S/PV.2287 Security Council

The first speaker is the representative of Nicaragua. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make a statement. 3, Mr. CHAMORRO MOPA (Nicaragua) fitrrerpretarion from Spanish): Mr. President, it is not mere obedience to protocol that leads Nicaragua to congratulate you on occupying the presidency of the Council for~this month. 1 am certain that your personal qualifications as a statesman will be decisive in the effective performance of the Council’s work. We believe that those qualities faithfully reflect the recognizad..support of the Mexican Ooyernment for the principle of the self-determination of peoples and the dradication of the threat or ust of force in international relations. Mexico’s sup %p rt for those princi *P les was expressed once again ring the recent VIS t of the head of State of Nicaragua to Mexico, on which occasion, in a joint communique President Ldpez Portillo “reiterated his support for the process of the institutionalization of the revolutionary and pluralist rbgime of Nicaragua, expressed his vigorous rcjection of any measure of economic pressure that might harm this legitimate and praiseworthy effort and condemned the USC of military or paramilitary forces of any nationality in an attempt IO destabilize what process.” 4 Solidarity between countries and peoples such as ours, Mr. President, is as important as strict respect for the Charter of the United Nations and for the norms of international law in ensuring peace. stabilily 5. In firmly condemning that act, my country has taken into consideration not only its clear aggressive nature but also its ramifications, including the expressed will of the Oovernment of Israel to carry out similar acts of aggression whenever that regime may d=mJf a&is-able, -6, In the first place, that action exacerbates a situation in the Middle East region that is already explosive and may possibly give rise to a new wave of violence. Once again Israel has shown the world that its concept of s&urity takes precedence Qver any =attempt to bring peace and stability to the region. Actudlly, in destroying the nuclear centre in Irai, in arrogating to itself the right to intervene unilaterally in : Lebanon,inthreatenini Syria with war and, especially, in denying the heroic Palestinian people its right to self-determination and to establish its own State, Israel is telling us that peace will be imposed by it imperially in the region. Obviously the military attacks and the deep disdain for the internatlonal community dare nothing but the means it considers necessary to erpetuate and consolidate its occupation of Palestinran IalXl. I. Regrettably, the massive military, economic and political support that is erljoyed by Israel leads it to glory in its intransigence and illegality. We all knQW full wellthat its acts of aggression would be very difficult to carry out if it did not receive such assistance and if it did not have in its favour the veto of a permanent member of the Security Council. 8. It is chilling to think what would happen were .$@!es to comniit acts of a ression whenever they considered their security to e threatened. The result Y would be total anarchy in international relations, not to speak of world-wide conflagration. The precedent which that attack entails has far-reaching implications for the vast maiority of small States. The immoral and unacceptable conckpt of “preventive action” is a real danger for countries such as mine, which are routinely the targets of f&c accusations that can only be construed as attempts to legitimize possible aggression. 9. Such logic is incompatible with the norms that should govern civilizcd Stales, which can appeal to a series of mechanisms to settle their controversies. It is absurd and extremely dangerous for Israel to feel threatened not only by the dcfencc efforts of the Arab nation, efforts made necessary by Israel’s very disposition for war. but also by the interest of the Arab nation in developing nuclear energy for peaceful purposes, It is thus a case of disregard for the right of all States to promote their technological development, IO. It is, furthermore, virtually Incredible that Israel, a country that is armed to the teeth, has nuclear weapons and has been the proven aggressor on numerous occasions, should come to tell us that it feels threatened and has acted in self-defence, when we all know of Its intent to trample on the Inalienable rights of the Palestinian people while at the same time ensuringitsnuclear monnpnly in the region, 11. Confronted with this situation, the Council must face up to the question of how to prevail upon Israel to refrain from Grther using or threatening to use force, how to make it see that justice and law should override force and that diplomacy and the principles of the C&ter~sti!l .tjpp!y# ; 12, In my delegation’s view, only the measures envisaged under Chapter VII of the Charter could carry Bat message home to Israel. Verbal condemnatiohs will not protect the Palestinian people, nor will !hey_d_eteyfuture ~eggress_ion_aga!nst Arab countries. 13. Utter disdain for the international community and-the security and peace of the world has a price. The Charter of the United Nations so specifies. It is the duty of the Council to comply with it. 14. In that connection, Nicaragua is fully committed to the condemnation and recommendations contained in the communique issued this morning by the extraordinary plenary meeting of the nonaaligned countries. We express our full solidarity with and support to Ira in the defence of its sovereignty and territoria ‘t integrity. 15. We likewise consider timely the call of the nonaligned countries “upon all States, and especially the United States of America, to refrain from ance, whether military, po itical or economic, that f iving Israel any assistmight encourage it to pursue its aggressive policies against the Arab countries and the Palestinian people.” [Sl14.544. ~III~XY.] 16. Lastly, 1 should like to thank you, Mr. President, and the other members of the Council for giving me the opportunity to take part in this important debate.

