S/PV.2522 Security Council

The United States desires to make only three simple points. 36. AWACS aircraft are not aggressive weapons. They are not instruments of violence. They are, however, effective observers. The aircraft were dispatched at the request of the Government of the Sudan after it had been attacked by Libya under circumstances that have been reviewed in detail in the Council. 43. Before beginning my statement, Sir, allow me to express our great satisfaction at your assumption of the presidency of the Council for this ,month. We are confident that by the end of your term you will have enriched the Council with your wisdom, your tact, your outstanding diplomacy-and your deep understanding of the problems of the international community, especially those of the developing countries. 37. The United States.understands full well why the Government of Libya prefers that no one observe its attacks on its neighbours: such deeds are best done in stealth, covered with denials. 44. I should like also .to express to your predecessor, -Mr. Shah Nawaz, representative of Pakistan, our great appreciation and gratitude for the exemplary manner in which he conducted the Council’s work during a period fraught with grave events. Thanks to his deep understanding of the reasons behind international crises afflicting our world, he managed to conduct the Council’s work in an objective manner and with ideal wisdom. He has our full respect and appreciation. 38. United States actions are wholly consistent with international law and the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations. Libya’s neighbours have the right to defend themselves; their friends have the right to help them, as long as their actions are consistent with the Charter and international law. United States actions are consistent with the Charter and with the law. 39. The PRESIDENT finternretation from Smnishl: 45. We participate in this debate, on the one hand, to The next speaker is the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. express our grave concern at the threats to the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya represented in suspect United States military movements and provocations designed to create a climate conducive to aggression against this sister State-aggression which is but one more link in the chain of acts of aggression launched globally by the .United States against the States and peoples of Asia, Africa and Central America. 40. Mr. EL-FATTAL (Syrian Arab Republic) [interpretation from Arabic]: I should like at the outset to extend sincere condolences to the Government and people of Guinea on the death of President Ahmed Stkou Tout-e. With his death the third world has suffered a great, irreparable ,loss. The Government and people of the Syrian Arab Republic have the greatest admiration and appreciation for the tremendous victories of President Ahmed Sekou Tour6 in his continuous struggle‘to liberate Africa and liquidate colonialism. President Stkou TourC was one of the first leaders to realize the dangers of Zionist schemes to the peace and safety of the Middle East region. We shall never forget his valiant stand in refusing to acquiesce in plans to prolong colonialism. Thus, he and his people, owing to their attachment to principles, have faced many problems. But, thanks to his courage, he was able to 46. On the other hand, we participate in this discussion to appeal to the Council to live up to its responsibilities under the Charter of the United Nations and put an end to a United States policy pursued with the force of arms or the threat of force on the pretext of .protecting American interests. It is as though our globe were created to serve American interests and as though there were no legitimate national interests on the face of the earth save those in the service of the United States or those that acquiesce in American hegemony and exploitation. 47. Although we know in advance that the Council will not arrive at a decision leading to the containment and deterrence of American superiority and the arro- * Quoted in English by the ipeaker. 41. President ‘Ahmed SCkou Toure’s death is a loss inflicted on the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries in the establishment, development and support of which the late President played a fundamental role. It is also a loss to the Organization of African Unity, for the establishment of which the late President struggled. Similarly, we shall not forget his great contribution to the establishment of the Organization of the Islamic Conference. 42. We seize this opportunity to convey, through you, Mr. President, our heartfelt condolences to the ueoule and Government of Guinea and his bereaved family. May his soul rest in peace. , 48. We do hot exaggerate when we say that, although today’s world is ‘on the threshold of the twenty-first century, thanks to the technological revolution, regrettably, in the field of international relations it is witnessing a return to the nineteenth century; which was the apogee of the policy of force to dominate peoples and their destinies. 49. The attempts of foreign hegemony faced by the Libyan Arab,Jamahiriya must be discussed in the context of the comprehensive policy of the United States aimed at subjugating the forces that believe in freedom and sovereignty and strive to consolidate their subjective identity and achieve their social and economic development in solidarity with the forces of liberation in the world. 