S/PV.2350 Security Council

My Government has learned with grave concern ofthc use offorcc early yesterday morning by the Argentine armed forces :ig:linst the F:llkland Islands (I&IS M:ilvinus). The Secrctary- 67. My Government is seriously concerned abtjut thih incident not because of Japan’s position regarding the substance of the issues pending between Argentina und the United Kingdom over certain islands in thr South Atlantic. but because the very means to which one of the parties resorted is completely at variance with the fundamental views of my Government. The &on of Argentinn violates the principle of the nonuse of force and its concomitant principle of the peace. ful settlement of disputes. which are at the heart uf the Charter of the United Nations. 68. As is well known. my Government regards the principle of the non-use of force as fundamental to itc diplomacy. The Constitution of Japan renounces for ever the threat of force or use of force as a means fol settling international disputes. We stress, as we havt done in various forums. that this is not only one of the most fundamental principles of the Charter. but one of the most important norms of general international low. from which the international community permits no derogation. The principle of the non-use of force is. in other words, a peremptory norm of internation law. We are therefore against any use of force undertaken anywhere in the world and for whatever purpose. in contravention of the Charter of the United Nations. 69. The military action carried out by Argentina in clear violation of this principle disturbs the peace and heightens the current tension in the South Atlantic region, thus making it more difficult to obtain a pe:lcrful solution to the questions pending between the two countries. 70. My Government earnestly hopes that the host+ itics on the islands in question will cease immediately. AS it country enjoying friendly relations with both Argentinn and the United Kingdom, Japan urges th:ll the diplomatic talks between the two parties be Esumed its soon as possible. The Council must first tilke expeditious and effective action in order to deul with the immediate situation and should subsequently consider further means of facilitating the talks between the parties so that ;I true. long-term settlement of the questions cnn be attained. 71, Mr. LICHENSTEIN (United States of Ame? icil): My delegation joins you. Mr, President. In sxtending ;I warm wclcomc to our friends the For& Ministers of Argentina and Piinilmi\. 80. W/c make reference to this in il world body devoted above all to the maintenance of peuce and, for this or any other conflict. we would call for penceful and negotiated solutions. On some occasions. however. the willingness of nations to negotiate is foiled ilnd thus an anomnlous situation is perpetuntcd. one which affects the sovereignty of States and is dctrimental to their most legitimate interests. 73. Unfortunately, despite appeals by the Secretary-General and by my President as well. the situ+ tion has now deteriorated. As we have stated on many occasions in the Council and repeat once again with respect to the action by Argentina. we feel that the use of force to solve problems is deeply regrettable and will not produce a just and lusting settlement of the dispute. 81. It is unfortunate to have to admit that. in the case of the Malvinas Islands and in the long and legitimate attempt made by Argentina to obtain its return. internationul frustrntion of this nature has been produced. 74. W/e therefore intend to vote in favour of draft resolution S/14947. The United States Government is especially interested in finding a solution to this dispute since both Governments involved are close and valued friends, My Government stands ready to support any constructive approach to the solution of this problem and urges a return to negotiations as soon as possible. We have. of course, made clear to both sides that we are ready to help in any capacity to bring the parties together at an early date and to contribute to a peaceful settlement of this dispute. 82. For many years. Bolivia has been emphatically stating in all forums its firm support of the Argentine claim. agreeing in this with the almost unanimous position of Latin America and the third world, which are opposed on principle to certain persistent and anachronistic forms of unacceptable colonialism. Bolivia reiterates that support and. while we hope that moderation and good sense will prevail. we must mention that the line of principle followed by the Argentine Government throughout the negotiations is beyond reproach. just as is the duty of the international community to contribute by all proper means to the re-establishment of Argentine sovereignty ovei the Malvinas Islands.

I should like to inform members of the Council that I have received ;I letter from the representative of Boliviu in which he requests to be invited to participate in the discussion of the item on the agenda. In conformity with the usual practice, I propose, with the consent of the Council, to invite that representative to participate in the discussion without the right to vote, in :lccordance with the relevant provisions of the Churter and rule 37 of the provisional rules of procedure. * 83. That is the true way to maintain peace in the South Atlantic. 84, The PRESIDENT {intc~,.r/t.c,irttirri~ ~fi*om Ftrnch): The next speaker is the representative of Peru. 1 invite him to take :I place kit the Council table and to make his statement. 85. Mr. CALLE y CALLE (Peru) finta~/~/‘~~f~llio~l ,fj*,,/l, Spc~ni,sl~): The delegation of Peru thanks the members of the Council for this opportunity to tnke part in the discussion of the item on the agenda.

The next speaker is the representative of Bolivia. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. 86. First of all, Mr. President. may I congratul:\te you on behalf of my delegation on your accession to the presidency of the Council for this month. We have every contidence in your intelligence and good judgcment in conducting the debate in the Council on this delicate matter that has brought us together here today.

