, included a Soviet promise of the most sophisticated
mcb25 fighter planes.
The purpose of this massive arms escalation has been underlined by the
rapprochenlent between Syria and Iraq and their joint pledge to work together
towards a "full military union" against Israel, as reported by the
1~7ashington Post of 27 October 1978. Those developments are correlated with
the parallel rapprochement between Jordan and Syria and Jordan's recent but
highly publicised reconciliation with the terrorist organization known as'the PLO. '
It is clearly the objective of those makinif up the "Eastern Front"
to try to have the territories leadinG to the outskirts of Jerusalem and Tel-Aviv
cleared of any Israeli presence which may stand in the way of their bellicose designs,
NO one muld, 1 thinI<, deny that the present situation in those territories
raises many problems which can only be solved through direct neGotiationsa
Had most Arab Goverments - and not least of them Jordan - been prepared to folloV
the road of peace rather than ongoing hostilities, these problems could have
been satisfactorily solved long aco.
(lk. l3lm, Israel)
Jordan and its rejectionist allies are, by their om admission, bent on
svebverting the peace process in the XidGle East. Israel , however B cannot ac c ept
thi?.t the op-gogents of peace ~CLV~ a right to obstruct this prOCeSSa ToC;ether with -- ?jkv?i; *Ld ._ Y aLld ~,~i+Jl the aid of the United States, Israel agreed last Septmber to
tile &-ameFrorl; for peace in the P!icl.dle East, based on Security Council resolution
242 (1967). Thrt ~r~nevork envisages , ,inter alia, negotiations for the
establislment of an elected self-governins adUinistrative council for the
inhabitallts of Ju&ea, Samaria and the Gaza District, the final status of those
territories and their relationship with their neiGhbows to be negotiated at
a later date.
Once the self-governin@ authority is freely elected by the Arab inhabitants
of Judaea, &maria and the Gaza District, the Israeli 1:lilitary Government and
its civilian adkiistration sill. be ~~ithdram2 from those areas and the Israel
Defence E'orces will be redeployed in those areas and maintained for defence
purposes .
As President Carter ri&tly stated in Cairo, before the People's Assembly
of K&;?t last Saturday, 10 l:arch 1979:
"Those Vho attack these efforts a1"e opposing the only realistic process
that can brin; real peace to the Hiddle Zk~st, Let no one be deceived.
The effect of their slogans and their rhetoric is to r?lalr,e them in reality
advocates Of the status quo, not of change, df war1 not of peace, of further
Suf Terii?z , not of achieving the human dignity to Trhich the long-sufferin@ people
of this region are entitled, There is sii~ply no workable alternative to
the COLWS~ our nations are following toGether.F'
If Jordan were indeed sincere in its concern for the well-being of the
Palestinian Arabs, it would no doubt consider responding to the invitation
extended to it to enter negotiations, as envisaged in the framework for
peace3 rather than resorting to the dubious and sterile tactics which have
inspired this debate.
The Jordanian representative referred also to Jerusalem and did so
in an intolerant and parsimonious vein with regard to the role of Jerusalem
in Jewish history and the role of the Jews in the history of the city.
Jerusalem has known many foreign rulers during the course of its long
history, but none of them regarded it as their capital. Only the Jewish
people has always regarded it as the centre and sole focus of its national
and spiritual life. The Jews of Jerusalem have the longest unbroken
historical association with the Holy City. The city of Jerusalem has been
the heart and soul of the Jewish people since King David, 3,000 years ago,
established it as the capital of Israel, Jerusalem has been the centre of
Jewish life, hope and yearning, and Jews for thousands of years have prayed
daily for their return to Jerusalem, and have reaffirmed the Psalmist's oath:
"If I forget thee, 0 Jerusalem, let my right hand wither. Let my
tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth if I do not remember you,
if I do not set Jerusalem above my highest joys.' (Psalm 137: 5-6)
As the representative of Israel, let me therefore repeat here again
that Jerusalem, one, undivided and indivisible, shall remain for ever
the capital of Israel and of the Jewish people.
At the same time, the Government of Israel has always been conscious
of the fact that Jerusalem is of deep concern to other faiths also. Its
religious and historic sites are precious to Christians and Moslems, as well
as to Jews. Israel is mindful of the historic treasures and manifold
spiritual heritage of Jerusalem.
Israel's policy with regard to Jerusalem's holy places is governed by
the Law on Protection of Holy Places, of June 1967. Under this law,
unrestricted access to holy places is guaranteed to members of all faiths.
In this regard, it is relevant to recall that for 19 years, between 1.948
and 1967, Israeli Moslems were barred by Jordan from praying in mosques in
the Old City of Jerusalem. They gained access to them only in 1967, when the
city was reunited.
Millions of Moslem and Christian tourists and pilgrims - in addition
to Jewish visitors - have visited Jerusalem since 1967 and have prayed
and worshipped freely at its mosques and churches. All these visitors
can attest to the complete freedom of access to and worship at all the
shrines holy to the adherents of all faiths - something unprecedented in
the history of the city. The assertions made by the representative of
Jordan in this regard are but a further confirmation of his credibility
rating.
Once again, it is an affront to history that Jordan should complain
to this body about Jerusalem. For Jordan stands condemned as the first
country in modern history to bombard the Holy City. It will be recalled
that it was Jordan which, intent on destroying the fledgling State of Israel
and on unlawfully grabbing territory for itself, attacked Jerusalem in 1948,
in clear defiance of the principles of the United Nations Charter. It placed
Jerusalem under siege and opened fire on its inhabitants and on its historic
and religious sites. Jordanian forces attacked and destroyed the densely
populated Jewish Quarter of Jerusalemss Old City with mortar shells and
seized the eastern part of the city, including the historic walled section
which contains religious shrines holy to Jews, Christians and Moslems.
