S/PV.2580 Security Council

1 should like to inform the Security Council that 1 have received letters from the repr&entativesof Costa Rica, Honduras, Spain and the Syrian Arab Republic, in which they request to be invited to participate in the discussion of the item on the Council’s agenda. In conformity with the usual practice. I propose, with the consent of the Council. lo invite those representatives to participate in the discussion without the right to vote. in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Chatter and rule 37 of the provisional rules of procedure. AI the invitation of the President, Mr. Berrocal Soto (Costa Rica), Mr. Herrera Cdceres Ulonduras), Mr. de Pinids (Spain) and Mr. AI-Atassi (Syrian Arab Republic) took the p&es resewed for them at the side of rhe Council Chamber.

The Security Council will now resume its consideration of the item on its agenda. The first speaker is the representative of Trinidad and Tobzigo, on whom 1 now call. 4. Mr. MOHAMMED tl’rinidad and Tobago): My delegation would like to congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the security Courtcil-all the more as this is the first time in its history that -rh&landhashadthehmtourofwcridisnovertbe Council. You bring to the p&deitc~ cons&able personal charm and dignity as well as diplomatic skill and we look forward 6 asuccessful nionth under your presidency. My delegation would like to pay a tribute also to the representative of Peru. Mr. Javier Arias Stella. who was President for the month of April. We benefited greatly not only from his diplomatic capacity but also from his professional skills. 5. My delegation would like to express its deep concert! over !he present i!US?iot! in cel!!rR! .At!&ca. Trinidad and Tobago regrets the recent actions which have increased tensions and aggravated the existing critical situation in the area. These actions not only impede the complex and delicate process of negotiations being carried out at present. but also threaten peace and security of the region. 7. Trinidad and Tobago urges the parties involved to make all possible efforts to reduce tensions and to solve the problems of the area through political and diplomatic channels, through the process of negotiations. In this respect my delegation notes the references made by the parties involved in their statements before the Council to their continuing support for the Contadora process as the best means of obtaining a peaceful settlement of the eroblems of the region. We continue to support fully ihe efforts of the Contadora Group to achieve a negotiated settlement of the conflict. Trinidad and Tobago also hopes that, in thsame vein, the United States of America and Nicaragua will soon resume their bilateral talks, for it is only through frank and constructive dialogue that the differences and concerns of each can be effectively aired and resolved.

The next speaker is the representative of Colombia. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. 12. My Government believes strongly in these principles. The Contadora Group is an invitation to resolve these problems of commonconcem to America and all mankind and, further, of fundamental interest to the free civilization of the West. 9. Mr. ALBAN-HOLGUfN (Colombia) (interpretation from SoanishJ: You are well aware. Sir. of mv dele&ion’s satisfaction at your assumptions of thi uresidency of the Security Council for this month. We &rgrat&e you and are convinced that. given your talent and experience, you will conduct the proceedings of the Council efficiently and objectively. I should also like to pay a tribute to the representative of Peru, Mr. Javier Arias Stella, for the excellent manner in which he conducted the proceedings of the Council in April. 13. Given these beliefs, ray Government has expressed its concern at and deplored the decision of the United States Government to adopt economic. measures against Nicaragua. Such action does not foster a policy of dialogue, which is the only way to bring about a lasting settlement of the Central American crisis. Such measures have never produced the effects intended. When taken against such a poor country 8oing through a serious economic crisis, such action can only make the people more radical; they will stand together in the face of hardship and their nationalism will be strengthened. Such action will, moreover, leave only the terrible risk of bitterness in its wake. IO. I wish to extend my thanks to the members of the Council for allowing me to speak this afternoon. 1 I. In the two state Jd ts which he made in the United States Senate and the House of Representatives in April last, the Resident of Colombia, Belisario Betancur, referring to the Contadora Group, said: 14. Colombia and the Contadora Group defend the desire for progress, not poverty: the right to development, not backwardness: the cause of peace. not the cause of war. “The Contadora philosophy and action are based on the need to provide metaphysical, timely and meritorious responses to the subjective and objective forces that are at work in any subversive process. For that reason, the Contadora Act points toward: IS. Good judgement always requires that people get tozether beforefizhting. that there be a dialogue before in&cent peopl&wo<en and children-payan incredible toll in sufferinn and hunger in the midst of confiicts. when there shouti be con&liation and negotiations. Intelligence, imagination, persuasiveness, improved living standards-these are the things that will make it possible for mankind to avoid worse evils. “The defense and promotion of democracy in the Central American isthmus through the free pluralist election of representative governments and institutions, eliminating any interference in