S/PV.2547 Security Council
▶ This meeting at a glance
14
Speeches
2
Countries
1
Resolution
Resolution:
S/RES/553(1984)
Topics
Cyprus–Turkey dispute
General statements and positions
Security Council deliberations
UN procedural rules
War and military aggression
Global economic relations
I should like to inform members of the Council that I have received letters from the representatives of Cyprus, Greece and Turkey, in which they request to be invited to participate in the discussion of the item on the Council’s agenda. In accordance with the usual practice, I propose, with the consent of the Council, to invite those representatives to participate in the discussion without the right to vote, in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Charter and rule 37 of the provisional rules of procedure.
At the invitation of the President, Mr. Moushoutas (Cyprus), Mr. Dountas (Greece) and Mr. Kirca (T,urkey) took places at the Council table.
Vote:
S/RES/553(1984)
Recorded Vote
✓ 15
✗ 0
0 abs.
I should like to recall that in the course of the Council’s consultations members of the Council agreed that an invitation should be extended to Mr. Necati M. Ertekiin in accordance with rule 39 of the provisional rules of procedure. Unless I hear any objection, I shall take it that the Council decides to invite Mr. Ertekiin in accordande with rule 39. At the
3. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of item 2 of the agenda. Members of the Council have before them the report of the Secretary-General on the United Nations operation in Cyprus for the period 1 December 1983 to 31 May 1984 [S/Z6596 and Add.2 and 21. Members also have before them a draft resolution [S/26622], which has been prepared in the course of the Council’s consultations.
4. i; is my understanding that the Council is ready to proceed to the vote on the draft resolution before it. Unless I hear any objection, I shall put the draft resolu-, tion to the vote now. There being no objection, it is so decided.
A vote was taken by show of hands.
5. Mr. Shah NAWAZ (Pakistan): Pakistan voted in favour of Security Council resolution 553 (1984), which . extends the mandate of the United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) until 15 December 1984 because we wished to underscore once again the importance that we attach to the United Nations peace-keeping role and to the need for the continued presence of a United Nations force in Cyprus to facilitate a settlement of the Cyprus question.
6. However, our position on the contents of the resolution remains the same, as stated in our explanation of vote at the time of the adoption of Council resolution 544 (1983) on 15 December 1983 [2503rd meeting].
The next speaker is the representative of Cyprus, upon whom I now call.
Mr. President, I wish to congratulate you warmly on your assumption of the high oflice of the presidency of the Security Council and to express our deep appreciation to you for your leadership. I commend you on the skilful and tactful manner in which you have conducted the consultations on the draft resolution which has just been adopted, renewing the mandate of UNFICYP for another period of six months. I would be remiss if I were not to add a word of great satisfaction regarding the traditionally close relations existing between
9. I should like also to express deep appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Troyanovsky of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, for his valuable contribution to tackling the different tasks of the Council during the month of May. I wish particularly to congratulate him on the impeccable manner in which he carried out the duties of the presidency of the Council when the question of Cyprus was before this forum.
10. I wish to thank the members of this body for their decision to renew the UNFICYP mandate, made necessary under the circumstances by the continuing occupation and escalating actions by Turkey aiming at the dismemberment of my country, in violation of the Charter of the United Nations, of international law and of all relevant United Nations resolutions. We warmly welcome this renewal. We believe that any interference with the status and the freedom of deployment of UNFICYP will have grave consequences for Cyprus, for the region and for world peace and security.
11. Further, I wish on this occasion to reiterate our assurances of full co-operation and respect to the Secretary-General and to thank him for his tireless efforts in pursuing the cause of peace and justice in Cyprus in accordance with his mandate and the principles of the Charter. We rely upon his statesmanship and unswerving dedication to these lofty principles and to the purposes of the United Nations for ajust solution of our problem. A special tribute is due to Mr. Hugo Gobbi for the exemplary manner in which he and his deputy Mr. Holger pursue their difficult mission as Special Representatives of the Secretary-General in Cyprus.
12. I should also like to commend the valuable contribution made by the Under-Secretary-General, Mr. Brian Urquhart, and his able colleagues in the Secretariat, Mr. Sherry and Mr. Picco, and to thank them for their long years of assistance and co-operation. My Government’s deep appreciation goes also to the Commander of UNFICYP, Major-General Guenther Greindl, and to his officers and men, for the efftcient and dedicated manner in which they are carrying out their duties.
:. :.
_‘_
:. .-. :: _‘_ :_
13. Last but not least, we express our warm feelings of gratitude to the friendly Governments which, through voluntary contributions of personnel and funds, made it possible for UNFICYP to continue rendering its most valuable peace-keeping services in my country.
. , :.
. -. :.
14. By adopting last month its landmark resolution 550 (1984), the Security Council has once again recognized the question of Cyprus as a grave international problem of invasion, aggression, continuing occupation and massive violation by Turkey of the human rights and fundamental freedoms of our people. The debates
:. ,
:.
15. The renewal of the mandate of UNFICYP is, therefore, also a reminder that ail these injustices and breaches of the Charter and international law are still continuing. United Nations resolutions-especially the unanimously adopted General Assembly resolution 32 12 (XXIX), later unanimously endorsed by the Security Council in resolution 365 (1974)-remain unimplemented, and as a result the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and unity of Cyprus are still being violated. The Turkish occupation troops have not been withdrawn, and the refugees have not been allowed to return to their homes and lands, as is provided for by the aforementioned resolutions.