Between 1948 and 1967 Jerusalem was a city cut in two by barbed wire
and minefields. In flagrant violation of the 1949 Israel-Jordan General
Armistice Agreement, Jordan barred access by Jews to their holy places and
cultural institutions. Further, the Jordanian Government began to eliminate
systematically every trace of Jerusalem's Jewish past. Fifty-eight synagogues -
SOme Of great antiquity, like the TOO-year-old Hurva Synagogue - were
wantonly destroyed and desecrated. Those that were not razed to the ground
Were converted into toilets, stables and henhouses filled with dung-heaps,
garbage and carcasses. In the process, hundreds of holy Torah scrolls and
books, reverently preserved for generations, were plundered and burned to ashes -
On the Most of Olives, a hallowed spot for Jews for centuries, 38,000 of the
SG,GGG tombstones in the ancient Jewish burial ground were torn up, profaned,
broken into pieces and used as flagstones, steps and building materials for
public latrines and Jordanian army barracks. Large areas of the cemetery
were levelled and converted into parking areas and gas stations. Through
(Mr. Blum, Israel)
the devastated remains of the graves, the Jordanian Government cut an
asphalt road to provide a short cut to a new hotel built irreverently
on the top of the Mount of Olives.
During that entire period, as these foul acts of desecration were being perpetrated against places holy to the Jewish people, the
world remained silent. When, may I ask!, was there a Security Council
meeting while Jewish synagogues were burned, Jewish graves defiled and
Jewish shrines closed off?
Whereas the Jordanian Government destroyed the ancient Jewish Quarter
in the Old City, drove out all its inhabitants, and subsequently barred
Jews from entering, even as tourists, Jerusalem today is an open city,
oepn to all its residents - Jews, Moslems and Christians - and to members
of all faiths from all nations. It is open even to those who claim to be
Israel's enemies. To date, millions of tourists from all over the world,
including hostile Arab States, have visited Jerusalem and have been
afkrded freedom of access and worship at their respective holy places.
In referring to Jerusalem, the representative of Jordan, as well as
some other speakers, has injected into our discussions a shrill note of
religious prejudice, fanaticism and intolerance. All of us are aware of
the dangers inherent in such an approach, especially in a world replete
with diverse creeds, ideologies and cultures. It is surely the duty of
all of us, and of the United Nations, to contain the flames of religious
fanaticism, and not to fan them.
Since the heart of the Middle East conflict remains not the Israeli
presence in Judaea and Samaria but the refusal of many of our neighbours
t0 recognize the basic national rights of the Jewish people, I cannot
conclude without a reference to that issue, While much is being claimed
here and elsewhere in the name of the Palestinian Arabs, we shall undoubtedly
hear little about the Jewish people's inalienable right to the land of
Israel and its rights to self-determination, national independence and
sovereignty, It should therefore be recalled that even after our
independence was crushed by the legions of imperial Rome 19 centuries ago,
the Zionist passion - the longing to return to Zion - remained the focus
of Jewish national culture. In prayers, in literature, in daily customs
and on the Sabbath, on festivals and on holy days, in the grace over meals,
in marriage ceremonies and in mourning, 3ews constantly expressed their
hope for and belief in the return to Zion and the reconstruction of their
homeland. Throughout those long centuries, there remained a physical
continuity of Jewish life in the land of Israel, often in the face of
the most adverse of circumstances.
(Mr. Blum, Israel)
ln the words of the Meccan newspaper Al-Qibla, in an article published on
23 blarch 191-8, inspired by and reflecting the views of Sherif Hussein of Llecca,
guardian of the Moslem Holy Places , and great-grandfather of the present King of Jordan,
'IThe resources of the country" - that is, Palestine - "are still virgin soil
and will be developed by the Jewish immigrants. One of the most amazing
things until recent times was that the Palestinian used to leave his country,
wandering over the high seas in every direction, His native soil could not
retain its hold on him .,. At the same time we have seen the Jews from
foreign countries streaming to Palestine from Russia, Germany, Austria,
Spain, America. The cause of causes could not escape those who had the gift
of a deeper insight, They knew that the country was for its original
sons" - in Arabic, li-abna 'ihal-asliyin - "for all their differences, a
sacred and beloved homeland. The return of these exiles to their homeland
will prove materially and spiritually an experimental school for their
brethren who are with them in the fields, factories, trades, and in all
things connected with toil and labour."
When the present Government of Hashemite Jordan and its neighbours come to recognize
the wisdom of Sherif Hussein's views, the Council will be relieved of debates like
this one and the peoples of the area will be able to move rapidly towards a
negotiated, just and lasting peace in the Middle East.
The next speaker is the representative of India. I
invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make a statement.
Mr. JKCPAL (India): Mr. President, let me first of sll extend to you
nY felicitations on your assuming the office of President of the Council for the
month of March and wish you every success. Your dedication to the cause of Africa,
Your passion for justice and your vigorous advocacy of what you believe in are
qualities that surely inspire confidence.
May I: also add to the record my delegation's tribute to the memory of
Massador Jamil Baroody, who until the very end served the United Nations as
Well as he served the country he represented. His voice tias always raised
~compromisingly in the cause of peace and justice. He trill he specially missed
during the current debate, because above all the cause Of jUStiCe for the Arab
people of Palestine was closest to his heart. In that context I should like to
recall that Ambassador Baroody was largely responsible for translating the Charter
principle of self-determination into a legal right.
I note that mY neighbour on the right regards this meeting as
a barren ritual. At the risk of displeasing him, 1 am participating in this
ritual briefly in the certain knowledge that his own contribution to its
barreness, in terms of time at any rate, is more than considerable.
The item under consideration by the Council is perhaps one of the most
crucial questions for world peace, because it concerns the question of Palestine,
It is at the very root of the conflict in the Middle East, and without its just
solutionSthere will be no termination of the state Of belligerency, much less
will there be a state of peace.
The fact that Jordan, the immediate neighbour of Israel in more than one
sense, has brought this item before us is of special significance, for the edifice
of peace cannot endure without the participation of Jordan and the Palestinian
people in its construction. The representative of Jordan has given the Council
a vivid and well documented account of the magnitude and extent of the
encroachments of Israel in the occupied Arab territories as a deliberate act of
policy designed to perpetuate Israel's occupation of Palestine in a form and manner
which has elsehwere been called 'settler COlOnialiSm".