internal atfairs and any destabilizingaction against the Governments of the region; “Dealing in a dignified manner with the subjective or personal aspects of subversion so that no one need any longer go into exile or under ground, and there will remain only free people in our countries, convinced that in democracy all ideologies can coexist without fear; “Making subversion impossible by uprooting the objective factors that cause it and providing financial support for social infrastructures such as hospitals, schools. water mains, food production, sewerage systems, employment, cheap credit and fair prices for products; “Resolving conflicts by peaceful means, through dialogue and the rejection of any form of military intervention, for it is our conviction that a subversive wave would otherwise sweep over all of Latin America and the Caribbean. “Consequently Central America must be demilitarized, and foreign military advisers must go.” 17. The distinguished banker, William T. Bolin, recalled not long ago that in the past Central America has not lacked prosperity, for in the years following the Second World War it experienced one of the most spectacular successes in economic development, with rates of growth of 5.2 per cent per annum in the 195%. 7.7 per cent in the 1960s and 7.8 per cent in the t97Os. However. everything changed because of the restrictions of the industrialized countries and the economic crisis. which produced a powerful recession. It has not been possible to begin to come out of that recession, not even when the major Powers began to reactivate their economies. We believe that timely economic assistance can lead the region once again to economic and social development. If the region asks that the hand of friendship be extended, it does not want weapons and military advisers. but elements contributing to education, health, crops and construction. 18. We have said on a number of occasions that the supreme responsibility today is to ensure economic development and that in our war the only enemy is poverty. Everything at this moment in history is subordinated to that. The danger is that the powerful human need for better livings standards will not be understood. It has been said, very aptly, that in economic development there is a tremendous force working for positive aspects, and there is a d.rvastating energy working for negative aspects. 19. The Contadora Group has sought solidarity and co-operation in the great enterprise of reconciliation. peace and development in the Central American area. It has done so in the belief that it is defending the lofty values with which it feels empathy. And now the major Powers, on whose doors the Contadora Group has knocked in search of assistance, must contribute to the development of the backward peoples of the area and offer what is needed: the opportunity to solve their owq problems. with due respect for their sovereign rights and their right to selfdetermination. 20. Colombia is proud to be a State based on law and organized on the basis of very clear political and social principles. We are not indifferent to the urgent need to preserve the international legal order and for that order to be respected by all. If it is disrupted, peace. democ- City. Iccdom. rcspcct fOi htiman ii&is and tifjusf- lice will be jeopardized. 21. International law. which was initially based on jus genrium. originated in the need to defend the weak from arbitrary action and the use of force in international relations. That is why we must express our concern at acts which infringe legal mandates. 2’. Coiombia has expressed its firm determination to continue the Contadora peace efforts in order to seek Latin American formulations having nothingtodo with the East-West conflict. but aimed at strengthening peace, freedom and democracy in Central America. 24. For all these reasons, we sincerely believe that in the present circumstances what is needed is a bold policy that will improve co-operation between and with the countries of Central America. There must be no more hatred, thoughtlessness or threats. which will only promote action by outside forces. 25. Colombia also believes that it is of the utmost importance for the Government of Nicaragua to undertake forthwith a frank and open dialogue with the democratic opposition in its country to bring about national reconciliation. At the same time, we have urged the United States and Nicaragua to resume their talks at an early date, with a view to settling the present dispute. 26. Finally, I should like to congratulate the representative of Peru, who yesterday I257Mt meeringl presented a visionary inierpretatbn of what is, whitt eatt be. what should be, the Latin American continent, which, after the upheavals of its history, must provide a homeland for the millions of people who live there. 27. I also express the gratitude of my Government for the understanding of the members of the European Feonotnic Community ofthe economic and so&t pmblems of Central America, understanding that will certainly lead to vigorous programmes taking the rqjon towards social justice and economic development. At the meeting at #an Jot+ Costa Rica, in September MI?4 the foreign ministers of the European countries. of the members of the ContadoraGroup and of Central Ameriean countries outlined systems of co-operation that can t : perfected at the forthcoming meeting of the same partners. We express our firm and vigorous suppott for that process of co-operation. 28. Our primary goal is peace. the kindofpeace that is not only the absence of war. but the full application of social and economic justice throughout the world. 29. Colombia reatlirms its faith in dialogue and its determination to co-operate in the search for a broad.