16. Thus, cherished principles and noble ideals are being put to a severe test in Cyprus. The principle of non-use of force in international relations, as provided for by Article 2, paragraph 4, of the Charter, has been violated. The principle of the inviolability of the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and unity of States is blatantly ignored by Turkey. The human rights of the people in that beautiful and historic island are suppressed under the yoke of the Turkish occupation troops, whose urgent and immediate withdrawal should be effected without any further delay. Freedom of movement and unimpeded intermingling of our people, which is indispensable in an interdependent world, has been replaced by a policy of forced segregation on the basis of strict ethnic and racial criteria, a situation so reminiscent of the system of apartheid. The policy, imposed to serve the political aims of partition and annexation of the occupied part of Cyprus to mainland Turkey, is being carried out in a United Nations era, before the eyes of a world community which has repeatedly declared its condemnation of such policies. Yet the perpetrators of these actions find it possible to continue and even to escalate them.
17. How is this made possible? And why is yet another renewal of the mandate of UNFICYPneeded? The answer is obvious. Turkey is disregarding and violating all provisions of United Nations resolutions on Cyprus, even the very resolution-General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX)-in favour of which Turkey itself voted, a resolution which was later unanimously endorsed and rendered mandatory by this Council. This behaviour is, of course, unacceptable and condemnable. However, the fact that theUnited Nations does not seem to be in a position either to prevent this grave injustice or to enforce its many mandatory Security Council resolutions on Cyprus is the crux of the
18. It has been argued-perhaps rightly-that the lack of unanimity on the part of the permanent members of the Security Council has been and continues to be one of the main reasons for the Council’s failure to respond effectively to cases of aggression or other breaches of the peace. Furthermore, this argument is frequently invoked to explain the failure of the Council to take action for the implementation of its mandatory resolutions and thereby to give substance and meaning to the relevant provisions of the Charter.
19. Yes, I should say that the lack of unanimity among the permanent members of the Council has been and continues to be a main obstacle. But what about the case of Cyprus? The Council unanimously adopted its resolution 365 (1974) endorsing the unanimously adopted General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX), and as recently as November last it also adopted resolution 541(1983) with the support, and positive vote, of all the permanent members. On 11 May this year the Council strongly pronounced itself again by adopting resolution 550 (1984).
25. The occupied areas of Cyprus have been heavily colonized by the importation of an alien population numbering in the thousands, in furtherance of Ankara’s plans to change the demographic .structure of Cyprus and incorporate it into mainland Turkey. These colonizers are usurping the homes and lands of the uprooted indigenous population, lands and properties acquired by sweat and tears. Already 40,000 to 50,000 of them have been settled in the occupied areas. The evidence of their presence is staggering, and no double talk or evasive tactics by the representative of Turkey will hide their presence. In the words of the late Turkish Cypriot Vice-President Fazil Kiictik, the settlers have turned a paradise island into hell.
20. What justification or ground for reluctance to act as warranted could be invoked in the case of Cyprus, when we have repeated, unanimously adopted resolutions of the Security Council and the overwhelming support of the membership of the United Nations? In all honesty, I can think of none, unless one takes the defeatist approach that the United Nations is a debating society whose decisions are of no consequence, an approach which my Government strongly and completely rejects.
26. Only a few days after the adoption of Security Council resolution 550 (1984) Turkey and its agents in the occupied area have, as attested to by the Secretary- General’s report to the Council, renewed their pursuit offairs accomplis in an attempt to effect the dismemberment of the Republic of Cyprus. By striking continuous blows at the unity of our people, so cherished by Greek and Turkish Cypriots alike, Ankara vainly continues its efforts to break the historic links which traditionally bind them together-links forged by common destiny and homeland.
21. The tragedy of Cyprus personifies the plight of the small and militarily weak States, which by choice and necessity have placed in the United Nations their hopes for peace and security. Their security should be of special concern to the United Nations. The small States, by being vulnerable, present a challenge to, and accentuate the responsibility of, the Organization, testing its usefulness and its ability to fulfil its primary mission.
27. Every day new steps are taken aimed at destroying the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and unity of Cyprus and at converting the occupied part into a province of Turkey. The Council is aware that after the illegal declaration of 15 November 1983, Ankara, in avain attempt to give this bogus entity a semblance of legitimacy, exchanged so-called ambassadors on 18 April this year. Furthermore, it contemplates the holding in the near future of a so-called referendum for the adoption of a “constitution” and the holding of “elections”, the latter aimed at furthering Mr, Denktag’s ambition to perpetuate his stranglehold on the “presidency” in the occupied areas.
22. Ifthe United Nations continues to allow its resolutions to be contemptuously disregarded, it will sustain still more serious set-backs, and its prestige and very usefulness will be further eroded. The credibility of the United Nations depends on whether the world Organization lives up to the commitments of the Charter by taking effective action when the situation warrants.
23. The question of Cyprus is a situation in which effective action by the Security Council is necessary and warranted. If such action is taken, the trend of our being at the mercy of aggressive States will change, and
28.: This so-called State has no territory other than the areas militarily occupied by Turkey, which constitute
:, :. : i
.
f ! I _‘. _‘.
:. :. -.
.-_
:
., _’
-. ._ : :
29. How could the offspring of such actions be recognized as a State? How can any State Member of the United Nations have any relations with an entity which is the outcome of aggression and usurpation? Naturally, the so-called declaration of independence of that area was condemned in Security Council resolutions. 541(1983) and 550 (1984). The Council considered that declaration illegal and invalid and demanded its withdrawal.