According to the Permanent Representative of Jordan, 80 Israeli settlements
have been established, 29 per cent of the land in the West Bank has been
confiscated, and there has also been 'a massive hijacking of its water
resources", to quote his own words. The reason given by Israel for the pursuit of this policy is said to be security and military requirements, a reason which
in our view has no justification in law, and it must therefore be held that these
acts Of Israel constitute a flagrant violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention
of 1949, to which Israel is a party,
17e have also listened with close attention to the other party more intimate17
involved, the representative of the Palestine Liberation Organisation, who stated
quite simply that the question involves the very survival of the Palestinian
People. The representative of Egypt gave us a long recitation of the many
(Mr. Jaipal, India)
resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly that have been
igncred or violated by Israel. Other representatives of Arab States have also
spoken with great seriousness about the situation in Palestine, from which the
majority of its inhabitants have been forced out, their homes and lands usurped
by an alien occupying State and its citizens, and every act of the occupying
Power is aimed at the destruction of the very identity of Palestine, as if the
Palestinian people were a "non-people".
The United Nations and its organs, especially the Security Council, have a
clear duty to prevent this ultimate injustice. It is necessary to recall the
essentials of the history of the question of Palestine, which has engaged the
attention of the international community since the beginning of this century,
thereby becoming an important part of international responsibility, Through the
ages the history of Palestine has been a succession of foreign occupations even
to this day, and it was to remedy this grossly unjust situation that the League
of Rations assumed responsibility for its future, and so did the United Nations.
Since the so-called Balfour Declaration, the wrongs, illegalities and
injustices done to the Palestinian people have multiplied. And since the
United &tions came to be seized of this question, every act Of Israel against
the Palestinian people in the occupied Arab territories has been declared null
and void by the United Nations. We are thus burdened with a growing accumulation
of nullities, and one might well inquire whether these nullities are to
constitute the portfolio of peace.
Are we now, perhaps, entering the stage in the United i!Tations when the
fact of the very existence of Palestine is being allowed to be questioned?
Even the l3alfour Declaration spoke of Palestine as a senarate entity and
stipulated that nothing shall be done to prejudice the civil and religious rights
of the Arab community in Palestine. Article 22 of the Covenant of the League
of &iations acknowledged as far back as 1919 that the Palestinian Arab COr~~lunity
had reached the stage of development of an independent nation. That was 60 years
ago. In 1948, the General Assembly stated that, together with Israel, an
independent Arab State shall come into existence in Palestine. That was
30 years ago.
Since then, the people of Palestine have been prevented by Israeli OCcUPatiOn
from exercising in Palestine their natural and inalienable right to independent
existence in a State of their 017n. This denial of justice provoked the
Palestinian people to resist the occupying Power and resort to armed struggle;
and presumably, therefore, they are being taught a lesson - and lessons no-cTadays tend to be less than academic.
The existence of the Palestinian people in Palestine rests on more than d promise of God. Fortunately for us, we have to depend not on gods, but on the
Charter of the United Nations and on principles of modern international law to resolve the questions before us. The consensus of the civilized community
today is that conquest is not a source of title to territory or to the exercise
of power to deprive the people of their inalienable national rights. 1\To one,, not even the United Nations, may deny the Palestinian people their inalienable
right to their oTrn State in their o?m land. The Palestinian people have never given their consent to the establishment of any settlements by the Israeli
occupying power.
(Mr. Jaipal, India)
Peace cannot be established by compromises that are in violation of principles of justice, I may recall here Einsteinss definition of a bad compromise: it is something done for real or external gain, but one that is inherently unreasonable. It is inherently unreasonable for the Security Council
to shut its eyes to the political fact of the existence of the Palestinian people
in their own land and to their legitimate aspirations to exercise their inalienable
national rights.
Sometimes one hears the argument that Security Council resolution 242 (1967)
speaks only of a just settlement of the refugee problem, as if that is all that
there is to the question of Palestine, Nothing could be more monstrous than
such an inherently unreasonable interpretation. One must remember the genesis
of this question in the United Nations, and it is the creation of two States
in 1948 -- one of which is to be an Arab State in Palestine. All resolutions
of the United Nations, including Security Council resolution 242 (1967), should
be interpreted within that original frame of reference. Otherwise, they would
all be devoid of any reason whatsoever.
In any case, the point at issue now is simply the withdrawal of Israel from
territories occupied in the conflict of 1967, which include Palestinian Arab
territory. 11~ Prime bginister and Foreign Ninister have repeatedly reaffirmed
the support of the Government of India for the just cause of the Palestinian people
and to their inalienable national right to a State of their oTJn*
The PRESIDl3NT: I thank the representative of India for the kind words --_----a he addressed to me,
The next speaker is the representative of Somalia. I invite him to take a
place at the Council table and to make his statement.
i@. RUSSRi\T (Somalia): Mr, President, I am most grateful to you and
t0 the other m&bers of the Co~cj.1 for having afforded my delegation the
Opportunity to participate in this debate.
Before I proceed to the question on the CouncilPs agenda, I should like to
extend to you my warmest congratulations on your assumption of the presidency of
the Council, particularly since you represent a country, Nigeria, with which
Somalia D my country, enjoys close and brotherly relations.
(Mr. Hussen, Somalia)
Your presidency comes at a time when issues vital to peace in the Middle East
and Africa are to be discussed. I have had the privilege of working with you
on other bodies of the United Nations, so I know your characteristic flair and
ability, and I am confident therefore that you will conduct the proceedings of
the Council with the magnanimity that is characteristic of your attitude.
I should like also to take this opportunity to express to your predecessor=
Mr. Abdalla Bishara of Kuwait, my delegation% admiration of the exemplary manner
in which he directed the work of the Council in the month of February, during
which the Council was called upon to consider one of the most difficult problems
it has ever come across.
The initiative taken by the Government of Jordan in requesting a meeting
of the Security Council to consider Israel's policy towards the City of
Jerusalem and other occupied Arab lands was most timely and necessary. We are
indebted to the representative of Jordan, who, in his statement at the opening
of this Councilss meeting on last Friday, 9 March, provided us with an important,
factual and analytical picture of the dangerous situation that continues to prevail
in the region. Our appreciation is due also to the representative of the
Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) for his lucid and informative exposg.
There is no question about the truth and validity of the charge that Israel
has steadily carried out, over the past 11 years, policies designed to alter
and eventually obliterate the religious, historical and national character of
Holy Jerusalem. It is equally clear that these policies are part of a wider
plan to create a "Greater Israel" by absorbing large portions of occupied Arab
territories through Jewish settlements.