I wish, Mr. President, tojoin the many others who have alrtady spoken in con.g&ulating yoion your assumption of ihe-presidency of the Security Council for the month of May. My delegation is confidknt that in your experienced hands the business of the Council will prosper during this month. 32. The imposition of sanctions on the small nation of Nicaragua by a super-Power, and a permanent member of this body, is a matter of great concern to the international community. The imposition of sanctions is a grave step which the Charter has resewed for use in certain welldefined circumstances that threaten international peace and srcurity. It is a measure to be invoked when peaceful methods of resolving a problem have been exhausted. It should not be a weapon used in order to bully small, poor nations. 37. In the case of South Africa there has been no mention of the need lo impose sanctions. Indeed. the Power in question has repeatedly vetoed Securitv Council d&t resolutions on sanctions against apar;- heidSouth Africa. While the Pretoria r&imedaily massacres its citizens, the United States speaks of-“constructive engagement” and attempts to persuade us that dialogue, where South Africa is concerned, is more effective than coercive measures. 33. It is difficult to fathom how a small struggling nation of 3 million people like Nicaragua can constitute an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the richest and most powerful nation on Earth-the United States. 38. We cannot but ask why there is this contradiction in the policies pursued by that Power. It would seem to us that in its wish to discriminate against States pursuing a certain social and political system it is prepared to violate international law. If, as we believe, this is so. we find this discrimination to be in violation of the provisions of the Charter and of General Assembly resolutions which call for peaceful coexistence between States with differing social and political systems. 34. Nicaragua has demonstrated its bona tides in countless ways: it has accepted fully the proposals of the Contadora Group; it stands ready to follow the peace process initiated at Manzanillo; and it has subjected itself to international scrutiny by placing the dispute before the International Court of Justice. And yet the response from the other side has been a naval blockade, an economic blockade and menacing military manoeuvres close to its borders, as well as the fomenting, financing, training and arming of bandits a8ainst it. 39. Specifically. we find this action to be in violation of article I9 ofthe charter of the Organization of American States, which unequivocally states that 35. It is sad to watch a small nation being punished for daring to be free, E-e& to choose its own so&-political system. We are told that Nicaragua intends to b&me a Soviet satellite, that it inter?ds to build a bin army, that it intends to destabilize its neighbours. Therefore, in order to nip in the bud those imagined litture intentions, naval and economic embargoes and other aggressive measures have to be taken against it. This comes from a Power which has consistently and energetically opposed the imposition of san&ons against ihe evh r6gime in South Africa. which r&ime is not at the stage of&ending to do or not to do thisor that, but is actually implementing its wicked policies. “No State may use or encourage the use of coercive measures of an economic or political character in order to force the sovereign will of another State and obtain from it advantages of any kind.” 40. We find the same actions also to be inimical to General Assembly resolution 391210 of I8 December 1984, which, interalia, calls on the developed count:& to “refrain from threatening or applying trade restrictions, blockades, embargoes and other economic sanctions, incompatible with the provisions of the Charter cf the United Nations and in violation of undertakings contracted multilaterally or bilaterally, againstdevelopingcountriesasaforniofpolitical and economic coercion which affects their economic, political and social development”. 36. Thanks in part to technology, such as IBM cornputers and weaponry, delivered to South Africa by that same super-Power and its principal allies, South Africa has the power to destabilize its neighbours. It has 42. It must be stated that, in fact, Nicaragua is allowed by the Charter to exist in the Western hemisphere with the social and political system of its choice. Its system has not been condemned by the g *lerality of mankind, as has that of South Africa. It is in that sense that, while coercive measures are acceptable vis-this the evil system of apartheid in South Africa, they cannot be so against Nicaragua. With this fact in mind we can say that Nicaragua should be protected from embargoes by the various General Assembly resolutions on the need for States not to resort to coercive economic measures. 43. It is our view that the imposition of an embargo on Nicaragua does not augur well for the prospects for peace in Central America. It is a blunt instrument, callously employed, and it solves nothing. All it does is aggravate tension in Central America and thereby vitiate the efforts of the Contadora Grcup. In this sense we tind the move particularly unhelpful in that it all but tules out bilateral talks between the super-Power concerned and Nicaragua, which talks we had hoped would inject momentum into the Contadora efforts to seek a peaceful resolution of the conflict. 