The next speaker on my list is the representatit 2 of Indonesia, whom 1 invite to take a seat al the Council table and IO make his statement.

First of all, I should like to express my appreciation to you. Mr. President, and to the members of the Council fat granting my delegation the opportunity to participate 19, My delegation would also like to commend Mr, Nlsibori, the representative of Japan, for the excellent manner in which he conducted the Council’s business during his term as President in the month of my* 23. -The Israeli attack is not only a further manifestatlon of Israel’s policy of aggressibn against the Arabs, but also adds another element of strain to the already tense situation in the Middle East, The attempts at a peaceful settlement of the Middle East question have been dealt a serious setback by the attack, which once again shows Israel as the stumbling block in the quest for peace in this region. For Israel to believe that through a policy of aggression peace can be achieved is a sign of convoluted logic, Not until Israel’s aggression and Its occupation of Arab lands stops can there behtst ~ett!eme~I!Qp$$~e in _the +cl~e &j, ~~~~-~~‘-~~~~~~.~~~~~-~~~~~~~.--~ F 1 L- - ‘20. Over the past few weeks the international community has been faced with new Israeli adventurism in Lebanon, which poses a serious threat to the peace and stability of the region. During this time efforts have been undertaken and still continue to overcome the crisis created by Israel in the hope of maintaining international peace and security. However, in the midst of our expectations that the crisis would -be solved, we were all shocked to learn of the Israeli attack on the Iraqi nuclear reactor a few days ago. This attack is not only a blatant act of aggression but also a grave threat to the standing of the Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weanons [General Assembly resolution 2373 (XXII), annex) to ihich Iraq is a parti and which Israel refuses to sign. The Israeli attack calls into question the ability of international legal instruments to protect a State’s nuclear development for peaceful purposes and, further, it opens to question the viability of and even the need for such guidelines if a State cannot be protected under them. .I& this connectlon also, the Israel1 attack sets a dlgerous precedent for similar behaviour which may fllrthsr srodqthe effectiveness of the Non~Prollferatlon ~Treaty. It is incumbent, therefore, upon the @uncU to act appropriately in the face of the Israeli attack In order to maintain the effectiveness and rlabillty of the Non-Proliferation Treaty, especially tlie~8afe~ua;tdesystem of IAEA, as B reliable mcanrr of #rifj!lng the psirs~~l use of a nuclaar facility, i el,~ The fact that h%q is a party to the Non-Prolifera- !ion Treaty and Israel is not in itself shows Iraq’s IRtentlon to use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes and, at the same time, underlines the Israeli policy of 24. It is obvious that the Israeli attack has other farreaching consequences beyond the scope of this particular event. It is a direct challenge to the Non- Proliferatioti Treaty, the principles of International law, the Charter of the United Nations and the territorial integrity of a sovereign State Member of the United Nations. Israel acted in a totally arbitrary fashion, taking upon itself the power to decide what was right, irrespective of the fact that it was acting contrary to all established internatlonal law and as practised and accepted by the rest of the international community contrary to human dignity. This Is a totally unacceptable act and Indonesia joins the rest of the lntematlonal community in condemning Israel for its attack on Iraq. My Government’s position on this most recent challenge posed by Israel has been clearly reflacted both individually [S//4536], and collectively along-with other member States of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASBAN), as stated by the re nsentative of the Phillppines before the Council & -- tlmtQmfpu~[t2B6rh-meer* 25. Whatever the reasons behind the lsraell attack, the fact cannot be denied that it goes counter to the very purposes and principles of the United Nations. which is bound to maintain international peace and security. Not only has Israel, therefore, created a danaerous Precedent, but it has also posed a serious challenge tb the United Nations and. jn particular. to the Council, which is the only organ of the United Nations whose primary responsibility is to maintain international peace and security. aggression and arrogance in violation of the principles of peace and justice and in defiance of