(Mr. Hussen, Somalia)
The evidence to support these charges can be easily obtained from the
pronouncements of Israeli leaders and from other Israeli sources, as well as from
the extensive and detailed evidence amassed by the Jordanian representative,
The evidence obtained by the Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices
Affecting the Human Rights of the Population of the Occupied &akT Territories,
and by the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the
Palestinian People are also available for the consideration of the Council.
Unquestionably, the settlement policy of the Israeli Government, which
is being implemented throughout the occupied Arab territories according to a
master plan, is incompatible uith a sincere desire for a just and lasting
Middle East peace. It is a policy which violates international law, violates
the human rights of the population against which it is directed, and
deliberately places serious obstacles in the way of several imperatives for a
comprehensive Middle East settlement. I refer, of course, to the necessity
for Israel's withdrawal from all occupied Arab territories and the necessity
for the restoration of the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to
nationhood in Palestine - imperatives which are rightfully supported by
international consensus,
Israeli policies towards occupied Jerusalem must be of particular concern
to the international community. This city, which is an historic trust of
mankind - a city sacred to Moslems, Christians and Jews alike and,
therefore, to a large proportion of the world's people - is now being turned
into a tasteless and overcrowded urban monstrosity. The concentration of new
Israeli settlements in and around the Old City is aimed at destroying its Arab
and Islamic character and isolating its Arab citizens from other Arab
communities. In this connexion, it is pertinent to recall the maps which have
been made available to the Council in substantiation of the complaints under
consideration. In its drive to serve these illegal political interests, the
Tel Aviv Government is destroying the authentic religious, Cultural and ethnic
life of the Holy City,which flourished in rich diversity in the past.
(Mr, Hussen, Somalia)
This debate should take on added urgency from the fact that the matter
before the Council is not a new one. It represents the cumulative effect of
policies openly initiated over 11 years ago and allowed to develop unchecked.
As long ago as the fifth special session of the General Assembly, in July 1967,
Israel's illegal actions with regard to Jerusalem and other areas were brought
to world attention and condemned. In resolution 267 (1969) this Council, in a
unanimous decision, called urgently on Israel to rescind forthwith all measures
which tended to change the status of Jerusalem and to refrain in future from
all actions likely to have such an effect. In the same year this Council
adopted resolution 271 (1969) in response to the burning of Al-Aqsa Mosque - a
resolution which recognized that any act of destruction or profanation of
Holy Places, religious buildings and sites in Jerusalem, or any encouragement
of, or connivance at, any such act might seriously endanger international
peace and security.
In this connexion, it is pertinent to note that The Hague Regulations
require an occupying Power to take special care to protect historical, religious
and educational monuments, buildings and articles. And yet the demolition of ,_.... sacred historical sites -in'occirljiied Jerusalem continues; the undermining of the
foundations of Al-Aqsa Mosque through archaeological diggings continues, and
the daily violation of the centuries-old Holy Ibrahim Sanctuary in Hebron
continues.
In the light of the evidence detailing the continuing desecration of
*r. Islamic Holy Places by the Israelis,, it is incredible that the censuring of
Israel by UNESCO should have been seen in some quarters as an unjustified
attack on Israel. It was, of course, a legitimate response to the Israeli
plan for the destruction of 'some of the foremost religious and historical
legacies of the Islamic world, and to Israeli policies which deprive millions
of Moslems the world over of the exercise of religious duties central to their
faith. The fact of the matter is that a nation which claims a God-given right
to exist, as we have heard a few minutes ago, which tries to project itself
as an example cf moral and religious righteousness, is guilty of the most
callous and barbaric actions against the Holy Places of Islam and against the
human rights of Arab people.
(Mr. Hussen, Somalia)
UnfOrtunatelY, misconceptions about the true nature of the Zionist State and its policies Still exist, even among members of the Security Council, who are in possession of all the facts. Perhaps it would be useful to cite here yet another Security Council resolution on Jerusalem - resolution 298 (1971).
This resolution deplored Israel's failure to respond to past United Nations
resolutions on Jerusalem and confirmed in the clearest possible terms that all
legislative and administrative actions taken by Israel to change the status of
the City of Jerusalem, including expropriation of land and properties, transfer
Of populations,and legislation aimed at the incorporation of the occupied
section, were totally invalid.
As members of this Council are aware, the Arab States, in succeeding years,
have persistently sought to keep these matters before the Security Council by
frequent communications stating the facts and voicing their concern and just
anger over Israel's sacrilegious, annexationist and colonizing policies, and
its violations of the human rights of the Arab population under Israeli
occupation.
The fact of Israelss deliberate and sustained defiance of principles of
the Charter, of covenants governing the conduct of international affairs and of the
the resolutions of the-General Assembly and Security Council is undeniable, We
have seen Israel's contempt for international law in the illegal annexation of
Jerusalem, in the avowed intention to annex other areas and in the policy of
"creating facts" - in other words, colonizing occupied Arab territories, either by ,. by new Jewish settlements or by the "thickening of existing ones". .I _,
. .
:
(Mr. Russen 9 Somalia)
We know, too, Of the actions specifically condemned by the Ha@.=
Regulations and by the Geneva Convention of 1949. Israel has made no secret
of its expropriation and destruction of Arab property; of the eXpUlSion of
Arab people from their homes, * of the transfer of the civilian popUlatiOn Of
Israel into occupied Arab territory; of the sweeping; away of prevailing local
laws and customs; and, in short, of its efforts to change the political,
demographic, geographic, religious and national status of the occupied
territories and particularly of Jerusalem+
These actions and attitudes are further highlighted by the General
AssemblyFs reaffirmation that the lg49 Geneva Convention relative to the Protection
of Civilian Persons in Time of War, to which Israel is a party, applies to all
occupied Arab territory, including Jerusalem. Israel's occupation provides
a unique opportunity to measure the performance of an occupying Power against
the standards set by that Convention. TJe know the extent to which Israel has
failed to meet those standards, Its performance is particularly ironic when
it is recalled that the provisions of the Convention were adopted lary;ely as
a result of the treatment of Jews under the l!Tazi r6gime before and during the
Second VJorld ?Jar.