_- ., ‘,
30. The Turkish actions during the period under review further to colonize the Varosha area should be of special concern to the members of the Council, especially in the light of paragraph 5 of resolution 550 (1984), adopted only last month. This resolution should be fully and scrupulously implemented in all its aspects.
3 1. The Secretary-General, in paragraph 26 of his report of 1 June 1984 [S/26596], gives an account of the unheeded representations made by UNFICYP to the Turkish side regarding the latter’s illegal actions for further settlement of Varosha, and in paragraph 60 the Secretary-General states:
“I am therefore disturbed by evidence that the status quo is being tampered with in the north-western part of Varosha. I have conveyed my concern about this development to the party involved.”
It is worth noting that the Secretary-General uses the words “is being tampered with”,, meaning that it is continuing right now.
32. It is also worth remembering that even while the Security Council was meeting in May to consider the’ complaint of Cyprus on the exchange of “ambassadors”, Turkey was proceeding with the settlement of Varosha. Furthermore, Turkey, in utter disregard of resolution 550 (1984) and in ‘violation of its paragraph 3 -which calls on all States not to recognize the purported State of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and further calls upon them not to facilitate or in any way assist the aforesaid secessionist entity-is playing host ,to Mr. Denktag, ‘in a so-called offtcial visit. ‘.
33. I say to members of the Council that this Turkish attitude and such contempt and arrogance prove more clearly than ever that the problem of Cyprus, which you are so diligently considering and on which you have repeatedly pronounced yourselves, grave as it may be for the people of Cyprus, is as much our problem as it is yours. You decide, Turkey rejects; you call, Turkey
34. The insincerity of Ankara and of Mr. Denktas is colossal. On the one hand they pay lip service to the need for separate negotiations, and on the other, by their deeds and policies, they seek to destroy the agreed pattern for a solution, based on United Nations resolutions and the high-level agreements. In other words, as an eminent impartial connoisseur of the Cyprus problem put it, they want to create such an extremity that there would be nothing left to negotiate about short of asking the Government of Cyprus to submit and accept the partition and destruction of the Republic.
35. The decision to.renew the mandate of UNFICYP, welcome as it is, serves one aspect of the mission of the United Nations in Cyprus, namely, peace-keeping. The other aspect, peace-making, could not and.should not, be overlooked. The two are tied together. What are the prospects for peace-making?
36. I have already covered the numerous violations of United Nations resolutions by Turkey and the faits aqqmplis which outrightly undermine the efforts of the Secretary-General to bring forth positive results in the mission of good offices. It follows that unless there is withdrawal, reversal and remedy for these illegal actions, the Secretary-General unfortunately cannot bring forth the desired results. The hands of the Secretary-General should therefore be freed, not from those resolutions upon which his actions are of necessity based, but from all violations of these mandatory resolutions.
37. To this end, there must be full and effective involvement by the Council and by those Governments which are in a position to influence Turkey to comply with the world verdict, as embodied in the Council’s resolutions, especially resolutions 365 (1974), 367 (1975), 541(1983) and 550 (1984). The need for decisive, effective action was stressed eloquently and in illustrative terms by the President of the Republic of Cyprus, Mr. Spyros Kyprianou, during his address before the Council on 3 May 1984 [253Zst meeting]. : 38.. In spite of the negative repercussions emanating from the non-implementation of Article 43 of the Charter, the Security Council still.has immense moral and other power ,to wield and should pressure violators to comply with its decisions. This power should be decisively exerted upon unrepentant aggressors.
39. Beyond this, certain countries, by virtue of their relations with Turkey-and because of their power, can constructively use their influence on Ankara. This we consider imperative.
40. The compelling need for putting an end to the policies of Ankara and of Mr. DenktaS aimed at the destruction of the Republic of Cyprus and the blowingup of all bridges of co-operation between Greek Cy-
41. I should like to conclude my statement by addressing a fervent plea to the Secretary-General. My Government and the people of Cyprus have pinned high hopes and expectations on Mr. Perez de Cuellar. We know his special affinity with Cyprus. We are aware of his statesmanship and vision. And we also know full well how frustrating his peace-making role is. But still we trust and believe that with his stamina and dedication to his mission of peace and with the vast moral power of his office, the Secretary-General can lead us to a solution of the Cyprus crisis based on United Nations resolutions and the high-level agreements.
42. For our part,.we have never despaired and have always hoped that the other side would realize the need for the creation of those conditions that would contribute to the solution of the Cyprus problem. We have always extended a hand of co-operation and we shall continue to contribute and respond positively to every effort in the search for a just solution of our problem.
48. I shall therefore confine myself to stating that my Government .subscribes to every effort aimed at the restoration of the exercise of the sovereign authority of the Government of the Republic of Cyprus over the entire territory of the Republic and at the safeguarding of its independence, unity and territorial integrity. This, in our view, can be achieved through the withdrawal of the Turkish forces of occupation from the Republic and the establishment of a democratic constitutional system providing for equal rights for all the people of Cyprus while credibly guaranteeing the legitimate rights of the Turkish Cypriot community, which, along .with other minority communities such as the Armenians and the Maronites, constitutes 20 per cent of the population of the Republic of Cyprus. In the view of my Government, no just and viable solution can be reached if the demographic realities in the Republic are disregarded.
The next speaker is the representative of Greece. I invite him to make his statement.