50. Proceeding’from our belief in the justice of the struggle of those peoples yearning to rid themselves of ‘the yoke of foreign domination and hegemony, we consider that the United States, despite its colossal conventional and nuclear military arsenal and its tremendous material and agricultural capabilities, will fail in its attempt to create a world devoted to the service of American imperialist interests, which are in basic contradiction to the interests of the peoples. The third world, despite its problems and scourges inherited from colonialist exploitation and the austerity and stinginess it faces on the part of those States that could help it establish a new, all-round more equitable international order, is capable, thanks to its enlightenment, solidarity, varied relations of co-operation; indigenous capabilities and self-reliance, of resisting the allpervading American blackmail that extends even to food supply and education. There are States that have put up a heroic resistance-and are still doing so-to avoid falling into the sphere of American hegemony. There is no doubt that the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya is one of those States. Hence it is the target of an all-out American onslaught, in contravention of the Charter and United Nations resolutions and of the most rudimentary principles of international conduct. Moreover, the overt and covert acts of aggression against Nicaragua are further proof of United States resolve to threaten every State whose policy is not in line with its ambitions and self-interests and departs from the sphere of American hegemony. 51. The threat to the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya is not new, but is an escalation of provocations which began in 1969 out of opposition to the principles of the 1 September Revolution and which have widened in 52. Washington, after its j’dishonourable victory against tiny Grenada, resorted to an intensification of tension in Central America,. southern Africa, the Gulf, the Middle East and especiallyagainst the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. It thus once again dispatched its AWACS aircraft. ,’ 53. We are told that the AWACS aircraft are a means of defence. All the weapons provided to Israel by the United States have been provided as defensive weapons. Have we forgotten that defensive weapons are also offensive weapons? Is there a distinction? Are the AWACS aircraft not a meansof espionage? Is espionage not a prelude to aggression? Therefore the American pretext that espionage is legitimate because the AWACS aircraft are non-offensive does not accord with the principles of international law. I am afraid the representative of the United States will need some help in selling that message to those present in this chamber. 54. Espionage is part and :parcel of a military operation. The United States redispatched the AWACS aircraft for the purpose of provocation and sent warplanes and missiles to create a new hotbed of tension. It justified all these acts before the American people by stating that they were for the protection of threatened American interests and American allies. But no one, believed these allegations, not even the American press itself-known for its general hostility to Arabs and for its bias in favour of Zionism-which uncovered the real reasons for the American action. Suffice it to recall the press reports referred to in yesterday morning’s meeting [252&h meeting] which reveal the real nature of the crisis in the region and the need to place the blame on others, in this case on the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya in particular-this despite the “general conviction of the Council that the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, because of its principled support for progressive forces and Governments and its defiance of imperialism, is the target if not the victim. 55. Suffice it to recall also the American aggression in August 1981, when the United States Navy carried out aggressive manoeuvres from 17 to 22 August in the Gulf of Sidra, inside the territorial waters of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, in an area which the United States, the owner of the AWACS aircraft, knew full well to be an area set aside for Libyan Air Force training. Eight American planes of the’ United States Sixth Fleet attacked and shot down two Libyan planes. That act of aggression gave rise to deep apprehension in the 56. The Movement of Non-Aligned Countries persisted, at the ministerial ‘and other levels, in warning about the threats inherent‘in the repeated United States acts of provocation against the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. But these acts of provocation did not cease; nor did the vicious media campaign cease against the regime and President of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya; in fact, it intensified. -_ 61. Moreover, this information has ,’ b&n confirmed by statements by United States offici~is, led by Mr. Shuitz. He confirmed the presend&.of the AWACS aircraft, as was done also by Mr. Roniberg, a spokesman for the State Department, when he said, according to The New York Times of 20 March: ‘~. 57. The Security Coun&i was convened in February 1983 and on other occasions. However, the more the United States and others escalate their attacks on the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya;‘the greater is the international support afforded to the Government and people of the Jamahiriya. For everyone knows that the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya is a State of .confrontation and steadfastness, that it is a State of principles and not anyone’s broker or lackey, that it is a State that has devoted its capabilities to defending rights and has remained steadfast, despite the small siie of its human resources. “AWACS will be part of comb&d. air defense operations being carried out by ,,Egypt and the Sudan’:.* 7 According to the same article, anoth& official of the United States Administration stated: “Our planes are there and don’t, mess with them. “We told the Libyans that we are deploying our own military aircraft in the region, and any action against them could have serious consequences”.