Regrettably, a number of States - including Israelss powerful supporters callow themselves to be diverted from the central issues of illegal occupation
and illegal annexation, and give credence to the emotional reasons cited by
Israel for uniting Jerusalem under exclusive Israeli rule and for colonizing
other areas of Arab territory,
,Ii credit is to be given in international affairs to emotion, it is
difficult to understand lrhy Israel's emotional claims to Jerusalem are given
more Qeight than those of Moslems and Christians. So far as the Islamic
Frorld is concerned, Jerusalem is no less a focal point of religion, culture
and history for us, Moslems, than it is for the Jewish people, We believe, however, that the claims of religion and sentiment'must operate within the
framework Of the system of international law upheld by the Charter of the
United Bations. The leaal situation with regard to Jerusalem is that there must
be a return to the status quo before the 1967 war of aggression by Israel so ---- that the final disposition Of the Holy City can be arrived at within the context
of an over-all Middle East settlement.
(Mr. Hussen, Somalia)
IiY delegation sincerely hopes that all States will resist further attempts
by the Israeli Government to legitimize its annexation of Jerusalem and other
occupied Arab h3ndS andwill continue to refuse to comply with the demand
that embassies be transferred from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. '(Je trust, too, that
this Council will continue to show the same unanimity it has shown in the
past in declaring null and void Israel's &tempts to change the status and
character of Jerusalem.
Over the past 11 years, high-powered Zionist public relations measures
have tended to obscure the grim reality of developments in Jerusalem and
occupied Palestine. It is time to a&for how long will the Israelis be
allowed to use the spectre of the Nazi holocaust to divert attention from their
own gross violations of human rights? We may well ask also, for how long trill
certain sections of world public opinion consider as a credible excuse, the
cry of "anti-semitism" which the Israelis never fail to raise @hen their illegal
and unjust policies are criticized? It was only yesterday, and again this
afternoon, that the representative of Israel again resorted to these tactics.
It is certainly time to ask for how much longer will this Council
continue to be satisfied with verbal condemnations of Israel's flagrant
violations of international law. 1To country9 with the possible exception
Of South Africa, has shown EO much contempt for the decisions of the United
Eations as has Israel. The responsibility of the Security Council to take
prompt and effective action in this matter is particularly grave in view of
the fact that Israel's policies undoubtedly pose a serious threat to I
international peace and security. My delegation fully endorses the three-point
proposal put forward by the representative of Jordan, a proposal Trhich 1 .'
consider to be the very least that the Council can do in response to this moat
serious situation,
And, finally, my delegation hopes that the Council will not shirk its
duty and will c,onsider taking action,' so that Israel will not continue its
illegal and dangerous course with impunity.
The PRESIDJ3HT: I thank the representative of Somalia for the kind
words he addressed to me.
The next speaker is the representative of Indonesia. I invite him to take
a seat at the Council table and to make his statement.
&r, SUWINDO (Indonesia): Mr. President, at the outset, allow me to
express my delegation's warmest congratulations upon your assumption of the
presidency of the Council for this month. 1Je are confident that, under Your
able and wise guidance, the Council's deliberations will be brought to a
successful conclusion. Allow me also, through you, to thank the members of
the Council for the opportunity given to my delegation to participate in the
present debate.
My delegation would also like to avail itself of this opportunity to
express its great appreciation to Ambassador Bisharn who as last month's
President of the Security Council presided over the Council's work with great
skill, dedication and patience,
Before I turn to the issue under consideration, my delegation would like
to extend its sincere condolences and heartfelt sympathy, on the passing aWaY
of Ambassador Jamil F/I. Baroody, to his bereaved family and to the delegation of
Saudi Arabia. His manifold contributions to our Organization will be long
remembered. Ve who have known him and worked together with him will miss him
in the councils of the United Nations,
As is well known, this is not the first time thst the Security Council
has discussed the situation in the Arab territories occupied by Israel. In its
past discussions, the overwhelming majority of the members of the Council.
were unanimous in their condemnation of Israel's policie? and measures aimed
at changing the physical, cultural, demographic and religious character of
the occupied territories. The Council has called on Israel to desist from the
encroachment upon Arab lands and property and from the establishment of Israeli
settlements on those lands. The Council also agreed to keep the situation
under consideration lrith a view to meeting again should circumstances so require.
In this connexion, my deleCi;ation has noted with concern some ominous
developments since the Council last considered this question. The situation
has undoubtedly deteriorated further and has assumed disturbing proportions.
%-rael litts continued to establish new settlements and has expanded existing
onc:s . Be s i d i: :5 , there have been denials of' human rights in the territories
under occupa,~;.i.on. s
In this resard, on 21 February the Commission on Human Rights again
deplored Israeli policies and practices and condemned Israel's breaches of the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time
of War. 'We are also aware of the expulsions and transfers of Arab inhabitants
the ill-treatment of detainees; the pillaging of archaeological and cultural
property; and the illegal exploitation of the natural wealth and resources
of the occupied territories, 'Even educational institutions have become
instrments of Israeli policy aimed at modifying the cultural identity of
the people under occupation.
As we axe fully aware, the policies and measures are not new and Israel
has followed them since it occupied Arab terI?itOrieS in 1967, ‘What is new,
however, is the increasinG determination to implement their persistent policies
and practices of seizing land and resources with a view clearly to annex those
territories which will jeopardize the very survival of the Palestinian people
in their homeland,
It was these developments that led the representative of Jordan to call
for a meeting of the Security Council to discuss the latest developments in
the occupied territories. He explained these developments in detail when he
addressed the Council. 'The representative of the Palestine Liberation
Organization (PLO), in his statement before the Council, also underscored the
significance of these developments and expressed his hope that the Council
would be able to end the Israeli occupation of the Arab territories, secure
the recognition of the inalienable rights of the Palestinians, as well as take
appropriate measures to defuse the explosive situation in the region.
It is, therefore, clear that if Israel persists in its policy, then it
Will be solely responsible for the deterioration of the situation and the
disruption of the processes of peace. These Israeli measures and coercive
Policies are inconsistent with the declarations by its leaders stating that
they are desirous of achieving peace. Such actions cannot only result in
circum'ventinC; the prospects for peace, but also constitute a dangerous course which could lead to the most serious consequences.