international public opinion. In this regard, 1 recall to the Council’s attention the fact, which has been stated by previous speakers, that it was in January of this year that IAEA inspected the Iraqi reactor and certified it as complying with all necessary safeguards for peaceful uses. 22. Furthermore, as has been explained by the representative of Frdnce [22820tl wvting]. the 26. The world’s attention is now focused on these Government of France. which was a key participant in mretings in the expectation that the Council will the development of the reactor, had repeatedly stated discharge its duties under the Charter and adopt that it was being constructed for peaceful purposes. effective measures against the Israeli act of Iraq’s full co-operation with IAEA and its compliance aggression. 28, Finally, my delegation supports the communiqu6s of the non-aligned movement and the Organization of the Islamic Conference, which were adopted at their respective meetings on 16 June and which, lnrer n/la, reaffkmed the Cieneral Assembly resolutions concerning Israeli nuclear armaments and-demanded that Israel comply with those resolutions,

The next speaker is the representative of Malaysia, I invite him to take a place attheCauncl-tableand-to make-his statement.

Mr. President, on behalf of the Malaysian delegation, 1 wish to express our sincere thanks and appreciation to you and the other members of the-security Council for giving me the opportunity to address the Council at this very important meeting, I should also like to join previous speakers in extending to you our congratulations on your assumption of the presidency of the Council for this month, My delegation is confident that, under your wise and able guidance,lhe present deliberations will end in agreement on concrete and effective measures for dealing with the problem facing the &uncil. 3 I. ‘The Israeli attack on an Iraqi nuclear installation near Baghdad early in the morning of 7 June 1981 shocked the international community and.. further. tidded a grave dimension to the prevailini delicate $tuation in the Middle East. I am addrossin tho Council today to express the indignation o P the Government and the people of Malaysia at this act of ugression, which constitutes a broach of international law and a violation of the sovereignty of Iraq and of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. It also constitutes an irresponsible act and a defiance of world public opinion. The Government of Malaysia has strongly condemned that attack. and a statement to that effect was issued on 10 June. 32. Last Friday, 12 June. the Cotmcil heard the statement of the Foreign Minister of Iraq 122801/r ~rc~li)rgJ on the peaceful nuclear-energy programmc of his country. His statement made clear beyond any doubt the peaceful obiectives of the nuclear reactor in qucstio;i. Iraq is a signatory of the Treaty on the Non-ProZferation of Nuclear Weapons, and has accepted all IAEA safeguards on all its nucleat activities. That is a fact confirmed by the Governtneni 33. Israel’s attempt to .iustlfy its act of aggression against Iraq by inv‘oking-the iight of selfmd&ce as contained in Article 51 of the Charter is clearly unacceptable in the light of the peaceful objectives df the reactor and the absence of any provocation by Iraq, One can only conclude that Israel’s actlon was Intended to intimidate Its Arab neighbours and to block their progress and development by denying them the acquisltlon of new technology. It was clearly an attempt to dominate the region and to perpetuate Israel s control over the occupied Arab and Palestin. ian)zrritories, in violation of the Charter. 34. The manner in which Israel has ignored and rejected the decisions and verdicts of the international community in the past is well known. We believe that It will coptinue to do this as long as it is assured of military, economic and other support from some countries. My delegation would like to take this opportunity to call on the countries concerned to review their support for Israel and to take appropriate measures that will curb Israel’s aggression against its Aratz_nelghbours. 35. As for the Council, it is important that an appropriate decision be taken, commensurate with the gnvlty and the far-reaching adverse consequences of Israel’s actions, The act of aggression of 7 Juno must never be allowed to happen again. A repetition of that action is bound to set in motion a dangerous trend with serious repercussions for international peace and socurlt I It is theroforo tho duty of the Council to 80 boyon f more condemnation of Israel for its acts of 4&ression. Wo wish to join other delegations in urging the Council to impose mandatory sanctions against Israel undor Chapter VI1 of the Charter. We believe that that is the most effective measure for securing Israel’s compliance with the rule of international law and the Charter. AI the same titne, the Council tnust ensure that appropriate compensation is paid by Israel to Iraq for the destruction of the nuclear reactor. 