Mr. President, thank you, first of all, for this opportunity to address the Council in order to explain Bolivia’s position on the events which have brought about this debate. 87. The delegation of Peru is speaking today to reaffirm the full support that Peru htls given in the United Nutions and in the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries to Argentina’s .iust clilim of sovereignty over the Mnlvinus Isl~lnds. 78. Those events have brought to LI head an international controversy which has been going on. threatening kind without solution. for IS0 years. 88. It must be borne in mind th:\t the basis and origin of this problem lies in usurp;ltit>n and plunder 79. Th:lt dispute originates in the urmcd OccUpiltion carried out by Great Britain in January I833 89. Further. Peru. consistent with the unified and concerted action characteristic of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, one of whose basic principles is respect for the territorial integrity of States. has recognized the just claims of Argentina and its unquestionable right to the return of the territories in yuestion to its sovereignty. That support of the non-aligned countries. indeed. had its beginnings in the capital of Pel-11. at the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affair-s of Non-Aligned Countries. held at Lima in August 197.5. It has been constantly reiterated, by: the Political Declaration adopted nt the Fifth Confercnce of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries. held nt Colombo in August 1976: the Declaration of the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Belgrade in July 197X: again at the Sixth Conference of Heads of St;lte or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held nt Havana in September lY7Y: and most recently at the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries. held at New Delhi in F&I*LI;\I’~ I98 I , YO. Peru is proud to maintain traditional ties offriendship and co-operation with the Governments of the United Kingdom and Argentina, und it appeals to them to turn to dialogue and understanding in order to come to a final and just solution of this question in accordance with the ‘interests of both parties. and in particul:u the legitimate rights of Argentina. Yl. Our delegation considers that the present unjust situation in the Malvinas Islands is a C;~LIS~ of deep pain to the Americas, whose pcoplcs have been part of ;I broad and heroic anti-colonial trend from the time of the independence of the I.? North American colonies to that of the recent indcpcndence of Belize. Y2. I should like to close by reading out the following communique issued by the Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Peru this morning: .-With rcgurd to the events which have come about between the Ar-gcntinc Republic and Cheat “Secondly. Peru unswervingly maintains itA position of principle th;ll internntional disputes should bc resolved peacefully. through the rnechanisms provided for in the trt: lies in force: “Thirdly, the Government of PWLI ttusts that the dispute between the Argentine Republic and Great Britain will be resolved as soon as possiblr. with full restoration of peace between those two countries. which are friends of Peru.” 93. Mr. ILLUECA (Panama) (i,ltc~,p,‘c’ttrfic),r jha .I‘ptrni.yhj: I should like to convey to you, Sir. my congratulations on your assumption of the presidency of the Council. You belong to an African member country of the Organization of African Unity and thus of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, a country with an anti-colonialist tradition: we are therefore gratified that it is you who are presiding over today’s meeting at which a colonial situation must be COW sidered. 94. I should also like to express my delepntil>n’s grntitude to MIX. Kirkpatrick. of the United States, for her conduct of the work of the Council last month: she acted with the dedication nnd skill which arc chtrncteristic of her. 95. Panama has something to say on a matter which has such enormous importance for the future of Latin America. The question of the Malvinns Islands. which has been presented so brilliantly by the Minister. fol Foreign Affairs of the Argentine Republic. Mr. Costi MCndez. is essentially a colonial problem in which II traditionully colonial Power from outside the continent has maintained a presence alien to the American continent and also to its convictions. beliefs and life-style. 96. We must examine this matter keeping clearly in sight the ob.jective of the Orgunization when it adopted. at San Francisco, the Charter of the United Nations. which, we know, was to cstnblish ;I system of internutional peilct‘ and security based on respt‘ct for the right of peoples to control their destiny. their right to respect for their integrity. without outside intaft]‘- cnce, an d ultimately ;\ pcacc and security hased t)fl justice. 97. On the qucstiun of the Molvinas Islands. if M:C try to fix on :I clear and cxuct perspcctivc. WC rmlht stand by the C’hilltCl* and place thilt m~itler-in the .judgcment of the States Members of the United Nip 101, The Mulvinas Islands were occupied by force, as Foreign Minister Costs Mtndez hns said, by Great Britain in 1833. at ;I time when ow countries. which had recently gained independence. were fighting to consolidate and strengthen that independence. A short time before, on 22 June 1826. the Amphictyonic Congress had taken place in Panama on the initiative of Simon Bohvar, at which ;I principle of fundamental importance for the peoples of the America was proclaimed. as well ;IS the need for a treaty of union LX confederation which would establish the bases fol the defence of our territories and the protection of the Latin American countries against any attempt at domination or foreign control, that is to say, a pronouncement of an anti-colonial nature ilimed at estublishing the juridical and institutional machinery that would give Latin America ;I structure of unity and integration. The history is well known, but the principles were not applied and Latin America has had to fight for that unity and that integration. ‘*Thut the continued existence of colonialism prevents the development of international economic co-operation, impedes the social, cultural and economic development of dependent peoples and militates against the United Nations ideal of universal peuce”. In paragraph 6, the Declaration makes a pronouncement which is part of the life of our peoples. It states that: “Any attempt aimed at the partial or total disruption of the national unity and the territorial integrity of a country is incompatible with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations.” 102. But when a Latin American country-and this is the doctrine of Bol~var, the doctrine of Panama. whether it be in Central America, Mexico, the Coribbcnn or the southern cone--any Latin American country, is under the threat of foreign intervention 01 the threat ofcolonial domination. the other Latin American countries hnve given their support. And when I say countries I am talking about peoples. about the constant values of these Latin American peoples, which go well beyond the transitory presence of given Governments nnd which are above ideologies. because these are feelings which lie very deep in the hearts and minds of the Latin American peoples. 98. Are the Malvinas Islands an integral part of the territory of the Argentine nation or are they not? We all know the answer. The Malvinns Islands and their dependencies. the South Georgia and South Sandwich islands, have traditionally and historically been Argentine territory. That is a historical reality, a geographical, physical and juridical fact which cannot be disregarded, and that territorial integrity must be respected within the spirit of the times. We in Panama have always invoked, in defence of our own rights, this spirit of the times. these clear-cut principles which have been proclaimed here in the United Nations and which relate directly to the Magna Carta of decolonization, contained in General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), in the declaration on permanent sovereignty of peoples and nations over theil natural wealth and resources contained in Assembly resolution 1803 (XVII) and in the Declaration on the Estublishment of a New International Economic Order [GP~IP~YI/ A.s.scw~hly rc~sc~lutiot~ .f20/ (S- If/) 1. 103. Therefore. if problems hnvc arisen in Central America. a totally united Latin America has to be concerned at those problems. -just as we are concerned at this problem which has now arisen in the southern cone, and we want to express our full identity and solidarity with and support for Argentinu. i\ solidarity which is not arbitrary but which is based cm right. on .juridicol and morn1 considerations, 99. If we talk about the principles of those three historic declarations, we must conclude that it is precisely part of the destiny of Argentina, of its selfdetermination, to be able. through the exercise of its sovereignty and of its full jurisdiction of the Malvinus Islands-the whole complex of those islands-to exploit their natural resources for the benefit of theil people and the region and to contribute to this new international economic order, which culls for more just economic relations between the poor and the rich countries. 104. And when I say that Latin America hils taken ;I stund in favour of Argentina it is precisely because the resolution of the General Assembly I~~.so//rtic~rr 2065 (.\:\‘)I which established the way in which decolonization of the Malvinas Islands should be undertaken culls on the United Kingdom to negotiate with Argentina on the means for achieving the decolonization of the islands. and hence to respect und rcstorc Argentine sovereignty over those jslimds. That I’CSOlution is the product of Latin American support. 11s Brazil, expressing their support for the rcstorution of Argentine sovereignty over the Mnlvinas Islands. 106. It has been suggested here on a previous occasion that Argentin;\ is inv:\ding the Malvinus Islnnds. Thut is not true. A State cannot invitdc its own territory, The Malvinas Islands are Argentine territory. Thus this situ;\tion cannot he presented as one of invasion: ruther. it is a situation in which Argentim\ is exercising its sovereign rights. 107. In this case--and I should like to pursue this aspect of the negotiations--l wish to make historical reference to the situntion which ;\rose in 1833. I should like to refer to the Congress of Panama and also to :I doctrine which has been the subject of considel-nble debnte in various historical circumstunces. I am referring to the Monroe Doctrine. which was proclnimed by President Monroe in 1823. 108. We share the same geogruphicul space with the United Stntes and we are in fuvour of harmonious and cordial relations with it. But we believe also that the United States nnd the United Kingdom nnd Fiance. i\s well ;\s other European Powers thnt had colonial empires-thnt is not the C;ISC with the United States. which was a colony :\nd became independent of England, and was imbued with all the liberal thinking manifested in Europe. pnrticularly in France at th:\t time-should respond in the spirit of the times. IOY. If in 1823 Monroe said that the territories of America were not susceptible to future colonization by European Powers. can this be deciphered to mean that the United Kingdom could introduce itself into a territory adjacent to-in f:\ct, in the s:\me continental shelf with-Argentinn and thnt that should be regarded as a tolerable situation ? We understnnd the worldwide interests in this matter: but we in Latin America call for respect of our :\spirations :\nd interests. Therefore, we have to reconcile these situations. I IO. The Bollvar doctrine was defined at the P;\ni\mk\ Congress. to the effect that the territories of the Americns. particularly Latin America, are not susceptible to culonizntion. past. present or future. In this purticular case. there is the circumstance that the occupation of the Malvinas Islands took place IO years often the proclamation of the Monroe Doctrine. ;I unilatelr\l doctrine which has been invoked with much respect i\s one born in i\ noble way to contribute to ensuring th:\t countries of the former Spanish Americ;\, und Latin Americn in general. would not have their independence and territoriul integrity disturbed. 112. I believe that if anyone is :\t fi\ult it is not Argcntina. Argentinu is exercising its legitimi\tc rights, its legitimate uspilutions, and we are solidly behind it in this. Newly I7 years have el:\psed since the itdoption of General Assembly resolution 2065 (XX), and I think .I\rpcntin:\ is doing i\ great service to Latin hmericn. 1 invite the lci\ders of Lntin American countries tt\ understand that this act of vindicuting Argentina’s clnim is telling the world that there a1.c now mt\turc peoples who i\re saying to the world: “No more COIi)niZi\tion!” I 13. We have to tell WI brothers in Africa who are here. and our brothers in Asia too, of the great responsibilitirs of thut feeling. There can be no mart’ COIUnizi\tion: no more colonizution in Namibin. We ap~*cc with them on that. but here again there must he II\) imposition of a European Power seeking to maintain :I coloninl enclave on another’s territory, ;I territury that belongs to Argentina. 114. This matter is of t\n import:\nce much grei\teI than some journnlists seem to feel. They question whether this is i\ matter of great importance. To have th:\t question in one’s mind is simply to ignore the true dimensions, the true stature. of Latin Americ;\. I have mentioned Africa and Asia. But I should like to mention our Alnb brothers too. i\s well ;\s our Latin AmcricOn brothers. And I do so in a certain order because I think it is necessary to ventilate this matter in depth, so that the world can realize that more than two decades after the adoption of the Declaration on the Gr;\nting of Independence to Coloninl Countries and Peoples. the twentieth :\nniversnry of which WC observed in 1980, it is really incredible that there could still exist a United Kingdom colonial presence that wishes to perpetuate itself on Argentine territory. I IS. I do not want to rt?fer to any other Latin Americun problems right now. because I want US to focl~s on the Argentine problem. The great colonial POWCI’S want to mnintnin the international economic order und we have not yet been i\hle to overcome their I’* sistunct‘ to the launching of global negotiutions for i\ new internationul stl-ategy for development. Those former coloni:\ Powers and the great economic Powers consider it heresy whenever the Lntin Americun co\lntries dcmund their rights. 116. Whut were we told when Mexico in 15)%, exercising its sovereign i\ttrihutes, nationalizrd oil companies :\nd installutions’? All sorts of i\ccusnti\)ns were levelled at Mexico. But in 1938 there were murc of these kinds of unreul manifestutions which, t\) i\ IO 123. The second prcambtrlur paragraph of the draft resolution mentions “an invasion on 2 April 1982 by :rrmcd forces of Argcntinn”. I think that there must be ;I typogruphicul error here. Fundnmcntolly, one cannot speak of an invasion by armed forces of Argcntinn of its own territory. 124. The final preambular paragraph of the draft resolution mentions “a brcnch of the peucc in the region of the Falkland Islands”. I repeat that this is a wrong term. What breach of the peace can there bc in the region’? We know that there is an exercise there on the part of Argentina of its sovereign rights over its own territory. I do not mean by this that an abnormal 01 irregular situation does not exist there. because of the attempt to maintain that territory indefinitely under 21 sovereignty alien to the true and rightful owner, namely, Argentina. But as far as we know, up to now there have been no hostilities there. The fact is that there does not exist a breach of the peace in the region. despite what the draft resolution states. II& Pnnama is against the USC‘ of force as ;I means of solution, but such force is illegitimate only when it is exercised against the rights of a people, When a country. in its own territory, decides to put the symbols of its sovereignty into effect and make them real, that cannot be considered as being an illegitimate use of its resources. 119. But we do not tiave only the case of Goa. I should like to refer also to what happened in 1956 with regard to our Arab brothers. In 1956, Gamal Abdel Nasser. the President of Egypt, decided to occupy and nationalize the Suez Canal. Of course. it could have been said that he was using force. But he was simply asserting Egypt’s claim to sovereignty over its territory. 12.5. But it will exist within a few days, because today we have heard that the British Government has decided to send a war flotilla with the purpose of attacking Argentina. I think it would be simply puerile. even absurd and ridiculous. to adopt il draft resolution on :I supposed Argentine aggression or invasion in a place where peace now reigns. But in the time it takes the aircraft carrier fn\*inc*ihle and other British nnval units mentioned in the newspapers to arrive there, ;I situation may bc produced that is so serious and so grave that it may very well cause a tremendous convulsion in the American continent and in the world that will lead-1 think it is desirable to think about this-to bitter situations for citizens of various countries. I say bitter situations because these are events that cannot be controlled but which may provoke reactions among all Latin American peoples and doubtless among other peoples in other parts of the world if. in the middle of the twentieth century. the United Kingdom presents itself in this way in this ;\rei\. an [Ire:\ of security that. when one looks :lt the maps. is included in the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance. This is one of the m;!jor problems, beci\use the United States, which has often mentioned that treaty. should take it into account with regard to the current situation. a situation which ctmnot be resolved simply by issuing appeals for moderation and peace. What we have to do here is to cull for the termination of an aggressive situation agninst Argcntinn for exorcising its sovereign rights over its territory. That is the situation that is going tu arise. 120. And what happened when the forces of Britain, France and Israel invaded Egypt? Then it was indeed an invasion. It is one of those cases in which history has shown that the United Nations can work and can put into effect machinery for the maintenance of international peace and security. In the case of the Suez Canal, our Arab brothers will recall, as we all do, that the United States and the Soviet Union showed themselves to be in agreement that the invasion of Egypt was unacceptable and anachronistic, as was the adoption of colonial-type measures which were common in the nineteenth century but which in the twentieth century are totally anachronistic. Thus the Soviet Union and the United States, taking the Security Council very much into account, proposed measures to the effect that Britain, France and Israel should withdraw their troops from Egyptian territory. 121. I mention these cases because the question of the Malvinas Islands is a colonial situation that cannot be permitted to go on since it has no place in out times. 122. I shall refer now to the draft resolution presented by the United Kingdom [S//49471, The draft contains references, including geographical nomcnclature, that we unacceptable. In its first and last preumhular paragraphs and in operative paragraph 2, the term “Falkland Islands” is used, This is not an acceptable term. It is offensive historically, after we &ve listened to the representative of Argentina and to other Latin American speakers, to come here to the 126. Out of respect for the Council itself. we cannot itdopt this draft resolution which speaks of “II breach of the peace” imputable to Argentina. We think that within a short time we i1l.t‘ going to have I1 127. How can the Council call for the withdruwal of Argentine forces from the Mafvinus Islands if these ZIIY its own terr’itory? I believe that the Council should cull on the United Kingdom to negotiate with Argcntinu on un honourable withdrawal ilnd friendly formulations of co-operation. We want that. We have good rrlutions and friendship with Britain. but we have ;I historic association with Argentina us il sister republic of Latin America, and we think th:\t there should bc peace in the wet*Id. We think that there should be an end to colonialism. in Namibia, in Latin America and everywhere in the world where there could be colonial situations. 128. I shall conclude by proposing ;I draft resolution which I think is better in keeping with realities. I think it contains some very importunt ideas that have been expressed in this debate. pal.ticulm-ly by Latin American representiltives. The draft resolution that it is my honoul. to present to the Council reads iis follows: “Holbing hc~tr/~! the complaint by the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland concerning actions recently taken by the Argentine Republic in the region of the Malvinas Islimds, “Htwin,y tlr/~c/l not<’ of the letter dated I April 1982 from the Permanent Representative of the Al-gentine Republic [S//&40], “Htrl*iug l~r~ortl the statement by the Minister fat- External Relations and Worship of the Argentine Republic to the effect th;lt the situation which has :visen stems from the existence of a problem of ;I colonial nature. “C‘on.viticl.in~~ that the intention of the United Kingdom to perpetuate its illegal occupation and colonial domination of the Malvinas Islands. South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands affects the territorial integrity of the Argentine Republic and constitutes u threat to international pence and secu- I’ity. “Rccwlling General Assembly resolutions 15 I4 (XV) of 14 December 1960. 2065 (XX) of 16 December 1965, 3160 (XXVIII) of I4 December I973 and 3 l/49 of I December 1976, “Rc(r/Y/?g in mind the puragraphs relating to the question of the Malvinas Islands contained in the Political Declarution adopted by the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries held in Lima from 25 to 30 August 1975: the Political Declurution adopted by the Fifth Confcrration adopted by the Conference of Ministers fljl Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries held in New Delhi from 9 to 13 February 1981, *- I + I//*go/~t/~ (Y,//.Y ///,on the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland to ceilse its hostile conduct. refrain fl.om any threat or use of force and co-operllte with the Argentine Republic in the decolonization of the Mulvinas Islands. South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands; “2. Rq/lc.st.s both the Governments to carry out negotiations immediately in order to put an end to the present situation of tension. duly rcspcctinp Argentine sovereignty over those territories and the interests of their inhabitants.” [S//4950]. 129. Thut is the text of the draft resolution. which should be translnted into all the working languages of the Council and should be the subject of study and consideration. It is in keeping with the situation I havr described and the developments that have been taking place, Sizeuble units of the British war fleet iIre now in the Atlantic. We are going to face a situation that will compromise the whole of Latin America ilnd convulse the region. even more than has been the case in Central America. There hus to bc :I series of def. initions of the positions of the countries that form part of the Inter-American System. In the finill im;lIysis. the situation is contrary to the spirit of the times. After having npproved the Churter of the United %- tions and the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. the1.e is no longer imy reason for the persistence of such coloninl problems. 130. If there is tmy area of concern in this matter it is about delays and prolongation of these negotiations, brought about by those countries that think they are in positions of strength. 131. In the contemporury world things hevc chilnged. Our peoples now have VCI~ clear-cut aspirutions und awareness of their destinies. I can :\sslll’c the Council that in Latin America that transcends iIll considel.utions on the part of :my Government. AW ilttnck against the Argentine Republic is the subW of immediate explosive solidarity on the part of iIll Latin Ameticun countries. From the Rio Glande to the frontier with Mexico. in the Cnribbean, in Central America, in the whole Amazon region and the AnbIn region. Liltin Amelicu will respond to any act of % gression i\gi\inst the Argentine Republic. I2 133. It is our desire that wisdom and common sense should prevail among the leaders of the United Kingdom so that. along with the leaders of the Argentine Republic. which I am sure are quite aware of thei] responsibilities, they can find a formula to resolve this situation in the proper way. that is. by finding means of restoring Argentine sovereignty in such ;I manner ;IS to avoid hostilities, loss of blood or economic disruption. 142. My point. therefore, is one of order and clnrification. as to what precisely we are voting on before we do so. 143. The PRESIDENT fintrtprc~tfftirt,l .fhlnl F/.c,/l~+j: My understanding is that the representative of Panama has put forward ;I draft resolution and wishes it to be translated into the official and working Iihnguages of the Council so that it can bc made available to nil members and a decision can be taken on it. It is therefore purely for practical reasons that the motion for suspension of the meeting has been made. If the Council wishes to suspend the meeting. we would continue the debate after the suspension and hear the remaining speakers. We would then proceed to the vote on the texts that have been submitted, if that is the wish of the Council. 134. Given the importance of the draft resolution J have presented. I would request that the dohate now be suspended so that the Secretariat may translate the document into all the working languages and circulate it. following which the Council could meet again at a suitable time. 135. The PRESIDENT fi/?f~Jl./?/'('t(/tiO/? ~fiYll~l I;rc~/zc’/?): The Minister for Foreign Affairs of Panama has m:\de a motion to suspend the meeting. In accordance with rule 33 of the provisional rubles of procedure -1 c;tlJ on the representative of the United Kingdom.