Apart fxOm the illegality of the Israeli occupation of these territories,
the NOUnttn~ hostility from Arabs living in the occupied territories shoula
serve EG a Warning to Israel that the territories could never be incorporaterl
into the State of Israel. Thus, a prolonged Israeli occupation can only
heili;hten tension in an already dangerous situation, thereby threatening the
chances for a peaceful settlement. 'It is therefore imperative that Israel
should recognize the harmful consequences of prolonged occupation and cease
forthwith its designs aimed at annexation of these territories.
The Government and people of Indonesia fully support the struggle of the
Palestinian Arab people and the Arab countries to liberate their sacred
homeland and their territories from illegal occupation, My delegation regards
as null and void all measures taken by Israel in the occupied territories.
Israel should dismantle all its settlements as well as terminate the policies
and measures ,that it has introduced in the occupied territories. 'J!/ry delegation
reiterates its belief that peace cannot prevail in that region unless Israel
withdraws from all occupied territories and recognizes the fundamental rights
of the Palestinian people, including their right to establish an independent
State of their own. It is the return of these territories to their rightful
Owners that will pave the way for ensuring the territorial integrity and
secure borders of all States in the region. Israel must also rescind all
measures and desist from taking any further action intended to change the status
of Jerusalem.
The kliddle East conflict continues to be a perennial threat to Peaces not
only in the region but in the world at large. In view of the deteriorating
situation that Israel has created in the occupied territories in flagrant
defiance of international law and United mations resolutions, Tre believe that
the Security Council should pronounce itself in no uncertain terms by adopting a resolution calling for immediate and effective steps to rescind all illeE@
measures taken by the occupying authorities. 'The UrgencY for a Permanent
solution is self-evident. ,\Jhat is required is positive and determined action.
My delegation lrould support any proposal which is aimed at ending Israeli
occupation of Arab territories and which sets in motion the negotiations for a
comprehensive settlement of the Middle East problem, including the question Of
Palestinian Arabs.
The PRESIDEWT: I call on the representative of the Palestine
Liberation Organization, who Trishes to speak in exercise of the ri@lt of reply.
m. TE:RZI (Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO)): I ShOUld like to remind
the Council that terrorism was imported and introduced into Palestine by the
immigrants trho csme, legally or illegally, to Palestine during the Mandate.
Facilities Trere provided by the British Mandate, It was Zionist fOTmat?.OnS
that planted mines in the souks, the market-places and the Holy City of Jerusalem
long before November 19117, resulting in the death of innocent children, women
and men. 'The peace of the eternally Holy City of Jerusalem was shattered by
the atrocities of Zionists, such as the bombing of the KinC; David Hotel in
Jerusalem, seat of the civilian !!!landatory Government, resulting in the
cold-blooded murder of scores of civilian staff, Christians, E~Ioslerls and Jews,
and the massacre of 254 children and T.romen in the village of Deir Yassin
near Jerusalem, perpetrated by the notorious terrorist Begin. In 1947, Her Britannic
Majesty's Government, that is, the Illandatory Government, presented a memorandum
to the United mations Special Committee on Palestine, under the title,
"The outbreak of the Second vrorld War". 'The memorandum reads as follows:
"Acts of terrorism committed by Jews ceased altoGether with the
outbreak of Bar and the armed Arab bands melted away before the end of the
year. 'The Jewish AC;ency called on the Jewish community to offer its
full assistance to the 14andatory PolJer and similar appeals were made in the
Arabic press, 'In the course of the war, the Jews provided 27,000 recruits
for the British services and the Arabs 12,000."
TWO elements are worth emphasizing here. 'First, acts of terrorism committed
by Jews vis-&vis "armed Arab bands". I need not comment any further. 'The
other element iS that 27,000 Jeers and 12,000 Arab recruits volunteered for
service with the British during the Second World Uar. I am proud to say that
I was among the 12,000. Our motive was to combat fascism, notwithstanding the
horrors and oppression by the British Mandate, for let bygones be bygones,
Yes, the fight against fascism transcended all other considerations. 'Scores
of thousands of Arabs in Syria and Lebanon, the Transjordan Frontier Force and
the Arab Legion of Jordan also participated in the war effort against the fascists.
(Mr. Terzi, 'PLO)
Ano-tlxr par%raph Of the memorandum of the British Government reads as foIloTrs:
"In 1g1!,2, a small poup of ZiOniS'c ex'cremiStS, le& by K&x-&m Stern,
W.W into Prominence with a series of politically motivated murders
and robberies in the Tel Aviv area, In the following year there came
to Ii&t a pridespread conspiracy connected with llagana..., for stealing
arms and am1flunition from the British forces in the lliddle East.
Ill AI-GUS-t 1944 the Rig13 Commissioner narroWly escaped death in an
ambush in Jerusalem. Three nlonths later, on 6 >Tovember, the British
Ciinister Of State in the Iliddle East, Lord Moyne, Vas assassinated in Cairo
by tlro members of the Stern group, A third illegal Jewish organization,
the &Gun Zvai Leumi, was responsible for much destruction of government
property during 191-14. The outrazes perpetrated by the Stern group and
the Irgun Svai Leumi were condemned by the official spokesmen of the
Jewish community.i7
The Irgun Zvai Leumi is the gan g that brought Menachem Segin to polrer.
?3ow, what W.S the mission of these formations that joined the British Army?
Cl early 1 it was stealing arms and ammunition from the British forces in the
~kiddle East. Can Tre conclude that they joined in order to steal for a dual
purpose - stabbing the allied forces in the bacli and preparin& to seize Palestine
by force? One mir;ht ask whether I am implyin, 0 a form of co-operation between
the DTazis and the Zionists. Yes, I am.
In the Zionist Qqrclopaedia, there is an item calied "_IIasavarai'. The
explanation of that item reads as follows:
".&rranGement for the transfer of money by German-Jewish ium&Fants to
Palestine during the early part of the Nazi era. a l The mandatory authorities
permitted only a limited number of quota immigrants vrithout means but
admitted 'capitalists p lrith assets of at least LP 1,000 (equal to El,OOO)
without restriction. At first, Jewish emigrants from Germany could IrithdralJ
LR I,OOO from their assets at the German Reichsbank. Soon, hovrever, the
German Government ceased to make foreign exchange available for Jewish
emigrants. Other prays had to be found t0 releaSe their assets.