Mr. President, I should like to thank you and through you the other members of the Council for having acceded to my request, under the, Charter, to participate in this debate. Allow me also to congratulate you on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for this month. I take this opportunity to express to you our appreciation of your efforts during the Council’s informal consultations and our confidence that you are going to guide its deliberations with wisdom and skill. This is guaranteed not only by your personal talent, but also by the fact that you represent a country with very long experience of involvement in world affairs. It would be remiss of me not to express on this occasion our appreciation also of the customarily exemplary manner in which the outgoing President, Mr. Troyanovsky; conducted the work of the Council during the month of May.
49. At this point I think it fitting to stress the constructive and moderate approach of the Government of the Republic of Cyprus, which has exhausted its inventiveness in trying to find formulas for a genuine compromise. The Government of Greece lends its full support to President Kyprianou and his Government in their struggle for the restoration of the Government’s sovereign rights over the entire territory of the Republic and to their pursuit of a viable solution to this problem.
45. We welcome the renewal of the mandate of UNFICYP by a unanimous vote of the Council. My Government is genuinely convinced that the presence and functioning of this international Force in the territory of the Republic of Cyprus is one of the most important factors of peace and stability in an area where the situation continues to be unsettled, despite numerous resolutions of the United Nations.
50. Greece is a small and peace-loving country. We wish to see freedom and peace restored in the Republic of Cyprus as soon as possible, for any further delay with regard to a settlement might lead to an ominous shrinking of the options for a peaceful solution, a development which my Government, for its part, will spare no effort to prevent from.happening.
46. Along with the renewal of the mandate of the Force, the resolution just adopted reaffirms the Secretary-General’s mission of good offtces. The terms of reference of that mission are well defined in resolutions 367 (1975), 541 (1983) and 550 (1984) of the Council. That mission of the Secretary-General, as defined by the above-mentioned resolutions, has the full support of my Government.
51. It is in this spirit that we wish the Secretary-General success in the delicate initiative he is about to launch in an endeavourto help the parties find ajust and viable solution to the problem of Cyprus for the benefit
-. :
52. We believe that it is not rhetorical firecrackers and
:
declarations of intent that count, but intentions proper, supported by sound, tangible evidence. I am certain that the Government of Cyprus is looking forward to seeing such evidence and that it will respond positively if and when it is presented.
.- :
53. In the light of these sad realities, we are fully conscious of the highly difficult task assigned to the Secretary-General. Our wishes to him, therefore, are warm and sincere. I should like on this occasion, on behalf of my Government, to thank the eminently distinguished Secretary-General, Seiior Ptrez de Cutllar, for his deep devotion to the cause of Cyprus, a devotion which is not only genuine but which has been tested repeatedly against many adversities. We express the hope that he may find the stamina to continue in his endeavours.
54. On this occasion, I should also like before concluding to express our gratitude to the Governments of the countries contributing contingents to the United Nations Force, as well as to those countries which are helping with financial contributions. Our appreciation goes also to the Commander of the Force, Major-General Greindl, and to the officers and men of the Force in Cyprus, as well as to the Secretariat staff, for their dedication to their most important mission.
The next speaker is Mr. Ne- 61. Thirdly, and still in paragraph 59 of his report, the cati M. Ertekiin, to whom the Council has extended an Secretary-General confirms that the search for a soluinvitation in accordance with rule 39 of its provisional tion should be “aimed at the establishment of a federal rules of procedure. I invite him to take a place at the state”, which is, after all, what was agreed at the two Council table and to make his statement. summit meetings of 1977 and 1979.
56. Mr. ERTEKUN: This being the first time I have been accorded the privilege and pleasure of addressing this body, I should like to thank you, Mr. President, and through you the other members of the Council for having given me the opportunity to participate in this
57. The Secretary-General has recommended to the Council, in paragraph 62 of his report of 1 June 1984 [S/16596] on the United Nations operation in Cyprus that “it extend the mandate of UNFLCYP for a further period of six months”, ending 15 December 1984. This is the issue the Council was to decide in this debate, and it has now been decided.
58. We are pleased to observe that the Secretary-General’s report, which covers the period 1 December 1983 to 31 May 19&l-notwithstanding the fact that it embodies certain points, such as the use of certain titles and nomenclature, on which we have reservations and with regard to which we shall convey our views to him in writing in due course-contains the following three constructive factors.
59. First, there is the Secretary-General’s clear statement in paragraph 49 that the current mission of good offices he is pursuing is that entrusted to him by the Security Council in its resolution 367 (1975), and the view expressed in paragraph 59 that he can only pursue his good offices “with the co-operation and support of those concerned”. The Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus wholly supports the mission of good offices of the Secretary-General and shares the view that he can continue only on the basis of Council resolution 367 (1975).
60. Secondly, in paragraph 59 of his report the Secretary-General refers to “the agreed basis” for a settlement and asks the parties concerned to proceed without further delay “to seek a solution on that basis”. It will be recalled that the mutually agreed basis and existing framework on which negotiations were held and on. which they should be resumed are mentioned in the two agreements reached at the Denktag- Makarios summit meeting of 12 February 1977 [see S/22323, par+ 51 and at the DenktaS-Kyprianou summit meeting of 19 May 1979 [see S/Z3369, para. 511, as well as in the opening statement of the Secretary-General of 9 August 1980 [S/14100, annex] and the United Nations “evaluation” paper submitted on 18 November 1981.