36. In conclusion. I should like to reiterate Malaysia’s support for effective measures by the United Nations aimed al dealing with this dangerous threat lo international peace and security. I should also like to reaffirm, on behalf of the Government of Malaysia, our full support for Iraq in meeting the threat against its sovereignty and territorial integrity. 37. The PRESIDENT finrc.-/~~c,/cc/ic,rlf~o/,t SpcrrtislrJ: The next speaker is the representative of Sri Lanka. &3, Mr. FONSEKA (Sri Lanka): I should like, Sir, to offer you my warm congratulations on your-assumptlon of the office of President of the Council. You are presiding over Its proceedings at a critical moment in the work of this body, and my delegation Is more than confident that vour oroven caaablllties will lead to a satisfactory coticlusibn of the pioblem that is before It. I should like also to thank Mr, Nisibori of Japan no less warmly for the very commendable manner In which he conducted the work of the Council during the month of May, -~ 42. What is now being asked is whether the Council’s responsibility Is merely to end wlth a condemnation, and if so, what is there to deter Israel from repeating such an act of aggression. That question Is even more pertinent in light of the knowledge of the Israel1 Prlme Minister’s reckless threat that, should Iraq seek to rebuild that nuclear Installation, that same fate awaits 0, That threat clearly Implies that no State among its neighbours which has not earned Israel’s explicit approval may undertake any development of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. That caveat would apply to Israel’s neighbours-all Arab States. But if Israel decides that a given nuclear Installation has a potential for the manufacture of nuclear weapons and that the acquisition of delivery systems Is only a matter of time, that caveat wlll~ apply well beyond Israel’s Immediate nelghbours,~ Arab-or non-Arab, The certltlcate as to whether a nuclear installation Is peaceful will Issue not from Vienna, where we have set up 39, Perhaps it might be said that my delegation is speaking close to the end of what was described at the commencement of this debate as “a hypocritical payade”?hat gangs up on Israel ‘+for reasons of spite and expediency”. Perhaps the Council is not unaccustomed-to hearing epithets of that order, but 1 wish to assure the Council-that, like the many delegations that have preceded us, we are motivated neither by spite nor by expediency and there will be no reciprocal vlllfication, even less pontification. The validity of Iraq’s complaint has already found wide acceptance in this debate, and the eople of Iraq have the capacity to recover from this & razen assault unaided by tears ti~codlle Qr.otherwise, I = 40, Sri Lanka recognized the State of Israel soon after the United Nations proclaimed it and we agreed tothe establishment of diplomatlc relations some geven years later. Those relations were suspended In 1970 as a sequel to Israel’s 1967 aggression against Fgyp{. That was a deliberate decision, taken without spite -and not condltioned by expediency. We stlll belleve that the State of Israel has a right to live In peace and security within recognized boundaries, We irlso belleve that the Palestinian people have a right to 6#*d$ermination and.to live in peace and security in @ttue of their own, Today It is Israel’s remsal to @Qknowledge that same right for the Palestinian people IAEA, but from Tel AVIV, which now claims that prerogative. That is no caricature, but rather what Israel’s action and the reasoning of the Israeli delegate add up to. And all this while there Is not even a pretence of refuting the charge that Israel itself has gone well beynndthe stafjesfharlng Just.tke nuclear option, 43. My delegation should like to comment on that aspect of the ‘sltuatlon at some length, as other delegations have already done, because of the implica. t!ons It has for all of us, and not only for countries lacking In conventlonal sources of energ flrl use of nuclear etlergy Is held out as t tl . The peace. e inallenable right of all States. That right has been exercised In varying degrees by States party and non-party to the Treaty on the Non@rQllferatlQn of Nuclear Weapons, subject to the-safeguards enforced or determined by IAEA. Israel’s attack on the Iraqi nuclear Installation la, -as stated by +h& Dlnctor Oeneral of IAEA,’ an @tack Qn the IAEA’s safe&uuds r4 ime and the sredlblllty of that l.nstltutlsn-c~dlbll ty which has f not hltbrto been challenned aven by States not party to Non-Proliferation Treaty. !a --d 118 stllbborn pursuit of a biblical “Oreater Israel”, lvlQ.us of the rights not only of its immediate hal&thbours but also of those of the Arab States far beyond, that have led to the present impasse. My delegation dots not propose to recount 33 years of contemporary history in the Council today. 