* 58. If the aim of the statement by Mr. Shuitz, United States Secretary of State, dn 20 March 198Athe statement in which he accused the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya of having committed aggression, but did not furnish any proof of that-was to make political mileage with the Zionist lobby, to serve the interests of his President, that is no concern of ours’. Indeed, the United States President and his two rivals are allies of Israel and have declared their allegiance to and their alliance with Israel. Ail of them feel that this settler colonialism in occupied Palestine is legitimate and is no impediment to peace. The electoral campaign in the United States is boiling down to a rivalry over which of the candidates will be the first to transfer the United States Embassy from Tel Aviv to occupied Jerusalem. If, however, the aim of Mr. Shuitz was to precipitate a war among Arabs, to deplete Arab capabilities and divert them from the aim of liberation from the Zionist-Israeli aggression and of breaking the chains of Camp David, he will not succeed, for the Arab people will stand up to these attempts. 62. Does that not constitute a grave.threat directed against a Member State? We have also noted that, in the statement that I have just quoted by an offX&.l spokesman of the United States Administration, the word “region” is used. We conclude that the theatre of operation of the AWACS aircraft includes the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. 63. In addition to the provocations included in the statement to which I have just referred, there was mention of certain internal situations, which are no concern of ours. Furthermore, the spokesman’s words “there is no evidence of preparations for a massive attack”* constituted an acknowledgement that the alleged Libyan threat of an invasion has no basis in fact. 64. There is every indication that the United States is seeking to consolidate its aggressive military presence in the region. All these pretexts are simply being used to deceive both national and international public opinion. Washington is seeking to create a hotbed of tension, and the victims will be the Arabs. What other aim could the barrage of these haphazard accusations have? 59. We did not participate in the discussions yesterday, for well-known reasons. We took no account of the letter contained in document S/16420, because it does not include elements which would enable the members of the Council and others to reach the proper conclusion about the truth of what is happening in the region and because of qur firm conviction that these matters could and should have been discussed amica- 65. The truth is that the United States military aid and the provision of United States weapons of ail kinds * Quoted in English by the speaker. 66. The basic idea behind the establishment of the Rapid Deployment Forces and the strategic alliance between the United States and Israel is aggression against the Arabs, the consolidation of the Israeli occupation and the fulfilment of Zionist claims over the region. The idea is certainly not to help the Arabs. 67. The Council must understand the dimensions of the scheme now being implemented. It must realize that the aggression launched by the United States Administration against the Socialist People’s Libyan Arab Jamahiriya and against the peoples of the region is a grave threat to international peace and security by a State member of the Council. These acts of aggression by a super-Power, which is supposed to be a responsible and prudent State, are flagrant violations of the Charter and the principles of international law. We know, of course, that the United states will, as in the past, prevent the Council from shouldering its basic responsibilities, despite the grave threat to the peace and security of the region. Nevertheless, we call upon the States members of the Council that cherish peace to do their utmost to put an end to the United States military presence in ail parts of the Arab region. The Arabs do not need the might of the United States-actually, the might of the United States is the might of Israel. 68. The only threat hovering over us is the Zionist threat. If Arabs are temporarily divided, this is only because of the policy of the United States, which does not understand that the nations and peoples of the region reject alliances and foreign intervention, and that they are committed to the liberation of the occupied Arab, Lebanese and Palestinian territories. Friendship with the Arabs cannot be built on the ruins of the Arabs. If the United States wants to deal honestly with the Arab nation it must respect Arab national interests and must establish relations based on mutual respect. 69. The United States has shown-and continues to show in its strategic policies and daily practices-that it is interested only in tearing .apart the Arab nation, exploiting its wealth, and consolidating Israeli occupation by any means, including the unlimited assistance provided to Israel, which occupies Palestine and portions of Lebanon and Syria. The United States is ignoring the political reality that the Arabs will never, under any circumstances, permit their lands to become 71. Permit me also to join you and the other speakers who have lamented the untimely passing away of the late President SCkou Tout-6 of Guinea. We had the privilege of welcoming him in Malta not so very long ago. We were impressed by his personality and the breadth of his vision as much as we admire the sterling contribution he rendered to his country and to his young continent. We convey our sad condolences to his family, to his people, to his country and to Africa. 