62. I shall now proceed to the question of the renewal of the mandate of UNFICYP. The Turkish Cypriot side-which, in accordance with established practice, as one of the parties concerned must be consulted and the concurrence of which is required for the extension
67. It is thus abundantly clear that ever since the Greek Cypriot aggression against the Turkish Cypriot people in 1963 there has existed in Cyprus-and in the absence of a mutually agreed final political settlement there will continue to exist-two separate political entities. Following the events of July and August 1974, these two Administrations gained further autonomy and equality, and they have been exercising control and authority over their respective areas ever since. Consequently, the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus is the sole competent authority which can speak for and represent the Turkish Cypriot partners of the 1960 Republic of Cyprus and the northern part of the island.
63. The existence of two separate Administrations in Cyprus was unequivocally recognized by the three guaranteeing Powers-Turkey, Greece and the United Kingdom-in the Geneva Declaration of 30 July 1974 [see S/21398], and the principle of the equality of the two sides was also acknowledged by resolutions of the United Nations-paragraph 4 of General Assembly resolutions 3212 (XXIX), of 1 November 1974, for example.
68. Events following the Greek Cypriot decision to leave the negotiating table in April 1983, and to have instead recourse to the General Assembly, which resulted in Assembly resolution 37/253 of 13 May 1983, have shown that the main obstacle in the way of a peaceful and just negotiated settlement was the continued wrongful recognition of the Greek Cypriot Administration as the legitimate “Government of Cyprus”. It will be recalled that the Turkish Cypriot side, therefore, had no alternative last December but to reject in toto Security Council resolution 544 (1983), which contained a paragraph using the expression “Government of Cyprus” as being synonymous with the Greek Cypriot Administration in south Cyprus.
64. It is also significant that in paragraph 5 the Geneva Declaration states that the Foreign Ministers of the three guaranteeing Powers had “agreed that negotiations, as provided for in resolution 353 (1974) of the Security Council, should be carried on with the least possible delay to secure”, inter alia, “the re-establishment of constitutional government in Cyprus”. This shows that the three Foreign Ministers were clearly of the opinion that until “constitutional government in Cyprus” had been “re-established”, no such “constitutional government” in Cyprus existed and that, therefore, the Greek Cypriot Administration in south Cyprus was not then and cannot now be that “constitutional government”, which, in the words of the Geneva Declaration, the intercommunal negotiations have been seeking to “re-establish”.
69. It will be observed that the resolution which has just been adopted is an updated version of resolution 544 (1983) and similarly refers to the “Government of Cyprus”. In these circumstances, we are again left with no alternative but to reject in foto the present resolution for the same reasons.
70. Had it not been for the inclusion of the unfortunate reference to the “Government of Cyprus”, as meaning the Greek Cypriot Administration in south Cyprus, in resolution 544 (1983) and the present resolution, we would have given our consent on each occasion, and thus the legality of the presence of UNFICYP in both parts of Cyprus would not have been put in doubt, with unfortunate consequences and legal problems for all concerned.
65. This logical, legal and factual view was also expressed by a former British Foreign Secretary, Mr. David Owen, in the House of Commons in 1976 when he was a Minister of State in the Foreign Office, when he said, “We must bring the Turkish and Greek Cypriot communities together and forge again a proper Government of Cyprus, capable of speaking for all the people”. That is from Hansard, 22 December 1976, column 658.
71. I should now like to comment on some other aspects of the present resolution.
66. Similar views have also been expressed, for example, in the European Parliament. When the Transitional Protocol to the Agreement establishing an Association between the European Economic Community and the Republic of Cyprus was being debated in the European Parliament in the spring of 1980, Mr. Seal, the rapporteur, in presenting his report contained in docu-
72. First of all, with regard to the reference in the fourth preambular paragraph to “other relevant resolutions” , I wish to emphasize that there are a number of resolutions which have been rejected in toto by the Turkish Cypriot side, while there are others which have been accepted subject to reservations.
74. Finally, I wish to draw the attention of the Council to the fact that the expression “present mandate”, referred to at the ,end of paragraph 3,. is now over 20 years old and was designed to meet the specific needs of the situation prevailing at that time, 20 years ago. The circumstances on the island have changed considerably since 4 March 1964, and we think it is now necessary to review the mandate in order to meet present-day requirements.
75. I would emphasize once again that the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus is desirous of a peaceful and just solution of the Cyprus problem, through direct negotiations between the two peoples of Cyprus on an equal footing, and wishes to support the mission of good oflices of the Secretary-General entrusted to him by Security Council resolution 367 (1975). Furthermore, bearing in mind the positive fact&contained in the Secretary-General’s current report to the Council, to which I have already referred, and in the belief that direct negotiations within the framework of the mutually agreed basis can be resumed on an equal footing, the Turkish Cypriot side, notwithstanding its unavoidable rejection of the present resolution for the reasons explained, is nevertheless prepared to accept the presence of UNFICYP on the territory of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus on the same basis as that stated in December 1983. Thus, our present position continues to be that the principle, the scope, the modalities and the procedures of co-operation between the authorities of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and UNFICYP shall be based only on decisions which shall be taken solely by the Government of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. This remains the position of our Government.
76. I do not wish to contribute to the creation of an atmosphere that would not be conducive to the resumption of direct negotiations between the two sides on an equal footing, under the auspices of the Secretary-General in exercise of the mission of good offtces entrusted to him by the Council in 1975, by entering into polemics with the Greek Cypriot representative and by trying to reply to all his by now all-too-familiar unfounded ahegations, particularly on those matters which are outside the scope of the issue of the extension of the mandate of UNFICYP, which is what is on the agenda of the Council today. I propose to reply later on to those allegations we may consider worthy of reply or observation by way of a written communication which could be circulated as a United Nations document.