Some time ago I asked to address the Council as the last speaker in the present debate both to respond to certain observations made by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Argentine Republic and to make a 144. Ml-. de PIN I ES (Spain) fintr/pr’~‘tf/tifJll .fhJ/J7 .S’pcr/7is/r): I should like to know how much time the Secretariat needs to translate the draft resolution. Will it he a two-hour suspension. as is USLI;II in these cases? 1 think knowing that would be of benefit to us all. pl-uposul, 145. The PRESIDENT Ii/?trr'~/'('tf/tio/l $YJ/,7 Frenc~hj: I think that the Secretariat may need two hours to prepare all the documents. Having said that, I should like to revert to the provisional rules of procedure. which say that a motion for suspension must be decided immediately. If there is no objection, I shall put to the vote the motion to suspend the meeting. 137. I should be very deeply appreciative if the Council would accord me that privilege before we consider the proposal of the Foreign Minister of Panama. 13X. Mr. TROYANOVSKY (Union of Soviet SocialiSt Republics) (intr~~/?~rctotio~l ,fi~~n? /<r/s.virrn): I merely wished to draw attention to rule 33 of the provisional rules of procedure. which says that: “Any motion for the suspension . . , of the meeting shall be decided without debate.” f/7 .fir~*c~n~: China. Ireland, Japan, Panama, Poland, Spain. Union of Soviet Socialist Republics 139. The PREXJDENT (intcl/,p,‘(ltotion ,fhlll French): There are still a number bf names on the list of speakers, including that of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the United Kingdom. But the motion to suspend has been put forward by the Minister fol Foreign Affairs of Panama, and. in accordance with rule 33 of the provisional rules of procedure, this motion has priority and must immediately be put to the vote. .-Jgtri/?sr: France. United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. United States of America .-lh.s!trini/~,~: Guyanu, Jordan. Togo, ‘Zaire 140. In the light of the request made by the representative of the United Kingdom. if the Council feels that the motion for suspension is in order, I shall then put it to the vote. 147. The PRESIDENT linti~,‘l~l’c~totio/l ,finm From/~): The next speaker is the representative of Paraguay. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. 148. Mr. GONZALEZ ARIAS (Paraguay) finfrrprofrrtiou jnn~ Spfni.\h): Mr. President, I thank you and the other members of the Council for giving me this opportunity to participate in the discussion on this item. Your skill and wisdom guarantee the propel guidance of our business. 149. I wish briefly to express my delegation’s views on this issue. 150. First of all, I wish to stress the fact that we have a long-standing friendship with the Argentine Republic. a brother country adjacent to my own. We are also linked to the United Kingdom by ties of friendship and co-operation. We have always maintained and we continue to maintain that international disputes must be resolved by peaceful means and that any use of force should be avoided. None the less, the longstanding complaint by Argentina with regard to this colonial situation has not led to a solution, despite the attempts and endeavours made to that end by Argentina. As I said, the Argentine Republic made every effort to arrive at TV peaceful solution. but all these endeavours met with no SLICC~SS, because one of the parties to the dispute, the United Kingdom. did not respond, 151. As everyone is aware, the Malvinas are part of Argentine territory, and British occupation of these islands was perpetuating an unacceptable colonial situation. 152. In view of this fact, and as has been so well explained by the Minister for Foreign Aff&rs of Argentina, Mr. Costa M5ndez. Argentina has not invaded foreign territory but merely rightfully recovered a usurped part of its national territory, 153. My country has a peace-loving tradition and its pacific disposition has caused it to lose territories in two international wars. None the less, settlement of these disputes ~~11s arrived at by peaceful means. 1.55. The PRESIDENT (ii?le,‘l,r’rttrtiolr .ii~f~lll F/.cnc./rj: The representative of the United Kingddom has asked to speak in exercise of the right of reply and I call on him.