44. Neither are we convinced of the legality, and therefore the acceptability, of this act. It violates the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States that was adopted by General Assembly resolution 3281 (XXIX1 in 1974: it violates the Charter of the United &ion& and it violates the charter of the Organization ties to the dispute are m~mbcrs. 45. We are perturbed at the contemptuous rejection by the super-Power concerned of repeated proposals for peaceful settlement of the crisis in Central America that have emanated not only from Managua but also from the Contadora Group and from various capitals in Central America and the rest of Latin America. How should we read this disdainful casting aside ofall these attempts at a peaceful resolution of the conflict? Is it of international-conduct? Is it the scorn of a super- Power for the concerns of a small, struggling thirdworld country? Or is it just the arrogance Or pugnacity of the powerful when confronted with the determination ofthe weak? 46: We have heard !he super-power in qwstion declare that it too favours a peaceful resolution of the contlict, but at what price to the Nicamguans? It is the terms on which such a peaceful settlement can be achieved that worries us. To demand that Nicaragua should say “uncle*’ to the super-Power is the height of arrogance. “Uncle Tomism” is not an accepted concept in international relations; it is obnoxious to the 48. For us. there is no alternative to reason in our conduct of international relations. Since reason is our most powerful weapon, we are disturbed if we see it cast aside in dealings between States, any States. A world where rules and established norms of conduct and morality are not respected is a very dangerous one for all of us. We do not see morality, or indeed legality, in the application of coercive measures against a legitimate Government trying to protect its sovereignty. We do not see merit inactionsdesigned to block all avenues of peaceful resolution of conflicts. We do not believe in a policy of diktat in dealings between Governments. 49. As a mrty to the Charter of the United Nations and the &t&s of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the Otxanization of African Unity. we are frusttated when .s?tme of the most importani pro. visions of those documents are disregarded. It is our belief that major Powers should set an example of respect for law and order rather than being the first to flout them. A safe world is a world which is safe for everyone. 50. We still hope that the action that has triggered this believeTvery strongly in the need for pcacelul set& merit of disputes and in the inadmlsslbllity of coercive measures, whether politlc.al, economic or tttlhtary. ht dealinns between the weak and the stroug nations.lt is our b&ef that the only lasting solution Co the Central American crisis is a political one. We therefore hope that all the parties to ihe dispute will keep this in u&d, and corhe their efforts to paccful negotiations. It would be very regrettable if considerations of national pride were allowed to stand in the way of such a civilized Eourse. 51. For our part, we shag do our best to encourage those concerned who favour a peaceful resolution of the conllict.

The next speaker is the rep resentative of Yugoslavia. 1 invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement.

I should like first to congratulate you. Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for the month of May. 54. It is the political and economic inequality and social iqjustice expressed in exploitation and the inherent love of freedom that inspire peoples and countries to engage in a struggle for self-determination and for national, political and cultural equality and independence. Wherever there are attempts to preserve the obsolete relationship of domination, those attempts are being resisted in different ways but with ever stronger resolve. 55. White this resolve is motivated by an urge to be free and independent, in some quarters it is being perceived as an issue of the relationship between two military-political blocs; in effect it is perceived as an East-West issue. This not only blurs the issue and confuses the causes and consequences but is also directly detrimental to the cause of independence, peace and security. Moreover. this perception serves as a backdrop for interventions, overt and covert, armed and political, and for unilateral sanctions and coercive measures of a political and economic nature, including economic blockade or trade embargo. AU those measures are outside and well beyond the limit of acceptability in international relations today. 61. It is to be hoped that the forthcoming meeting between the Contadora countries and the representatives of the Governments of Nicaragua, Costa Rica. Honduras. El Salvador and Guatemala. to be held in Panama in mid-May, will contribute to the search for a peaceful solution of the issues of Central America and to the adoption and speedy implementation of the Contadora Act. 56. There is no need for tragic mistakes to be repeated. The use of force or of economic, political or military pressure has never resolved questions brought about by the lack of economic and social development. 62. Finally. the Charter of the United Nations says that partiesto adispute should seek solution by negotiation. We wish that the interrupted dialogue between Nicaragua and the United States of America would be renewed, since political and negotiated solutions hold the longest. 57. Economic coercive measures are not only unacceptable from the point of view of international relations as such; they are, in the present international are languishing under the debt burden, an additional, strodg element of insecurity and disorder affecting international economic relations at large.