44. I should like to recall in that conuectiou something that happened at the cud of the Second Review Conference of the Treaty ou the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons in August of last year. The Council knows that that Review Conference ended witbout a final document, for reasons which do not require elaboration here. A proposal that the Conference should be resumed with a view to concluding such a document did not find acceptance. The comforting reason given then was that the failure to conclude that Second Review Conference with au agreed document had not led, and would not necessarily lead, to a denunciation of the Treaty itself by any signatory State. Happily, during the uine mouths that have 41. We speak today of Israel’s latest aggression: the premeditated attack of 7 June on a nuclear installation near Baghdad. My Govcrnmcnt has categorically condemned thut attack as u flagrant violation of the Charter and the norms of international law. Nearly every delegation that has come bcforc the Council has expressed itself in similar tams. 1 do not propose to comment on the legal and self-defence theses advanced by Israel. Those bavc been tnorc than adequately replied to by delegations that have preceded me. The representative of France 122N~tl ~tuv/i~r~l and today the representative of Italy [2286//r rrtcc,/itrgl have given 45. -For that reason alone, if for no other, my delegation would urge that-the Councjl respond 10 the near.unanimous plea of delegations that have come before it for a decisive and deterrent discipllnlng of the aggressor. Iraq has had to endure grave and substan. tial-material damage, and prompt and adequate compensation for that material damage and the loss of @!~~~@ 1~ !@ min!mu_m~respo~~!~ill!y~of l.srael.~ 46, -My delegation is inclined to share the sentiments of those delegations that have urged more punitive measures in accordance with Chapter VII of the Charter. We have in the past supported resolutions of the General Assembly calling for action on Israel’s nuclear armament, but my delegation belleves that what -the Council is Snow 3trlvlng for Is a draft resolution which will attract unanimous support, and it is in that spirit that we have preferred to restrain prs+lves today. 47. If the standards of conduct and the justification which ISrile p&ulatee in this iristaiice Prc available to otharmltates, together with the assttranco that all the will incur is no more than a severe reprimand-whlc K is?ill~1hat a cwdsmnntlon adds up to-before lOnp bthei States may cQme before the Council defIant and tmreaentant. like Israel, It will then be the credibility of th’e Council that is at stake, rather than the Charter or the rules of international law which it is the Council’s prerogative to enforce, If Iraq’s complaint is conveniently disposed of with a condemnation, strong or simple, others besides Israel will come before the Council to give what seems like a new twist to the constitutional dictum that the king can do no wrong.

The next soeaker is Mr. Clovis Maksoud, Permanent Observer fbr the League of Arab States to the United Nations, whom the Council has invited in accordance with rule 39 of its provisional rules of procedure. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. 50. 1 share with ail those who have already spoken their admlratlon for the manner In which you are conducting the proceedings of this very Important debate and for the leadership that you have so brilliantly exhibited, both intellectually and diplw mat!cally, 51, It was not my intention to address the Councli after the Arab representatives had spoken, more particularly, after the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Iraq,Mr. 3aadoon Hammadl, had put before you [228&h meerhgl an impeccable case with evidence of Ishel’s aaaression that is irrefutable, evidence the credibility-of which has been reinforced by the testimony of Mr. Siavard Ekiund. Director-General of IAEA, ahd the confiibutlon to this debate of all those who had preceded me in the Council. However, certain important developments have taken