I have no intention of speaking polemically I*is-ir-lis the representative of Argentina any more than he did so in his own statement. and nny more thnn my Government has any intention or desire of disturbing the peace in the South Atlantic. I should simply like IU make a number of points at this stage in the discussion, 157. First, I should like to go back to the reason why I called for an immediate meeting of the Council two days ago. This was not-1 repeat: not-in any sense to discuss the rights or wrongs of the very long standing issue between the United Kingdom and the Argentine Republic over the islands in the South Atlantic. This was not in any sense my intention, I was summoned two or three days ago by the Setretary-General. acting on his own initiative and on press reports that had come to his notice. imd he extended to me ;I call for my Government to exercise restraint in what appeared to him to be an incipiently serious situation. Shortly after my conversation with the Secretary-General, I received information from my Government that an armed attack by Argentina ofl the Falkland Islands W;IS imminent. I therefore took the step-exceptional for the British Governmentof asking the President of the Security Council for ilfl immediate meeting. My only intention in calling ftll a meeting of the Council was that the Council should act in such a way as to pre-empt, to deter. any thr@ill of armed force and to conduct itself in its finest r&: defusing a growingly dangerous situation. That WilS my only objective in calling for ;I meeting of the Council. 158. As has been said muny times round this tnble, you. Mr. President, issued an appeal on behalf of the same Council the same evening 1224Srl1 r~t~(‘li~~li’~ ptrlvr. 741. unanimously, calling on both sides to exel’- cise restraint and to refrain from the threat or lIsC Of force. 159. The following morning my delegation learned, to its very grcnt distress, that that appeal had not been heeded by one party and that Argentine armed forces had invaded the Falkland Islands. I4 161. I should like to go on to make one or two observations on certain points which the Minister fol Foreign Affrlirs of Argentina raised in his statement. f62. 1 think I am right in saying that he suggested that the immediate origin of the present crisis was the incident which had taken place in South Georgia some days, or even two or three weeks, previously. 167. The next thing that happened was that the Government of Argentina unilaterally published the stutcment to which the Foreign Minister referred and which, indeed. he quoted in OS~CILYO in his statement. 163. I find that contention impossible to accept. This was an incident of relative triviality. It was a question of the resolution of what we. the United Kingdom Government. considered to be the illegal presence of IO scrap-metal dealers on the island of South Georgia. We had no intention of resolving that incident by the use of force. It would have been bizarre. ludicrous. for the Government of the United Kingdom to bring an incident of that dimension to the Security Council. We had no doubt that we would be itble to resolve it peacefully with the Government of Argentina. And I cannot see how this very small dispute could conceivably justify the armed invasion of a .group of inhabited islands located 800 miles away from the point at which the IO scrap-metal dealers were located. 168. That statement by the Government of Argentina differed from the joint communiquC which we thought bud been agreed at ministerial level in New York. It contained a final sentence quoted by the Foreign Minister of Argentina, which read as follows: “However. if this does not come about”-that is. the early solution of the dispute--“. . . Argentina reserves the right to put iin end to the operation of such a mechanism and freely to choose the procedure it deems most fit in accordance with its interests.” 169. The fact that the Government of Argentina unilaterally published its own statement when we believed that there would be a joint publication of an agreed communiqu&, and the presence in the statement of that final sentence, caused great alarm to the people of the Falkland Islands and, indeed, it caused a certain controversy within the British Parliament and apprehension in the British Government. 164. The Foreign Minister of Argentina also stated that his Government had not acted hastily in using force to assert its claim over the Falkland Islands and he referred to the state of negotiations between his Government and mine. Earlier in his statement, he referred to our manoeuvres, our evasive tactics. our procrasti.nation over the years. Of course, 1 cannot :lccept these charges. 170. We have since been trying to reconcile this issue and to get back to an agreed statement which would enable n negotiating process to begin. Unfortunately, we now find ourselves in the situation which WC are today debating. 165. At the risk of wearying the Council, I wish to give our side of the state of negotiations as they were before this very grave crisis exploded. 171. I would like to refer to another proposition which. if the interpretation was correct, I understood the Foreign Minister of Argentina to include in his statement. I understood him to say that the principles in the Charter of the United Nations relating to the settlement of international disputes by peaceful means-1 refer. of course, to Article 2. paragraphs 3 and 4-were not necessarily applicable to situations which ;II‘OSC before the Charter was adopted. 166. There was a meeting in New York, at ministerial level. between the British and Argentine Governments in late February this year, at which were present also elected representatives of the people of the Falkland Islands. At the end of that meeting, a joint communiqud was agreed between the two Ministers who were conducting the negotiations. The communiquk read as follows: “The British and Argentine Governments held a meeting at ministerial level in New York on 26 and 27 February 1982 to discuss the Falkland Islands question within the negotiating framework referred to in the relevant resolutions of the United Nations General Assembly. The British and Argentine 172. If my understanding of the Foreign Minister’s meaning is correct. I submit to the members of the Council that this is nn extremely dangerous doctrine, The world is distressingly full of crisis situations, which have from time to time exploded into hostility in every continent on the globe. A large number of those situu- 173. I said at the outset of my statement that I had not come here to enter into the rights and wrongs of the problem of sovereignty between the Argentine Republic and my own country. It has been very widely aired by other speakers this morning, and I wouldjust like to say one or two words which relate to it. 174. The Foreign Minister of Argentina argued that the people of the Falkland Islands are not LI population in international law. Those 1.800 or I .900 people we not recent arrivals in the Islands. The vast majority of them were born there to families which had been settled there for four, five, six generations since the first half of the nineteenth century. In the .iudgement of my Government. whether they are 1,800 or 18,000 or 18 million. they are still entitled to the protection of international law and they are entitled to have their freely expressed wishes respected. 175. These have been the only objectives of my Government in that area for a very long time. I cannot believe that the international community takes the view that the United Kingdom in the 1980s has a “colonialist” or “imperialist” ambition in the South Atlantic. The proposition is self-evidently ludicrous. We threaten nobody: we have simply concerned ourselves with the protection of the interests and respect for the wishes of the small population of the Islands. 176. Finally, it has also been argued that this was not an invasion because the Islands belong to Argentina, a proposition which of course my Government contests. But the fact is that the United Kingdom has been accepted by the United Nations-by the General Assembly. by the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples-as the Administering Authority. It therefore flies in the face of the facts and in the face of reason to suggest that this was not an armed invasion, 177. The Council has before it draft resolution S/14947, which was circulated to Council members yesterday. In a response to a suggestion by the Foreign Minister of Panama, I have asked the Secretariat to prepare a revised version of the text with the words “Islas Malvinas” in parentheses following the words “Falkland Islands” wherever they occur-this being, 1 think. the standard United Nations practice in these matters, ;I practice which, indeed, was followed in the recent statement by you, Mr. President. 179. When I was told that the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Argentina was on his way .here and wishes to present his Government’s case, and since I had net given Council delegations the conventional 24 hours’ g~‘ace before being asked to vote on ;I drilft resolution. I willingly acceded. as all members of the Council know, to the request of the President to postpunc the vote until today. 180. So there we are. But I must ask very firmly that, once the revised version of my text is circulated. \vtr hold un immediate vote on draft resolution S/14947. We can thereafter consider the drnft resolution prt’- scnted by the Foreign Minister of Panama. If there were to be a general desire to vote on his draft resolution after the completion of the Council’s business on mine, then I for one would be prepared to waive the 24-hour rule and vote on it today. 181. The PRESIDENT fi/7t~~lp/v~tolio,1 ,fhr French): The representative of the United Kingdom has asked that the Council vote on draft resolution S/14947, but the Minister for Foreign Affairs uf Argentina wishes to make a statement, and, if members of the Council have no objection, I shall call OII him to do so.