77. I should like to point out that the desire of the Turkish Cypriot people to establish a federation with
“The proclamation of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus will not hinder the two equal peoples and their administration from establishing a new partnership within the framework of a genuine federation; on the contrary, such a proclamation can facilitate efforts in this direction by fulfilling the necessary requisites for,the establishment of a federation.” [S/16148, annex, Enclosure I, para. 22 (b).]
78. This being so, any formalities or steps stemming from the Declaration of Independence are obviously domestic and internal matters, and I feel that our intentions and energies, rather than being directed at these internal affairs, should instead be focused and concen-, trated on ways and means of contributing to the efforts of the Secretary-General, within his mission of good offices, to proceed, in his words, “without further delay to seek a solution” on the mutually agreed basis aimed at the establishment of a federal State.
79. As regards the Greek Cypriot allegations .conceming Varosha-which are also contained in a letter from the Greek Cypriot representative to the Secretary- General and circulated as document S/l 66 12 of 11 June 198And the way in which Varosha has been made a propaganda issue by the Greek Cypriot side, suffice it to say that the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus has no intention to alter the existing status quo of the Varosha area. Various allegations concerning Varosha which have been made were discussed in detail in Nicosia recently with the Secretary-General’s Acting Special Representative, and our position was clearly explained to him then.
80. Allegations still continue to be made about occupation of certain houses, which in any event are outside the area of settlement offered to the Greek Cypriots in our proposals of 5 August 1981, the area delineated in those proposals. Thus, I made inquiries from Nicosia. last night, and I received categorical information to the effect that the 13 houses alleged to have been repaired are at present not ,occupied by anybody.
81. Furthermore, with regard to certain trespassers in certain parts of the Savoy Hotel, I had informed the Acting Special Representative in Nicosia that our authorities were taking legal proceedings to have them evicted. It has been confirmed this morning by -our authorities that those shops which were occupied by trespassers have now been evacuated in accordance with the legal action taken by the authorities.
82. It will be recalled, while on the subject of Varosha, that in the various offers which the Turkish Cypriot side has made with regard to the opening of the “Varosha area” for settlement by Greek ,Cypriots-the most
87. In conclusion, I should like to inform the Council that in the joint press communique’ issued yesterday at the end of the visit to Turkey of President Denktas it was stated:
“The two Presidents, restating that their common cause in Cyprus is directed at a noble objective, reaffirmed their desire for firmly safeguarding the existence and all the legitimate rights and interests of the Turkish Cypriot people in security, and for the creation of durable conditions ‘of peace in Cyprus through the achievement of a bi-zonal, bicommunal federal settlement by means of direct negotiations.”
83. Before concluding, I should like ‘to take this opportunity, first of all, to express our profound appreciation for the untiring efforts of the Secretary- General. His first-hand knowledge of the Cyprus dispute and his total dedication to a negotiated and peaceful solution of the conflict instil in us trust and confidence in his person ai well as in his good offices mission, to which we reiterate our complete support and unstinted co-operation.
The next speaker is the representative of Turkey, on whom I now call.
89. Mr. KIRCA (Turkey) [interpretation from French]: Mr. President, permit me, at the very outset’ of my statement; to welcome you as President of the Security Council for the month of June. Your distinguished diplomatic qualities are so well known and so obvious that there is hardly any need to pay you cornpliments on this score. As was only to be expected, you conducted the normal consultations with a great deal of tact, enlivened from time to time with touches of typically British humour. Furthermore, it is my particular pleasure at seeing the presidential seat of the Council occupied by the representative of a country with which my own country has been allied for 45 years and with which we share a community of major interests and a perennial mutual political orientation. I should like to thank Mr. Oleg Aleksandrovich Troyanovsky, the distinguished representative of the Soviet Union, who conducted the proceedings of the Council skilfully and wisely during the course of a particularly ‘difftcult period.
84. I should also like to convey our sincere thanks and appreciation to Mr. Hugo Gobbi, the Secretary-General’s Special Representative, for the long and valuable. services he has rendered since he ‘was first appointed Special Representative in May of 1980, and we wish him every success in his present post in Madrid. Our sincere thanks and appreciation go to the Acting Special Representative of the Secretary-General in Cyprus, Mr. James Holger, for the skilful and understanding way in which he has been carrying out his duties in Cyprus. Our thanks go also to the Commander of UNFICYP, Major-General Guenther Greindl, and the men under his command, for the manner in which they have been carrying out their duties. Last but not least, I should like to convey our warm appreciation and thanks to all the members of theUnited Nations Secretariat who ‘are tirelessly ‘dealing with the question of Cyprus.
90. We have before us today the’ report ‘of the Secretary-General dated 1 June 1984 [S/26596] and its addenda of today’s date. That report is noteworthy because, first, it demonstrates irrefutably that an almost perfect peace has reigned in Cyprus throughout the period covered. That fact should be highlighted to remind us of the dangerous turbulence which prevailedin the period when UNFICYP was sent to the island by the Security Council. Every one, in our view, should give thought to the true reasons why finally weapons have been silent in Cyprus‘for the past 10 years.
85. It will be seen from the general tenor of my address today that my Government is determined to find a just and peaceful solution to the Cyprus problem and wishes to support the efforts of the Secretary-General in exercise of his mission of good offices which the Council entrusted to him by paragraph 6 of its resolution 367 (1975). It gives me, therefore, great pleasure to be able to inform the members of the Council that I have this very morning presented to the Secretary-General a comprehensive set of new proposals designed to bring about an agreed settlement of the Cyprus question.’