place since this debate began which have made it necessary for us to respond. We must keep the debate from straying from its purpose; the thrust of condemnation and punitive measures must not be deflected by the deliberate distortions of fact and of purpose that Israel aahsoffleofits ~pQlOJ&3 have in&.QdluXd, 52. The assumption upon which Israel predicated its act of aggression and the reasons that it has given have, since the beginning of this debate, been totally disproved and Israel has been unable to convince even some of its closest friends of their credibility. Israel’s itintention that Iran has refltsed to allow IAEA to inspect the reactor is an absolute lie. The Agency’s insaectors have been to the Osirak reactor repeatedly, mdst recentiy in January. Anothei inspection was scheduled for this month. 53. The alleged quotation by President Saddam Hussein often referred to by Mr. Begin and his representative here has been shown to be non-existent. It is a fabrication designed to cover up Israel’s acts of aggression and objectives. Its real design is to destroy the potential for research and technological advancement in Iraq or any of the Arab countries. The introduction of a fallacious statement, wrongly attributed and in fact non-existent, was an Israeli ploy to obscure the reality of its criminal objectives. 54. The cynicism with which Mr. Begin dismisses this systematic usage of lies as sheer “mistakes” - “mistakes” to which he readily admits-testifies to his built-in contempt for facts and the accountability of 60. Israel asks why an oiLproducing country llke lraq should move into the nuclear field. The answer is because nuclear research in the field of technolorrv and industry enables Iraq, as well as the countries-df the third world, including the oil-producing countries, to develop the latest means by which It can advance its health and medical services and educational facilities and because the development of nuclear alternatives for energy becomes an Imperative forany oll-producing country as a matter of lonerange planning in order to develop alternative sources of energy, since oil is a deplet@ble one. For the oll~producing countries to remain exclusively dependent on oil for their longrange and t~chnologicalLtransformatlon~is in fact asking them to commit themselves to permanent underdevelopment. That lingering racist and colonial perception, long dissipated from the minds of the ~~r~d~comtrnunLty,,finds inlsraelits~rein~arn~t~on, SS. Mr, Begin stated that Israeli aircraft had destroyed a secret chamber 40 metres underground, installed before the reactor was built to avoid detection by IAEA inspectors, Here again Mr. Begin admitted to yet another mistake. The chamber was only 4 metres underground-just over 13 feet, according to the correction. But what is a zero here and there, Mr. Begin-said, trying to get a~bonus of sympathy-and this. notwithstanding the fact that both the French nuclear experts and IAEA experts S6,+ -We surely needa treaty of non-proliferation -a treaty on the non-prohferation of lies and distortion to be signed by Israel. But 1 suppose, if the Israelis cannot subscribe to the Non-Proliferation Treaty as a whole, they think they have a licencefo conduct a campaign of distortions and lies, 61, The militarily significant reactor is at Dimona, Israel, The reactor at Dimona is not under international inspection; and, while there were occasional visits by American inspectors in the early 1960s under a bilateral agreement, those visits ceased more than a $cgge a@. 57, Israel had the audacity in the Council to ask Iraq to answer questions-as if the plaintiff in this case had become the defendant. This lop-sided logic is typical of all Fascist regimes in history that have sougliiand today seek to turn the tables. Thus, instead of behaving as the accused, they seek to arrogate to themselves the semblance of accuser. This technique has long ago been uncovered and, if it was used-by Israel yesterday in order to cast doubt on the credibility not only of Iraq’s position but of the whole range of international consensus and opinion which both supports and sustains Iraq’s position, then that page of this technique is a deliberate attempt to 62. The Council should ask why Israel has obtained vlrtua! autonomy in its military fuel cycle by securing for it8elf.a large s!ockplle ofnatural uranium fbel for Dlmona through -the theft of a European Atomic Energy Community shipment on the high seas in the late I96Os. Two hundred tons of natural uranium were /nvolved in the 1968 incident, sufficient to fuel Dimona for-more-than IO-years, -Through-local-production of uranium as aby+roduct of its