I wish first of all to thank the representative of the United Kingdom for making il possible for me to make ;I statement in the Council today and for not pressing for a vote before my arrive!. For that, I say: many thanks. 183. I do not want to enter into any polemics with the representative of the United Kingdom. but merelY to make one very important statement of fact. The truth is that since 27 Febru:u-y, regardless of any UP ments that may have been put forward within the United Kingdom. there has been no response to Argentina’s clear and frank statement of its positiun. 184. Mr. I LLU ECA (Panama) firtlr,‘l,/.c’lrrlirl,r ,fiw77 Sp~ni.sh): The representative of the United Kingdom has asked that, once the draft resclutll~n sponsurcd by his delegation has been distributed in amended form, we should proceed to a vote, I should like the Council to heed what the representative ofthe United Kingdom has said. for the Council cannot proceed to a vote in accordance with rule 3 I of its provisional rules of procedure until the draft reselution has been distributed. in writing, in its final form* However, paragraph 3 of that Article provides that: . . 3 . . Decisions of the Security Council on all other matters shall be made by an affirmative vote of nine members including the concurring votes of the permanent mcmhers”-which, of course. includes the United Kingdom. But there is an exception. Paragraph 3 goes on to say: 186. The PRESIDENT (ilItr~t~I.(~t~rtiorl , fiwf?l Frenr./rj: I propose that. if the Council has no ob,jection. the meeting be suspended while we await the distribution of the revised draft resolution sponsored by the United Kingdom. “provided that, in decision under Chapter VI, and under paragraph 3 of Article 52. a party to a dispute” -in this case, the United Kingdom-“shall abstain from voting.” IYI. Mr. President. I would ask you to make a ruling on this mutter so that it will be clear whethet the United Kingdom may or may not vote on the draft resolution that is being put to the vote. This is essential. in view of the gravity of this matter. If the draft resolution is not submitted under Chapter VI of the Charter, that is a different story. However. everything in the text suggests it is submitted under Chapter VI, and in that case the United Kingdom would not be entitled to vote. 187. The PRESIDENT (intc,p,,(Jtrrtic,r7 fiwm F/YI~c*/~): The members of the Council have before them document S/l4947/Rev. I. containing the revised text of the draft resolution submitted by the United Kingdom. J understand that the Council is prepared to vote on it. 188. J cull on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Panama on a point of order.

1 think that it is essential that the President make u ruling on whether draft resolution S/ 14947/ Rev. I firlls under Chapter VI of the Charter of the United Nations, relating to the pacific settlement of disputes. or under Chapter VII. relating to action with respect to threats to the peace, breaches of the peace und acts of aggression. I say this because the question is of great importance. Operative paragraph 3 of the draft resolution submitted by the United Kingdom 192. The PRESIDENT fi/ltcr.ll,‘rtf/tio,l ,/hJ/77 Fw17c/7): 1 cull on the representative of the United Kingdom.