91. Another important matter that should be stressed in this report is the insistence with which the Secretary- General makes the point that the final solution should lead to a federation between the two communities in Cyprus. That is a principle which’ my Government wholeheartedly endorses. It is’ important that the Secretary-General has deemed fit to recall this point at this time, because federation still remains the ultimate goal of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. My
86. For its part, the Turkish Cypriot side remains committed to the principle of a negotiated and peaceful settlement of the Cyprus problem. We hope that our new proposals will pave the way‘to’a resumption of the negotiations on an equal footing and, in due course, to the establishment of a bi-national,. bi-ional federal
92. The Secretary-General reiterates in his report that his good offrce’s mission entrusted to him by the Security Council is based on paragraph 6 of resolution 366 (1975). That is a reaffirmation which is encouraging to my Government, because no other basis can be imagined for the efforts of the Secretary-General to continue and for the intercommunal negotiations to be resumed. Those negotiations are the only way to bring the two communities to an understanding on a bi-communal, bi-zonal and non-aligned federation.
93. The Secretary-General also made a point of repeating that the mutually agreed-upon basis for those negotiations remains unchanged. That basis is not and cannot be anything other than the two high-level agreements of 1977 and 1979, the opening statement of the Secretary-General of 9 August 1980 and the “evaluation” document of the United Nations of 18 November 198 1. The four elements of that mutually agreed-upon basis constitute an indivisible whole, and it is in the interest of no one to depart therefrom because it is the only basis for ajust and lasting solution to the Cyprus problem.
94. My Government believes that the’secretary-General, by his most recent report, has made a notable contribution to the search for a negotiated settlement. It is therefore in order to help the Secretary-General in his efforts that the Government of the Republic of Northem Cyprus has just submitted to him this morning a series of proposals of vital importance. In order to ensure the success of this dkmarche, those proposals are under the seal of diplomatic confidentiality. My Government wholeheartedly supports this series of proposals and very much hopes that it will be studied with the utmost care.
95. At this time we must be serious and turn towards the future. That is why I shall refrain from replying to the customary remarks made by the representatives of the Greek Cypriot Administration and of Greece.
96. Unfortunately, I am not in a position to state that resolution 553 (1984), which the Council has just adopted this morning, measures up to the report of the Secretary-General. That resolution not only refers, in its fourth preambular paragraph, to provisions which the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and Turkey have never accepted, but it also prolongs in its operative part a mandate which radical changes have rendered practically archaic within the context of the operations of the Force, and it is also based on supposed authorization by a so-called governmental entity which has no actual or juridical existence. Furthermore, as precedent has shown, the mandate of the Force could have been prolonged without any juridical
98. Those fundamental provisions were totally and .entirely eliminated by the Greek Cypriot community with the assistance of Greece, and the most elementary rights of the Turkish Cypriots were permanently violated, until Turkey, in response to the appeal of the Turkish community, came to rescue them from subjugation and extermination. The Government of Cyprus, therefore, does not exist. The group which claims that title is authorized to represent only the Greek Cypriot community. It has no jurisdiction over the Turkish population of the island or over the territory in which the Turkish Cypriot community enjoys perfect security.
99. The Turkish Cypriot community is not a minority; it has never been one. As long as Greece and the Greek Cypriot community do not get this basic truth into their heads, there will be no final solution in Cyprus. It should also be recalled that the high-level agreements of 1977 and 1979 consider the Turkish Cypriot community as an equal partner with the Greek Cypriot community.
100. Events have given ample proof that the major obstacle to a final solution to the Cyprus problem is indeed this illegal and illegitimate claim by the Greek community to a monopoly on the Cypriot State and the blindness of other States in refusing to recognize the illegality and illegitimacy of this situation, even disregarding the principles of the inviolability of international treaties and the primacy of the rule of law.
101. It was to challenge this flagrant injustice that the Turkish community established itself as an independent republic, not in order to secede from the Republic of Cyprus, but to make the point that it is only on an equal footing that the two communities can work together to restore and restructure that Republic on a federal, binational and bi-zonal basis.
102. It is therefore impossible for the Turkish community of Cyprus to accept resolutions which disregard justice and law. That is why the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, through its representative, has just rejected resolution 553 (1984) in toto. In consequence, Turkey too rejects it in tore.
108. So, in our view, it is erroneous both factually and legally to try to draw from this Declaration any conclusion to the effect that the signatory parties had it in mind to eliminate the Government of Cyprus.
I call on the representative of Cyprus, who has asked to speak in exercise of the right of reply.
“the principle, the scope, the modalities and the procedures of the co-operation between the authorities of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and UNFICYP shall be based only on the decisions which shall be taken solely by the Government of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus” [supru. paru. 751.
As I have done in previous meetings, I shall reply only to the representative of Turkey, who, in fact, made both statements. I would only say to Mr. Ertekiin that I am glad to see him and that I. beg him to convey to Mr. Nail Atalay, my compatriot, good wishes for a speedy recovery.
The Government of Turkey supports that statement and also confirms that contacts between the Turkish authorities in Cyprus and UNFICYP will continue to be conducted on the basis of that Turkish Cypriot statement.
111. The allegations which the Turkish side rehashed today have been dealt with at previous meetings of the Council. Fully and exhaustively scrutinized as recently as last month, these statements by the occupier of our homes and lands were found to be distortions and outright falsehoods. As a result, the Council, by its resolution 550 (1984) of last May, condemned Turkey, branded its actions in Cyprus illegal and demanded rectification by the withdrawal of all secessionist and partitionist faits accomplis.