72. If I might take a bit farther the analogy of ideas associated with the letter P, introduced by our British colleague yesterday, I might be allowed to add that the letter P is also associated with prudence, with patience and with perseverance in the pursuit of peace. These, it may be recalled, are attributes which all members of the Council should share, perhaps now as never before, given the present acute state of tension throughout the world. 73. Perhaps we also need to be reminded-all of us, big and small alike-that, irrespective of our ideological orientation or geographical location, we have to abide strictly and fully by the obligations we freely assumed when we joined the United Nations and the respective regional organizations to which we may belong. 74. We might perhaps also be permitted to stress that internationally recognized principles have specific content and lay down binding norms of inter-State behaviour, Those principles, therefore, are not merely source material from which we embellish our statements; they are not academic shrines before which we make ritualistic and absent-minded genuflections. Rather, the carefully defined words of each relevant principle constitute accurate descriptions of actual international behaviour expected from and incumbent upon each one of us. 75. Today, more than ever before, it has become evident that, for better or for worse, in international relations for every action there is an opposite but unequal reaction. It is also evident that with areas of overlapping tension all too widespread on the political map any negative action carries with it the certainty of setting off a chain-reaction, which has far-reaching consequences affecting the interests of entire regions. 77. In these circumstances, surely the time is overdue to halt these negative processes, to reverse direction and resolutely to embark on positive action. My Government, for one, firmly believes so. We have deliberately shed the military mantle of past centuries of our history, turning our backs away permanently from armed confrontation, and instead firmly pursuing the path of peaceful economic co-operation. 78. So, even as I speak here today, back home in Valletta special envoys from several Mediterranean countries, including all the North African Mediterranean countries, are gathered together jointly searching for new concerted initiatives on which we can peacefully embark, so as eventually to free the Mediterranean from its present foreboding and dangerous tension. ,The set objective is gradually but surely to transform the Mediterranean into a zone of security and peace, free from outside interference, with the riparian countries assuming their rightful role as arbiters of their own destiny. It is in the light of these wider ramifications that we consider the two items before us, and that is why we are speaking today. 83. As you know, Mr. President, we have privately suggested that the Council lend its own authoritative voice to encourage the utilization of the proffered good offices and benevolent good will of friendly countries and regional organizations. We repeat our opinion publicly today. We were gratified yesterday in our individual contacts with both friendly countries to detect a willingness not to seek accusation and condemnation, and not to exacerbate tension. We commend both sides for this accommodating attitude, and we trust that in the next few days positive results will emerge from the high-level contacts which you yourself, Mr. President, in response to the wishes of the Council, have initiated. It is our collective duty to reduce tension and military confrontation. We for our part are ready and willing to make our modest but peaceful, contribution. 79. We with to welcome the presence in New York of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Sudan and of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. We listened attentively yesterday to the eloquent outpourings of their respective points of view in the statements they made. We greatly regret the bombing incident brought to our attention, which has caused damage and loss of life. We look on the unfortunate incident with dismay. We convey our heartfelt condolences to the families of those who lost 80. We note that even in the midst of differences many positive elements were contained in the statements of the two Ministers. In particular, we noted their call for help to resolve their differences and their expressed willingness to do so. We welcome these sentiments, as we firmly believe that the people of these two friendly non-aligned countries are destined to live and to progress together in open co-operation. 81. We note that the possibilities offered by the regional organizations to which they both belong have not yet been utilized in this case, but that they stand available. In keeping with our position of principle on the role of regional organizations, we would urge and encourage early recourse to these organizations in the first instance. 82. We would also urge restraint and advocate quiet diplomacy, because we firmly believe, from actual experience, that course is the wisest-indeed, the only rational-course. The further deployment of military force only exacerbates tension; it is no way to find ajust and durable solution. maximum, and exclusively The meeting rose at I p.m. HOW TO OBTAIN UNITED NATIONS PUBLICATIONS United Nations publications may be obtained from bookstores and distributors throughout the world. Consult your bookstore or write to: United Nations, Sales Section, New York or Geneva. COMMENT SE PROCURER LES PUBLICATIONS DES NATIONS UNIES Les publications des Nations Unies sont en vente dans les librairies et les agences depositaims du monde entier. 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