J had hoped that J would not have to intervene again before the vote. lY4. My colleague. the Foreign Minister of Panama. has argued that we as a party might have to abstain from voting on this draft resolution because of Article 27, paragraph 3, of the Charter. “C’~//l.v on the Governments of Argentina and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland to seek a diplomatic solution to their differences turd to respect fully the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations.” 195. My delegation cannot accept this argument in this case. That proviso relates clearly to decisions under Chapter VI and under Article 52. paragraph 3. In fact. it would appear here that the problem has been reduced to a matter of pacific settlement under the Churter. whereas what we should actually be cnlling for is compliance with United Nations resolutions, resolutions which stipulate that this question should be settled by negotiation, as indicated in General Assembly resolution 2065 (XX). IY6. The present draft resolution relates to a breach of the peace and has been proposed with Article 40 of the Charter in mind. That Article states the following: “In order to prevent an aggravation of the situation, the Security Council may, before making the recommendations or deciding upon the measures provided for in Article 39, call upon the parties concerned to comply with such provisional measures as it deems necessary or desirable, Such provisional measures shall be without prqjudice to the rights, claims. or position of the parties concerned. The Security Council shall duly take account of failure to comply with such provisional measures.” IYO. My point of order is the following. If this is u draft resolution submitted under Chapter VI of the Charter, then the delegation of the United Kingdom c:~nnot participate in the voting. Article 27 of the Charter provides that: . . I. Each member of the Security Council shrill have one vote. I7 I%. The PRESIDENT finlclp/‘c~lf/tio/? ,fh)/i7 F!~~~/w/~); The members of the Council have heard the point of order raised by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Panama. I feel that it is up to the members of the Council as a whole to take ~1 decision as to whether or not the situation before the Council falls under Chapter VI of the Charter. 199. Hence. if the members of the Council have no objection. I shall invite them to take that decision. 200. Mr. de PINI ES (Spain) Iintr1.~,‘(‘fr,lio,? ,fi~nr .Fpr~ni.vh): I believe that the statement just made by the representative of the United Kingdom shows clearly and eloquently that we are dealing with a mutter under Chapter VII of the Charter. If I am mistaken. I should like to be corrected by the President. 201. It is my undel’standing that the minister fol Foreign Affairs of Panama has raised a very cleal point of order. He wanted to know whether we were dealing with a matter under Chapter VI or Chapter VII of the Charter. I do not believe that he himself ventured any opinion in this respect. I believe that all he did was to point out that if we are dealing with a matter under Chapter Vl, the United Kingdom should abstain from voting. But I believe that the explanation given LIS now by the representative of the United Kingdom suffices for LIS tc determine that we are dealing with a matter under Chapter VII. Accordingly, I think he does have LI perfectly legitimate right to vote. I beg to be corrected if I am mistaken: but this point should be clarified for the purposes of the vote. Perhaps the representative of the United Kingdom could offer us further explanations, if that appears necessary. 202. The PRESIDENT {ir7t~Jrp,‘cJtrltio/l ,fiwm I;‘~xJ/w/I): If the members of the Council feel that the explanation given by the representative of the United Kingdom, which indicates that the matter before LIS falls under Chapter VII of the Charter, sufficiently answers the request made by the representative of Panama, and if there are no further comments. the Council will now go on to the voting procedure on the dl-aft resolution submitted by the United Kingdom. 203. MI-. de PIN1 ES (Spain) (i/?tc~~/,r’(Jttrtio,l ,/iwm Sptrui.vh): For my delegation and my Government what WC arc dealing with here is an extremely painful mutter. I should therefore like to read out to the Council it statement on the question of the Malvinas Islands-the Falkland Islands to the British-mudc “The Council of Ministers has examined with concern the information reaching it relating tc\ the situation that has arisen in the Malvinas Islands ilrtd it feels it necessary publicly to express its view in the fijIlowing terms. *-First. the Spanish Government has a well. known and constant position us regards the substantive problem of the archipelago of the Melvin%. namely, that its decolonization should be curried out by restoring Argentine territorial integ rity and safeguarding the interests and well-being of the population,“-1 repeat: “safeguarding the interests and well-being of the population”- “through a peaceful process of negotiation. “Secondly, the prolongation of these colonird situations without any r&l solution. situations which run counter to the territorial integrity of countries, is a source of tensions which may even lend to conflicts such as the present one. “Thirdly, the Spanish Government has i\lsU constantly maintained before the United Nations its position of opposition to the use of force as a means of settlement of disputes among countries and hlls advocated negotiation and the peaceful settlemen! of international disputes. “Fourthly, in view of the situation that has been created. the Spanish Government believes that avenues towards a peaceful solution of this conflict should be kept open and that diplomatic channels should continue to be used so that the United Nations and its Secretary-General may also have ii relevant role to play in the peaceful solution of this conflict.” 204. In accordance with that statement by my GWernment, I have instructions to bring to the attentidn of the Security Council OLII’ view that neither of’thc draft resolutions submitted thus far satisfies all the requirements that need to be satisfied if this dispute is to be settled. 205. Among other things, in the draft resolution rjf the United Kingdom IS//4’147/Rr1~. I 1. my delegetil~n feels that there is a problem concerning operntive paragraph 3, which calls on the Governments of Argentina and the United Kingdom to seek ~1 dWmatic solution to their differences but does not point out that such a solution should be in conformity with the relevant resolutions of the United Niltiljns with rc\spcct to the decolonizotion of the Malvinas Islands. 206. On the other hand. in the draft rcs0lutil)n I’cild out tc, 11s by the Minister for Foreign Affilirs of l?ln;lmil l.V//4YSOl. WC find thut thilt ;lspect which is nL’P)~Cl~d in the United Kingdom draft is cmphasizcd4 H(‘M- 21s. While we reiterate the .iust claim of the Argentine Republic. the delegation of Uganda deeply regrets the method which Argentina has employed in this mi\tter since 2 April. We are very saddened by this’ latest turn of events for the following reasons, First, the use of force is an unfortunate departure from the method of negotiation which has been consistently encouruged by the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries with regard to this issue. Secondly. the use of force is contrary to the provision of Article 2. parugraph 3, of the Charter of the United Nations. which requires Member States to settle their disputes by peaceful means. Thirdly, we regret that there has been resort to force in spite of the urgent appeals for utmost restraint and non-use of force issued by the Security Council and the Secretary-General on I April [2.?4Srh uwrting, /x/~‘c/. 741. Finally, the delegation of Uganda regrets this latest development because we ure conscious of the fact that there are similar, though not identical. disputes in other parts of the world. It would be ;I dangerous precedent if the impression were to be given thnt the use of force is acceptable as a method of settling those disputes. 207. It is painful to my delegation to have to face a situation like this in which we shall have to abstnin on both drnft resolutions. I believe, however. that with patience and. perIlups. with sufficient knowledge of the situations that come before the Council. it might have been possible to combine the two dri\ft resolutions into a single, optimum text. That has not been done und, in those circumstances, my delegation will have to abstain on both draft resolutions. 20X. Mr. OTUNNU (Ugunda): Mr. President. m:iy I inquire if we are now at the stage of explanations befo1.e the vote? 209. The PRESIDENT (int(‘,p,‘c’i(,tir,l? .fiYNl F/~~nc~/~l: Yes, we huveJentered the voting procedure and we are now hearing explanations of vote before the voting.

Mr. President. the delegation of Uganda is very proud to see YOU. a distinguished son of Zaire and of Africa, presiding over the Council. 1 extend to you our warmest congratulations. We know that the Council is in very goods hands under your brilliant and dynamic leadership. 216. For the reasons I have given. the delegation of Uganda will vote in favour of draft resolution S/14947/Rev, I. We take this opportunity to reiterate once again our recognition of the just claim of Argentina over the Malvinas Islands. We urge the Argentine Republic and the United Kingdom to resume negotintions immediately and work for a speedy resolution of this dispute. 21 I. I also take this opportunity to offer our apprccintion to Mrs. Kirkpatrick, your predecessor, for having led the Council with great ability during the difficult month of March, 2 12. Uganda is an active and committed membet of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. Let me therefore begin by referring, from the outset, to the position of that movement concerning the dispute between the Argentine Republic.nnd the United Kingdom on the issue of the Malvinas Islands.

Since this is the first time I have spoken since you assumed the presidency of the Council for the month of April. Sir. I take special pleasure in hailing the worthy son of Africa that you are, the talented representative of a country with which my country has deep relations of friendship. Your gifts as a skilful negotiator, your objectivity and your political sense uro a certain guarantee of a fortunate outcome to the work of the Council. 213. The position of the Non-Aligned Movement cim be divided into two aspects. One concerns the substance of the dispute: the other refers to the means to be used in resolving the dispute. With regard to the substance of the dispute. the Movement of Non- Aligned Countries has consistently recognized, in the special and particular case of the Malvinas Islands. the just claim of the Argentine Republic without prt$udice to the general principle of self-determinutlon. Concerning the means by which that just claim should be realized, the Movement of Non- Aligned Countries has. equally consistently, urged continued and active negotiations. between the Argentine Republic and the United Kingdom. 218. My congratulations also go to Mrs. Kirkpatrick for the skill and wisdom with which she led OUI work during the past month. 219. Within the framework of the consideration of the question before the Council. my delegation would like to reiterate the determination of my country to ussume fully its commitment to the international community as a member of the Security Council--n Stxurity Council whose major responsibility is the muintenunce of international peace and security. It is in thut perspective thilt my delegation joined in the stutement made by the President of the Council [ihid.]- your statement, Sir--to express the Council’s con- 2 14. As u member of the Movement of Non-Aligned countries. Uganda subscribes fully to both aspects of the position of the Movement on the issue of the Mul- 220. ()nr of the parties has defied the appeal made 11~ the Council. preferring the use offorce to the peaceful settlement of disputes. My country is deeply concel,ned iIt the turn of events in the region. 22 l , Togo. a country wedded to prace and dialogue. cannot i\grec to violence being elevated to a political system in relations among nations, Relations among States should be based on principles of good-neighbouriiness. the non-use of force and the peaceful settlement of disputes. principles which are contained in the Charter of the United Nations. By signing the Ch:lI-tttr. OIbecoming 21 party to it. all States. whatever they may be, have undertaken the commitment to respect those principles. The violation of those principles deprives the Organization of all its credibility and its entire reason for being, and my country could not resign itself to such a situation. 222. The violation of Article 2. paragraph 4. of the Charter. which stipulates that the States Members of the United Nations “shall refrain in theit international relations from the threat or use of force”. will always be condemned by my Government, whatever country commits that violation. 223. That is why my country deplores the invasion by the Argentine Government. That is why my delegation will vote in favour of draft resolution S/ 14947/ Rev. I, calling on the Governments of Argentina and the United Kingdom to seek a diplomatic solution to their differences and fully to respect the purposes and principles of the Charter. 224. This position of principle taken by my country does not in any way plqjudge the attitude of the Togolese Government on the substance of the question of the Malvinns (Falkland) Islands. My Government firmly hopes that a peaceful solution to that issue will quickly be found by the two Governments concerned.