phosphates industry, Israel was already partially meeting Its re uirements. Tbha &t@mentatl6n thr6u@h th& at&the Lcrease in 16ctil production-tprqiected to SO to 60 tons annually by the late 19708-~&m that Israel at present has little if any need to import uranium. Needless to say, uranium is easily available from suppliers, such as South Africa, which do not belong to the Non- Proliferation Treaty/IAEA system-if it were necessary to import some. P Bralyse the deliberations of the Council and to deflect ;t_Qom the focus of its objectives. ;~ I.. The accused, in this case Israel, should be asked fo answer. without procrastination, hesitation or bquivocation, as to the amount of nuclear bombs and Explosives thnt it has at its disposal; about the status of nuclear-weapon co-operation between Israel and South Africa: about Israel’s nuclear-weapon-delivery capacity: and about the reasons why it withholds its Dimona ~m+.xtr installation from international insoeclion UK! from American inspection. No mention’has been made by Israel of the fact that the United Stntes Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) concluded in 1974 that Israel had nuclear weapons of its own or that Israel, unlike Iraq. had not signed the nuclear NOII- Proliferation Treaty and will not allow inspectors to visit its reactor at Dimona. 63. If the plutonium bomb can be obtained from Dirnona, Israel is also able to deploy a uranium bomb. Again, in the late IY6Os. an international theft clearly linked to Israel took place and involved more than 100 kilograms of highly enriched weapons-grade Urdnium-235, which disappeared from a nuclear plant at Apollo, Pennsylvania. Fifty-six kilograms of uranium- 235 are required to build a Hiroshima-type bomb of the simplest design with a bare core. If a uranium tempet .-spherical blanket around the bomb core-is 59. ‘fhc Council needs clear answers to those questions. bccausc tlw real threat in the Middle East comes from hxcl. and only from Israel. There is no question 68. Besides, which “Israel” does President Reagan expect the Arabs to recognize when he and his Administration know very well that Israel is the only country in the world with no declared frontiers or borders? The question of recognizing Israel does not arise in the context of Israel’s recent act of aggression against the Iraqi nuclear facility, and under no circumstance should it be pmferred as an excuse, To introduce that point is to give an impression-which we hope has been invalidated--that the United States, which has condemned the Israeli aggresston against Iraq, considers that there might be “mitigating circums@lGeL 64. Has Israel obtained nuclear weapons, yes or no? Yes; il is virtually certain that Israeliscleniists in the military establishment have put together a plutonium bomb and a uranium bomb. It is also most likely that, once the bomb had been assembled, a “screw” was ~then removed and placed in a separate room; so that, in a formal, legalistic sense, Israel does not have weapons and can in “good faith” claim, as il does in its declaratory policy, that it has not introduced nuclear weapons, It is our strong belief, shared by the -overwhelming mt\/ority of expert observers In the United States, the Western countries and throughout the world In general, as well as in Israel, that Israel, has assembled the vital components of a large number of bombs, leaving itself with a lead time of only hours to complete the assembly of &liverabJe w_aEhe@s, if circumstances so require. 65. -Regardless of the extreme, savage, inhuman and other “attributes” that may be imputed to the leadership of Iraq or any other Arab country by Israel and its supporters, an Arab attack on Israel with nuclear weapons would not make any sense from an Arab point of view, as the Secretary-General of the League of Arab States showed on the first day of this debate [228/sr mesringl. A brief look at the facts involved, at maps-and the relevant data regarding the effects of nuclear explosion would show that any such attack, even with only one Hiroshima-type weapon, would be llkely lo kill as many Arab Palestinians as Israelis and the delayed effects of radiation and fall-out would gffect Jordan, Syria, Lebanon and other parts of the Arab east &wnyrd from the narrow Israeli strip. :--- -- -- -- &,. I do. not want lo elaborate any further on the irvailable evidence lo prove that lsraol possossos i&clear weapons. I do ndt want 10 dwell any tirther on the irrefutable evidence that the nuclear facility in Iraq is intended for peaceful purposes. The ultimate criterion has been established for verification, that is, the availability of a nuclear facility for inspection. vcrificatiori and detection. 