(!!I-. Terzi, PLO)
“On August 25, 1933 s Eliezer Siegfried Hoofien, then the
general manager of the Anglo-Palestine Bank (noW Bank L !umi LvYisrael)” -
and I might say here that Bank LeuUi of Israel owns buildings
on Fifth Avenue in New York - “agreed with the German ?JkiniStry Of ~conorrtics
to use Jewis$ assets for the purchase of @oods needed in Palestine. Ilvlown
as the EIoofien transfer agreement, this arrangement formed the financial
basis of an official Jewish emigration plan. In 1933 the An&lo-Palestine Ban]<
established in Tel Aviv the Trust and Transfer Office Ha’avara Ltd. ,
6rith a capital of LP 100 (then $500). e .
“The operations of Ha ‘avara included the promotion of German exports
to Palestine” - end these were EJazi German exports to Palestine - “against
payment in blocked Jewish funds, and the creation of the hi&.est possible
number of ‘capitals lots of LP 1,000 per immiC;rant.. . By early 1937 the
Reichsbank had sold some 34,000,OOO Reichsmarlrs in foreign exchange, an
amount roughly equivalent to the total proceeds from ‘regular v German exports
to Arabs and German gentiles in Palestine.”
13uch has been said about the holocaust. But to Wat extent did the
Zionist movement and the Je-crish Agency collaborate with the Dazis?
E.lalchiel Greenwalcl, a survivor of the holocaust I) published a pamphlet
kno~m as Pamphlet 51, wherein he describes the acts of a certain Rudolf Iiastner,
Irho was the head of the Jewish Agency Rescue Comnlittee in Hungary. This is
what he said in that pamphlet:
“I have traited a lone tine to expose this careerist, whom I Consider;
because of his collaboration with the Nazis, an indirect murderer of my
dear people.
"Yho is this spokesman for the E.linistry of Trade and Industry
&f Israe&T; Irho is this big-shot leader of the ZIapai; Trho is this
boaster Of great achievaents in the rescue of Hungarian Jews; Who iS
this fellow who has been put high on the list of candidates of Israel’s
Parliament by the Goverlu?lent Party, I’lapai?
%r 7JhO%%, on whose account 9 Dr, Kastner 1 did you go like a thief in the
night to PlTuremberg to become a witness for the defence of SS Colonel
Kurt Becher) the murderer of Jews, the man who wallowed in the blood Of our
brothers in Hungary? Kurt Becher - Economic Administrator of the Gestapo!
"IThy die? you save him fro% the death penalty B dxklz. he had SO
2hly earned?
"You flew to iTurembe.rg to save a mass murderer of the Jews. Vhat
%uced you to do that?
T?hat kind of gentleman's agreement was there betT?een this murderer
?l?er and this man whom I accuse as a collaborator with IJazis?
%y God! Kastner's deeds in Budapest cost us the lives of
ncZre%s of thousands of Jeers!"
26 July 1948 a letter was sent by Kastner to Xleazer Kaplan of the
Zg ency 9 reading as follo~rs:
'Wirt Becher was an ex--SS Colonel and served as a liaison officer
t7reeii me anG IG.mmler c?urirq our rescue 7rork. Be 'iras released from
ison in Ilurembers by the occupation forces of the Allies owing-to
personal intervention."
?re was !!luch embarrassment in 1955. The Jerusnlex Post9 on 23 June 1955,
folloxirq to say:
1r-s most you can wish for Dr. Ikstner is that now, after hczvinz been found
ilty of grave crilnes, he will be brought to trial by normal procedure...".
3 Kastner case continue% to embarrass the Zionist establishment; the
ion came in Iarch 1957, when a young man pullec1 out a pun and fired on
y who died later as a result.
Israeli journalist named Dr. Ikren Tranted to follow up on the Kastner case.
to Germany ?Jith the intention of interviedns the infamous Kurt Becher.
%-Js after his arrival in Geixlany, journalist Iieren was found dead in a
not&. The diagnosis was "heart attack".
t let us go into this a little deeper. Itzchak Greenbaurn, Chief of the
3o~~littee of the JeTATisll Afl;ency , announced. in Tel Aviv on 18 February 1943:
?-en they asked me, ?Could you not give money out of the United Jedsh
peal funds for the rescue of Jews in Europe?' , 1 said, 'NO!' d
1 1 say again, v?To.P' In my opinion, one should. resist this wave which
shes the Zionist activities to secondary importance."
m satisfied with havine illustrated that much of the collaboration between
(I'rr. Terzi, PLO)
In my statement last Friday I called attention to the inherent threat
to the survival of the Palestinian people and referred to the impending
process of elimination by strangulation. In the sprins of 1976 Israel Koenig,
the 1Torthern District Commissioner of the Israeli Ministry of the Interior,
submitted a memorandum on the subject of how to handle the Palestinian Arabs
in Galilee. Koenig reported:
"In the Northern District are concentrated most Israeli Arabs, whose
sincerity and involvement among the Jewish population manifestly and
prominently put into focus the problems that have already been created
and the expectations in the near and distant future. One of the most
worrying phenomena is the loss of patience of the average Jeer towards
the Arab citizen, and in certain cases a hostility can be felt, and any
provocation might cause an uncontrollable explosion on both sides whose
results might have negative consequences in Israel and especially abroad."
I-Tow does Israel Koenig propose to go about the matter? He suggests:
'kqand and deepen Jewish settlement in areas where the contiguity
of the Arab population is prominent, and Vhere they number considerably
more than the Jewish population; examine the possibility of thinning
existing Arab population concentrations."
(Mr. Terzi 3 PLO) . -l”--..-,y..” I
Professor Israel Shahal;, who spent two years in the Bergen-Eelsen concentration camp, is now the Chairman of the Israeli League for Ruman and
Civil Rights. He has written the following foot-.note on the term "thinning":
"The agricultural expression, used in the Gaza Strip and other conquered territories in the meaning Fto expel, to removev. An expression
worthy of Eichmann, and accurately describinghis first activities? for
example in Austria in 1938-1939, TThere he was verY successful in IthinningP
the Jewish population, whose 'concentration' and 'continuity' in many
'areas of Vienna' were thought objectionable by the Nazis'l.