FiI.st of all. Sir. may I congratulate you on your assumption of the lofty post of President of the Council for this month and wish you success in carrying out you, duties. 226. Wt: should also like to mention the work that was done by the representative of the United States in that post last month, 227. The Soviet delegation welcomes the participa- ‘on in the Council of the Minister for Foreign Affairs ’ Argentina. Mr. Costa Mindez, as well as thut of the nistcl‘ for Foreign Affairs of Panama, Mr, lIIu~c:i. s,j& 11~ cl)loni;ll powers in various parts of the world. Nob. when the colonial and imperiaI L’mpilI3 have coIIi\psed. the csistcncc of this pl’oblcm is an unachronism and is in contravention of the basic documents of the United Nations. 22~). The clear position of the United Nations in f:ivoLIl. of iIn unconditional end to the colonial Status r)f these islands has been reflected in the fact that this Tcl$t()l.y wils included by the General Assembly in the list of Territories whose colonial rtigimes should 1~ quickly ended. 230. As is well known, the Soviet Union has i\Iways supported that position, and it continues to do ~1) now. It will support it in the futLlI*e :IS ~~‘11. FLII*- thermore, the United Kingdom, as the administering Power. has over many years stubbornly refused to comply with the requirements of the United Nations with regard to the decolonization of this Territory. It has been delaying the holding of negotiations with Argentina. as called for by the relevant decisions of the General Assembly. thereby virtually sabotaging those decisions. 231. On the basis of what I have said. the Soviet Union will not support the draft resolution submitted by the United Kingdom I.S//4Y471Rr1*. I I inasmuch as it is one-sided and fully disregards this nspoct of the problem.

Like others who have spoken, I should like to join in welcoming to this table the two distinguished Foreign Ministers who have joined LIS rind taken part in our discussions, 233. When I spoke in the Council last night [23491/r ~nc~c~ti/lg I. I made it quite clear that we were not concerned here with the merits of the long-standing dispute over the Falkland Islands-or Islus Malvinas. That issue has been debated in the past in the Gcnerul Assembly and we have no wish to take LI position here in regard to it, 234. OLII. concern is iI much simpler one: the use of force by one party to a dispute in direct contravention of II unanimous cull by the Council issued only hours twflNC [2.w~5fh /WC’/i/~,~~, po/.tr. 741. That call by the Council was addressed to both sides. It directed them to refrain from the LISA of force ;lnd it c;Lllcd on them to settle the issue by nrgoti:ltions. That c;lll still remains valid and it applies to 1~0th sides. 235. It WiIS ~W;IUSC Argontinu ignljlcd that CilII md took armed Mien. and not bccnusc l)foLII. supprt for either party on the underlying issue. thi\t my delcgiktion expressed its pravc concern in spc;tking hcrt yesterday. Let me state again clearly now that there ;II’C tW0 ~il,iOl~ I‘CiIsOns for this concern. 243. Because we believe that that is OLII' duty. we will vote for draft resolution S/l4947/Rev. I, The draft does not condemn either side. It simply asks for a cessntion of hostilities. an immediate withdrawal by Argentine forces and a diplomatic solution. 244. Its effect. in other words. would be simply to return to the position as it existed on Thursday last when the Council issued its unanimous cull. That is what we support, and it would be without pre.iudice to the position of either party. Therefore, my delegation will support the draft resolution now before LIS.

I shall now make a statement as the representative of ZAIRE. 237. But apart from the principle of the Council’s Quthority. we have a second reason for concern-that is. our fear that the use of force at this stage by one party could lead to a further use of force by the other, and thus to conflict between them, There are already I-eports that British naval vessels are heading towards the area. This must raise a serious danger of confrontation, and perhaps even of a larger conflict between the two countries. Some may think, that a dispute over small islands is itself a relatively small matter, but the use of armed force in any dispute is serious. Force can lead to retaliation, and conflict can quickly escalate. Wars in the past have started for less. 246. The Republic of Zaire maintains excellent relations of friendship and co-operation with both Argentina and the United Kingdom. We have before LIS a clear dispute between those two friendly countries with regard to the Falkland Islands (Islns Mnlvinas). one which has persisted for many years. It has been before the United Nations, which has called in numerous resolutions for a negotiated settlement. 247, We understand the reasons that led the United Kingdom to call for a meeting of the Council and to submit the draft resolution now before the Council. 238. It is a major purpose of the very existence of the United Nations to avert such conflict. It is becEluse the United Nations exists today that we have the right to insist, on behalf of the whole international community, that conflict, once started, must be halted and that disputes must be settled not by force but by peaceful means in accordance with the Charter. 248. The military occupation of the Falkland Islands (Islas Malvinas) by Argentina, motivated by what Argentina interpreted as the determination of the United Kingdom to break off or put an end to negotiations, is not likely to create conditions propitious to a negotiated settlement and runs counter to the principle of non-recourse to the threat or use of force in international relations. It is to be regretted that Argentina, a friendly country. did not heed the appeal of the Secretary-General and that of the President of the Council [ihid. I to exercise the greatest restraint about the use of force. 239. As a member of the Council at this moment, II-eland urges most strongly-and indeed, we insistthat both countries avoid force and that they negotiute. I believe that the various procedures evolved by the United Nations for peace-keeping and peacemaking would be available to help them if they so wished. 249. The adoption by the Council of a resolution whose terms would unambiguously pre.iudge the substance of the dispute would not be conducive to the search for a negotiated settlement. We wish to believe that the assurances expressed by the representative of the United Kingdom would henceforth rule out that possibility. 240, I repeat that my country has no wish here to snter into the merits of the underlying issue. What zoncerns us at this moment is simply what has happened over the past three days since the Council issued /ts last statement, and did so unanimously. 141. Ireland has good relations with both countries. ~)ut‘ relationship with our nearest neighbour. Great Br-itain. is well known. As to Argentina. we have of ;~urse good relations, and I might add that an Irishman. indeed :I fellow townsman of my own. Admiral Brown, is credited with founding the Argentine Navy. lnd certainly Irishmen have played an important part n that country’s struggle for independence. 2.50. In these circumstances, we should like to address an appeal to the two parties to endeavour to create conditions propitious to u negotiated settlement of the problem and to refrain from anything that may lead to an escalation of tension and confrontation in the area. 252. As a non-aligned country. we have supported and continue to support the legitimate claims of Auwtina within the framework of a decolonization problem. But at the same time, we believe that it would be a dangerous precedent and harmful to international relations to attempt to settle, by resorting to force, a problem on which negotiations are under way. 253. Accordingly. by giving our support to draft resolution S/l4947/Rev. I, we wish to emphasize that, for us. the adoption of that draft resolution would in no way prejudge the substance of the problem and that the demand for the immediate withdrawal of all Argentine forces from the Falkland Islands (Islas Malvinas) does not imply and could not imply that the claims of Argentina over the Falkland Islands (Islas Malvinas) are affected or rejected by the Council; rather, this demand emerges only from a desire to create conditions propitious to the peaceful settlement of this problem and to lead the two parties concerned to the negotiating table, 254. I now resume my functions as PRESIDENT. 255. The Council will now vote on draft resolution S/14947/Rev. I, A lwtc HWS trlkcn hy shop> of htrnds. In,fb~*oltr*: France, Guyana, Ireland, Japan, Jordan, Togo, Uganda, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United States of America, Zaire Ahstoining: China. Poland, Spain, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics The draft resolution was adopted by 10 votes to I, 11 ?ih 4 rrhstc~ntions (wsolution 502 (1982)).