67. The Council has been subjected IO a tirade of innuendoes which Israel hoped would be difficult fol us to disprove. But what is more important is that Israel’s &dibility in the Council and throughout the world has been sufficiently shattered for us not to resort to the usual rebuttals and polemics. What is at stake. however, is that some of those innuendoes were given a measure of currency yesterday by remarks made bv President Reagan of the United States. First of all, that the Arab St&s did not recognize Israel’s “right to exist” does not warrant at all. in our opinion. 69. That reinforces a widespread impression in the Arab world that the United States has given Israel the green light to undertake its various strikes-in all directions. The Arab world would prefer the United States position to be articulated in terms of its instant condemnation of Israeli aggression rather than in attempts 10 find mitigating circumstances for il. 70. To repeat the Israeli argument that Iraq has not signed a ce’ase-fire agreementor “recognizedisrael as a nation” is, to say the least, irrelevant. All the Arab States withhold recognition of Israel, and, besides those that are in the immediate neighbourhood of the Zionist State, other Arab States have not signed this armistice agreement. This does not imply that all Arab States, from Mauritania 10 Djibouti to the Arab States in the Gulf, are “understandable” targets for Israel’s aggression; that the radius of Israel’s military aggression can include any State that has not recognlzod il. This becomes a very dangerous doctrine indeed. which belies and tends to undermine all the efforts made in this body and outside it in pursuit of a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the region. II. To President Reagan’s comment that he has “trouble envisioning Israel as a threat to its Arab neighbours”, our response is to be found in the annals of Israel’s record of mutilation of southern Lebanon; the colonial settlements in the occupied territories, described as illegal by the United States Government: the annexation of Jerusalem: the raids on Lebanese towns and cities as well as Palestinian refugee camps; the rcccnt demonstration of Israel’s thrcatcning position towards the Arabs constituted by its aggression on Iraq’s nuclear-rcscarch facility. 72. Why, WC ask. does President Reagan have trouble envisaging Israel as a threat when information at his disposal should convince him of ~hc dangers inherent in Israeli ideology and behaviour-dangers not only IO the Arabs but also to the prospects of genuine peace in thc region. 74, When the world community seeks punitive sanctions and measures against the aggressor, it does so not out of revenge but in order to deter the aggressor frcm the pursuit of his action. Condemnation is a moral act of conscience; it is necessary and desirable and has an input on history. But concrete measures that are deterrent and punitive make the world safer and more secure. These measures are mandated by the Charter of the United Nations and are intended more as a corrective and as an incentive. They correct the I This stalemom was made al the 563rd meeting of the Board of Governors of IAEA. the official records of which are issued in summary form. The tneeting rose iit S.30 pm. NOTES i,b,d yyl dJ+ & J,dI i;r \cy.~~~1ciol,.\r+I .pdl&.I .y J’ +l ,,A, ,dA d LN..!~ eSl A,+.. 2 J&I & . + r’,I Lb,* , l $J’ d* h..JI yYl jl “St ,I mfil~48tsc4~~~ ~~[Uffi~!ttbfti~6&@, #t&kltl,,ttftnCYI,f, i/$ I~RP~~libt~~f~t~t’JiYtt~~l~fr~~~~!H. HOW TO OBTAIN UMT’ED NATIONS PUBLICATIONS United Nations publications ma) be obtained t’rom bookstows and dirtributorb throughout the world. Consult your bookstore or write to: United Nations, Sales Section. New York or Grnrva. COMMENT SE PROCURER LES PUBLICATIONS DES NATIONS UNIES Les publications des Nations Unier sent en vente dam lcs librairirs et les agcnces d+sitaircs du monde entirr. Informet-vows aupr&r de votrr librairu ou adressewous g : Nations Unies. Section des ventes. New York ou Gcn&ve. HAKIIO:IYYWT~H~~AHH~~OP~AHH~AI~HIIOII'I.E;~WHEHHI.~X HAIlHA WsaaHHn OprnHll3PUllH Oe%enttHeHHblx HsUHR MO*"" lyn"tb B XHHlltHLIX hL¶r.- JHwlX H BPeHICInaX R” ncex p8noHRX M”pn. Hnso~,~te rnpasall “6 HOne.H”*X m BB”NM ~HIIIHOM HRI’(LJIIH@ M”ll “lll”“te “0 ,,,,pecy: 0pr~~,JaUllR 06,.e~HHe,tHrI% HIUWI Ccnu~n no nponrrme IIJ~BHHA. H~,~o-Aotm WTM X-kween. COMO CONSEtiUIR PL’BLICACIONES DE LAS NACIONES GNIDAS Ias puhtucioncs de lab Nxx~nc~ IJmdar estkl en wnra en Ilbretir )’ GINIS dlstnhuldoras en todas pafler del mundo. Consultc a w hhrvro o dai~ase a: Nacioncs Umdoh. Secc16n dr Ventas. Nuwa York o Gmebra.