“T.T~e tohim who builds his palace on injustice, his chambers upon fraud, who forces . .
other men to work for nothing, holding back their wages": Jererliah 22~13.
Someone in this Council chamber unashamedly tried to speak about the rights
of the Christians and protecting those rights. He completely forgot that a
certain law was passed in Israel - its first reading was on 5 December 1977.
That law bears the number 1313, and it is a violation of articles 18 and 19 of
the Universal Declaration of Ruman Rights, of which Israel is a signatory.
What does that law say? It says:
"He who gives or promises to give money, an equivalent of moneY or
another benefit . . . in order to entice a person to change his religion,
or in order to entice a person to bring about the change of another's
religion: his sentence will be five years' imprisonment, or a fine of
50,000 Israeli liras.
"He who receives, or s.,-rees to receive money, an equivalent of money,
or a benefit . . . in exchange for a promise to change his religion, or to
bring about the change of another?s religion: the sentence due to him is
three years' imprisonment, or a fine of 30,000 Israeli liras".
I am sure that members of the Council are aware Of the position taken bY
the United Christian Council in Israel against that law. Fkvertheless, it isa
lal< that was passed in Israel.
(Mr. Terzi, PTO) -f- J
But we do not even need to go into such things as that. Only the other
day, Security Council document S/13139 was circulated. It contains a letter
frcm Rabbi Uri Blau ~2 the Ncturei Icarts. -8 the Guardians of the City of Jerusalem -
:%?.:-lYeSSC(? $0 tl3.e Secretary-General of the United Nations. In that letter
Rabbi Blau writes -the follotrin,g5 inter alia: .-.---- - "It is clearly the intention of the Zionist r&gime to fully secularize
and defile the unique character of the Holy City, disregarding completely
the elementary human rights of JerusalemPs citizens. The Zionist police
force 9 which is under the direct control of the Begin Government, has
been placed at the disposal of Teddy Kollek and his vicious allies to
launch a;ttacks on relieious neighbourhoods. Anyone who appears to be
r'elil?;ious, regardless of his citizenship, is subject to merciless beatings.
Innocent bystanders, including American, English and Austrian citizens,
old rabbis, pregnant women and children, have been hospitalized and jailed
as a result of these wanton acts. Curfews are arbitrarily imposed, while
police have on many occasions burst into synagogues indiscriminately and
violently attacked Jess who were praying and studying. . . .
"As citizens of Jerusalem, who have never accepted the annexation of the Holy City into the Zionist State, we i??lplOre YOU?? Excellency" -
that is, the Secretary-General of the United Nations -
"to call upon the Zionist authorities to CeaSe immediately the construction
of this stadium and the highway, which can irrevocably change the innate
character of Jerusalem, which is a holy city to all mankind; to deter the
Zionist r&ime from its campaign of terror and intimidation against the
religious community; and to enable them to enjoy the elementary human rights
which they have had for hundreds of years, and which certainly antedate
the establishment of the Zionist State in the Holy Land". (s/13139 ? annex, pp-" 3 and Ic) -b-P -.-_- I cannot let this occasion pass without making the following brief remarks.
While the Security Council convenes to consider Israel's disregard of
and contempt for the Council's resolutions, and while the Government of the
(Mr. Terzi PLO) ---"A----
United States of America reiterates its so-called position on JerUS&eln -
announcing its so-called respect for legitimacy - the President of the United
StElteS pays all official visit to Israel and conducts -forlEd and official business
in Jerusaler' ?rith the powers illegally controlling the City of Je-pUSa,lemv
This visit Proves to be a challenge to the Palestinian people in their own homeland. It proves to be a provocative act. It is justly interpreted as an
attempt -to liquidate the inalienable rights of the Palestinian Arab population.
That population rises UP a(rainst the American attempt to liquidate the Palestinian
Arabs, to liquidate the question of Palestine, to liquidate the inalienable
rights of the Palestinian people. Palestinian .Arab students participate in a
peaceful demonstration, a demonstration of wrath. They organize peaceful
demonstrations to bring forth a message to the unwelcome visitor. Israeli
occupation troops open fire and a number of students are rushed to hospitals
for treatment of the wounds sustained.
The unwelcome visitor happens to be a father. He has children. His
own daughter could have been among the demonstrating students. I wonder how
he would have reacted. I do know that, although he is an unwelcome visitor,
he remains a father who cherishes his obligations as a father and would do
anything to defend and protect his children. Yet he could not express his
displeasure or disapproval, Does he feel responsible in any wag for
what happened?
Again, while the unwelcocle visitor is still in the illegally occupied
City of Jerusalem, his hosts - the Israeli forces - indiscriminately shell
the Palestinian refugee camps across the frontiers in the North, at Nabatiyah,
in southern Lebanon, IThere Palestinians have found shelter with their brothers.
I cam not aware that the visitor is moved or that his Government expresses any
displeasure at this behaviour.
And finally, he announces that he and his accomplices have reached an
agreement on the ingredients for peace. But the ingredients for peace in the
Middle East are very well known. The peace must be COlnprehenSiVe and jUSt
and must bc based on the following factors: the inadmissibility of the
acquisition of territory by force and, consequently, the immediate and total
,withdrawal of the occupation forces; the right of the Palestinian people freely
to exercise its inalienable right of return, its right to self-determination,
its right to establish (1. sovereign, independent Palestinian State in Palestine;
and the right of the Palestinian people to have its legitimate and sole
representative: the Palestine Liberation Organization.
All those factors must be guaranteed. A just peace should aim at the
creation of conditions for love, development and progress, and respect for the
rights of peoples; and not at the prolongation and the giving of legitimacy to
illegal occupation nnd the perpetuation of subjugation, oppression and the
denial of rights.
I shall now adjourn the meeting. I wish to thank ----..-_--- the representative of Jordan for agreein,, fl to forgo'the exercise of his right
of reply this evening;, becal.lse of the lateness of the hour, and to include
what he would have said this evening in his statement at the next meeting7 to
be held tor?orrow at 11 a.m.
The meeting ros-e at 7.30 p.m. -- --
▶ Cite this page
UN Project. “S/PV.2125.” UN Project, https://un-project.org/meeting/S-PV-2125/. Accessed .