104. In conclusion, I should like to express our appreciation to Major-General Guenther Greindl, Commander of the Force, and to the officers, non-commissioned officers and men of the United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus.
I call on the representative of Greece, who has asked to speak.
112. When it reverts again to these same arguments, Turkey vainly believes that the memory of Council members has waned and that, thus, something still may rub off if they continue to repeat these allegations. They tell the Council again that we do not exist. That Ankara contests the legality of my Government is neither news nor a bother to us. Why should it be?
I shall be very brief; my intervention is on a point of clarification rather than in exercise of my right of reply. The Turkish side has repeatedly maintained before the Council that the famous Geneva Declaration on Cyprus of 30 July 1974 [see S/12398], which was signed by the Foreign Ministers of Greece, Turkey and the United Kingdom, has the effect of eliminating the Government of Cyprus. As the representative of a Government which signed the Declaration, I should like in no uncertain terms to reject that interpretation.
113. The United Nations, for the past 10 years, has been giving replies of silence to this absurd Turkish claim. It has simply disregarded it. In spite of the boast of the aggressor that the victim is dead, we are here, duly recognized by the whole world, and pointing an accusing finger at Ankara. We have not disappeared as Turkey would have wished. We admit that we are going through some trying times, but we shall do more than survive. In the 7,000-year history of our country we have seen conquerors come and conquerors go from our island. Turkey, being an unwanted alien element, will go too, iike all the others. As for us, we feel that being conquered does not mean defeat. We are down, but as the Council has repeatedly witnessed here, we are not out.
107. That interpretation of the legal and factual elements of the Geneva Declaration, in our view, stretches the imagination to its limits. What was the Geneva Declaration on Cyprus? It was actually a ceasefire agreement. The Declaration states in paragraph 2 that
“The three Foreign Ministers declared that in order to stabilize the situation, the areas in the Republic of Cyprus controlled by opposing armed forces on 30 July 1974 at 2200 hours (Geneva time) should not be extended”.
114. We possess the indomitable spirit of the one who is wronged, the determination of the defender of what little-though precious-we have inherited, the strong, unshakeable belief that justice ultimately prevails. And, by God, we shall overcome these difficult times for our people, the Turkish Cypriot community in-
It was a cease-fire agreement; it did not deal with substantive matters. It was an agreement signed under the duress of the advancing forces of the aggressor. There
115. My colleague, Mr. Dountas of Greece, referred very cogently to the GenevaDeclaration. Yes, there are two main communities in Cyprus. Yes, the constitution was bicommunal, not bi-zonal or binational, as we have heard recently. But the existence of these communities does not in any way pre-empt the existence of the Government of Cyprus, either at the time or thereafter. The legality of the Government has been consistently and exclusively recognized by all international organizations and in all United Nations resolutions, including Security Council resolution 553 (1984), which has just been adopted.
116. The Turkish side invokes-when it suits it-the 1960 Constitution. It invokes what it considers to be in its interests and compatible with its ideology of partition, while in the same breath it disregards and rejects the Constitution, the very authority upon which it relies. I ask the representative of Turkey again: does he recognize, does he accept, the 1960 Constitution?
117. The Turkish representative again, in his usual fashion, referred to hardships of the Turkish Cypriot community. But who is to blame for these hardships?
There being no further speakers, the Security Council has thus concluded the present stage of its consideration of the item on the agenda.
Report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization
As this is the last meeting of the Security Council to take place before the end of the period covered in the annual report of the Security Council submitted to the General Assembly in accordance with Article 24, paragraph 3, of the Charter, it has been agreed that I should place on record the fact that since 16 June 1983 the members of the Council have been engaged in consultations of the whole in connection with the issues raised in the annual reports of the Secretary-General to the thirty-seventh and thirty-eighth sessions of the General Assembly, during which they have explored possible ways and means of enhancing the effectiveness of the Council in accordance with the powers entrusted to it under the Charter. These far-ranging consultations are being pursued in private on a continuing basis. The Council presented an interim account of the progress of its work in the note by its President circulated as document S/15971 of 12 September 1983.
The meeting rose at 1.25 p.m.
HOW TO OBTAIN UNITED NATIONS PUBLICATIONS
United Nations publications may br obtained from bookstores and distributors throughout the world. Consult your bookstore or write to: United Nations. Sales Section. New York or Geneva.
COMMENT SE PROCURER LES PUBLICATIONS DES NATIONS UNXES
Les publications des Nations Unies sont en vente dam les librairies et les agences depositaires du monde entier. Informer-vous aupris de votre libraite ou adresser-vous a : Nations Unies. Section des ventes. New York ou Gentve.
fiAK IlOJlY‘IHTh H3JIAHIfH OP~AHW3AI~Wi Ofi?>E;lUHEHHbIX HAUHA
COMO CONSEGUIR PUBLICACIONES DE LAS NACiONES UNiDAS
Las publicaciones de las Naciones Unidas e&n en venta en librerias y casas disttibuidoras en todas panes del mundo. Cons&e a su librero o dirijase a: Naciones Unidas. Seccidn de Ventas. Nueva York o Ginebra.
Litho in United Nations, New York 00300 90-61313-Jattuar), 1993-2.050
▶ Cite this page
UN Project. “S/PV.2547.” UN Project, https://un-project.org/meeting/S-PV-2547/. Accessed .