I shall now call on those representatives who wish to make statements after the voting,

The issue before us has serious implications for the settlement of disputes between States and also for the question of the respect of States for the authority of the Security Council, 258. The Council met on I April, two days ago I2.?45tl? mwtingl. at the urgent request of the representative of the United Kingdom, The Council heard at that time statements by the representatives of both the United Kingdom and Argentina. With the con- 259. My delegation wishes to express its profound concern that the Council’s appeal. 11s issued by YOLI. Mr. President lihid., pr/r-(I. 74 1, has not been heeded. 260. Moreover, Guyana is gravely concerned at the armed invasion of the Falkland Islands (IsIns Malvinas). That unilateral resort to military action is a clear violation of the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations. including those regarding the use or threat of use of force and the peaceful settlement of disputes, 261. In the circumstances, Guyana voted in favour of draft resolution S/14947/Rev.l. which seeks an immediate cessation of hostilities and an immediate withdrawal of all Argentine forces from the Falkland Islands (Has Malvinas), on the one hand, and, on the other, appeals to both parties to seek a diplomatic solution of their differences and to respect fully the purposes and principles of the Charter. 262. However. my delegation would like to underscore the point that in casting its vote in favour of the draft resolution, it does not in any way attempt to prejudge the outcome of the substantive problem to be solved between the parties concerned, a problem which must be settled peacefully by a process of negotiation and dialogue between them.

Mr. President. recently, following consultations among the members of the Council, after hearing the statements made by the representatives of the United Kingdom and Argentina, my delegation joined you and all other members of the Council in calling on the two Governments to exercise the utmost restraint and, in particular, to refrain from the use or threat of the use of force in the region and to continue the search for H diplomatic solution. We thus once again confirmed our adherence to the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. 264. Today we have listened carefully to the statements made by the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Argentina and Panama, stressing in particular the decolonization aspect of the current dispute concerning the Falkland Islands (Malvinas). My delegation takes into account that, as long ago as I6 December l96S, the General Assembly, in resolution 2065 (XX), recognized that the Declaration on the Granting of lndependence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, contained in resolution IS14 (XV), “was prompted by the cherished aim of bringing to an end everywhere colo- 274. There are no hostilities. Argentina has no reason to withdraw from its territory. What will happen is that, when the aircraft carrier //II-iwihlc and other units of the British Navy reach Argentine waters. then we will have hostilities. And what the Council is doing here today is simply setting up a framework for hostilities. which do not now exist. 275. We have invoked United Nations decisions and declarations relating to decolonization. We are facing a colonial problem. The Argentine Government and people, with the support of Latin American public opinion, is telling the United Nations and the world that there is a problem. In order to solve problems. they have to be faced as such, as the Argentine Government, nation and people have done with- I repeat-the support of Latin American public opinion, of the peoples of that continent. 266. My delegation still believes in the peaceful settlement of the dispute between the two parties concerned and expresses the hope that it can be solved through the process of diplomatic negotiations, 267. For those reasons. my delegation could not support draft resolution S/l4947/Rev. I. 276. That is why my delegation voted against the draft resolution submitted by one of the parties, a text which does not contain the elements of a solution. We believe that history will bear us out, because when the British naval units reach Argentine territorial waters, then we will have a regrettable situation: and we, the peoples of Latin America and, indeed, the peoples of the world--and I include the African peoples, the Asian peoples, the European peopleswill see that there are still colonial situations in which the United Kingdom is involved. 268. Mr. LING Qing (China) fi,lfo,~/‘c~lr/tic,n ‘i*c~m Chino.re): First of all, the Chinese delegation wishes warmly to congratulate you, Sir, on your asrumption of the presidency of the Council for this month, and to thank Mrs. Kirkpatrick, of the United States, for guiding the Council to a successful -onclusion of its tasks in the month of March. !69. The Chinese delegation wishes to take this opportunity to welcome the Foreign Ministers of 4rgentina and Panama to the Council. 277, This is thus a situation which is of deep concern to us. I think it will serve, historically speaking. to draw up a number of definitions. I think the Latin American peoples will now have to rally together and ensure that the great Powers, the former colonial Powers and also countries in our hemisphere which were colonies, define their position and take a stand: otherwise, colonial situations, repugnant anachronistic situations which have no further meaning in our time in history and which should be condemned, will continue to exist. !70. The Chinese Government is concerned about .he present tension in the Malvinas (Falkland) Islands rrea. The question of the Malvinas (Falkland) Islands letween Argentina and the United Kingdom is a legacy If history. The Movement of Non-Aligned Countries ms at numerous sessions pronounced itself on the sovereignty of the Malvinas (Falkland) Islands and :alled on the two sides to seek a peaceful solution hrough negotiations. We have taken note of that josition of the non-aligned countries, !7 I , The Chinese delegation hopes that Argentina md the United Kingdom will continue their negotiaions in search of a peaceful and reasonable set- Iement. 278. I do not wish to speak at length in this second statement. Hence, I shall conclude by saying that Panama will not request that the draft resolution submitted by it be put to a vote. We will not do so because we reserve the right to submit the same draftor a version strengthened by other elements-when this problem, which has not been solved today by the Council, comes before us again, in 5, 10 or IS days. Then we will have a much more serious, a much gravel situation to face, a situation involving the peace of the western hemisphere. one which will have to be faced in the framework of the system that exists in this hemisphere and which will require us to take definite positions so that we can realize who we are what OUI future will be. !72. In view of this, the Chinese delegation could tot support draft resolution S/l4947/Rev. I !73. Mr. ILLUECA (Panama) (intr,p,.cJt~/tivn jwn iptrnish): Panama voted against draft resolution ;/14947/Rev.l because it is our view that that textwhich has now become resolution 502 (1982)-conains elements likely to aggravate the conflict rathei hnn resolve it. First, the resolution demands an mmediate cessation of hostilities which do not exist. iecondly, it demands an immediate withdrawal of all 280. Mr. COSTA MENDEZ (Argentina) iintr/prc>- ~~/~~cJ/I,/~YJ/II .SJ)(/II~,Y/I): Argentina deeply regrets the vote just taken by the Council. We regret it because. after many years during which the Council has maintained ;I constant position in favour of the liquidation of colonialism and all its vestiges. the Council has now taken this decision which, in ;I sense, lends support to an obsolete colonial situation born in a period when America. Africa and Asia were a field in which imperialist Powers. without any respect, infringed upon the sovereignty and freedom of weaker peoples. 281. The Argentine Republic is firmly convinced of its rights to the Malvinas Islands. We shall not stop affirming our rights and seeking an appropriate solution on the bases that I have already had occasion to set forth in my previous statement, bases which are just, honourable and acceptable to all the parties. 2X2. The Argentine delegation wishes to express its thanks to those members of the Council which supported LIS. or abstained in the vote, for the understanding they have shown, as well as to the members which, although they voted in favour of the draft resolution, emphasized vet-y clearly Argentina’s right. 283. I especially thank my colleague. the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Panama. not only for his statement but also for the clarity with which he has demonstrated to the Council and to the world the magnitude and strength of Latin American solidarity. 284. We call upon all who are acting here in good faith and free of any prejudices, prejudices which today have become archaic, to lend us their co-operation so that we may find a just solution, reflecting the lofty principles of sovereignty, non-intervention. territorial integrity. principles that are today at stake.

I should like to thank all those delegations which voted 287. Mr. I LLUECA (Panama) fintc~lpr.c~trrlion ,fi*o~ Sptr~i.s/l): I wish to state that resolution SO2 (19821 in no way authorizes the United Kingdom to resort to force through its naval units or war fleet. It should be made quite clear that the Council has not empowered the United Kingdom to undertake military opcrations such as the one under way in the Atlantic. in which units are now moving towards the Argentine territory of the Malvinas Islands.

The Council has before it draft resolution S/ 14950, submitted by Panama. Panama, however. has not insisted on a vote on that draft resolution. The Council also has before it document S/14949. which contains the text of a letter dated 3 April from the representative of Belgium to the President of the Council. 289. As there are no further speakers, the Council has concluded this stage of its consideration of the item. It remains seized of the question. HOW TO OBTAIN UNITED NATIONS PUBLICATIONS United Nations publications may be obtained from bookstores and distributors throughout the world. Consult your bookstore or write to: United Nations. Sales Section, New York or Geneva. COMMENT SE PROCURER LES PUBLICATIONS DES NATIONS UNIES Les publications des Nations Unies sont en vente dans les librairies et Its agences depositaires du monde entier. Informez-vous aupres de votre libraire ou adressez-vous a : Nations Unies, Section des ventes. New York ou Genkve. COMO CONSECUIR PUBLICACIONES DE LAS NACIONES UNIDAS Ltls publicaciones de las Naciones Unidas es& en venta en Iibrerias y casas distribuidoras en todas partes del mundo. ConsuIte a su librero o dirijase a: Nacioncs Unidas. Seccibn de Ventas, Nueva York o Ginebra. Litho in United Nations. New York 00400 8H-6098Y-October 1989-2.05~