The next speaker is the representative of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic. 1 invite hi to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. 58. We detect all those elements in the present situation in Central America, particularly in Nicaragua. The right of any and all States Members of the United Nations, including Nicaragua, to selfdetermination and independence should not be questioned or threatened. The tight to selfdetermination is the paramount and sacrosanct rule of international life and one ofthe basic principles of the Charter; it cannot be negotiated. 64. Mr. VONGSAY (Lao People’s Democratic Republic) finterorerarionfrom French): The delegation of the L&People’s Democratic Republic would iike to join previous speakers and congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the Council for the month of May. We are convinced that under your skilful guidance the Council will be able to take the rtssaq steps to pu: an end :o :hc scrics of acts of aggression to which the Republic of Nicaragua has been subjected by a permanent member of the Security Council and, consequently, give its support to the victim of this aggression. I should like to pay a particular tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Javier Arias Stella. the representative of Peru, for the exemplary way in which he conducted the Councii J work during the past 59. However, all outstanding issues could and should be settled politically, in a peaceful way, through negotiation and dialogue. The Charter and the principles of the policy of non-alignment are the best framework for any political settlement, but it should be recalled that they exclude any use of force and any form of pressure, political or economic. 66. This new act of provocation should not particularly puzzle or surprise us. because the whole world knows that the United States Government. from the first days of the glorious victory of the Sandinist revolution in July 1979, has sworn to muve heaven and earth to stitle and topple the revolutionary Government of that country, which is not in its pay as was the dictatorial Somoza band. This is the substance of the problem which must always be borne in mind if we wish to understand the political, economic and so&l crisis which seems to be an endemic feature of Central America, particularly since Washington has never concealed its sinister intentions with regard to revolutionary Nicaragoa. 67. A 6eries of acts of provocation, intervention and military aggression taking the form of economic blockade, political a66assination. kidnapphtg, snassacm6 of the defenceless civilian population, economic 6&otage. largeaale military manoeuvres of long duration and the mining of ports. all carried out by the Pentagon and the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) dir&y and through the Somozirt counter-revolutionary bands which have found asylum in countties neighbouring on Nicaragua, has prompted the Sattdinist Govenment to complain many times to the Security Council. This policy of intervention and aggression conducted by the United States Government in that part of the world obviously represents a serious threat to peace and Kcurity in the region and internationally. It was precisely to control the situation and to find a negotiated political solutioti to the crisis that is shaking Central America that the General Assembly adopt&l by consensus resolutions 38110 and 3914. Thus the peace initiatives emanating from the Contadora Group and from the Nicaraguan Government were welcomed and vigorously supported by the entire international community. 68. It should be emphasised, furthermore, that in theirjust and legitimate struggle to preserve their revolutionary achievements the Government and the heroic 69. The Lao delegation, like others, believes that the comprehensive economic and trade embargo and the other connected hostile measures recently decreed by the occupant of the White House against Nicaraguaare tainted with illegality, contrary tothe fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the charter of the Organization of American States and ride roughshod over the relevant resolutions and decisions of the General Assembly and Security Council. These hostile, reprehensible acts also violate the fundamental principles in the relevant declarations of the General Assembly. in particular those concerning non-interference in the internal and external affairs of other States and the peaceful settlement of international disputes. 70. Finally. this political, economic and military vendetta-to use an expression that wBs recently employed by the leaders of a European Labour party-has struck a mortal blow at peace initiatives and efforts of the Contadora Group, for which the United States Administration has proclaimed its support-in words, at least. 71. Honest people of good faith rccognize that the Government of the Republic of Nicaragua ha6 always shown good wilJ and flexibility both in app~yiog the prhtciples and tbMiline the commitments eontahted ia ihe C&adorn Act ruta in its position in the different series of bilateral talks held at ManxaniUo since the summer of 19&l betwean the repra6entativee of the United States and of Nieamgua. We know aHo that it is the American side which in January this year unllaterally broke off those talks, aRbough their usefirlness hadbeenreco&edbybothsidesfromtheout6& The United States Government ha6 now atmgantly demaded tkt revolutionary Nicaragua utteritttodirect ttegotJations witJt the c6minaJ c&nter-revoJutioaary band, the henchmen of the CIA. Qttk obvJousJ~ thisMdinJstGov-kscatypoficsllythiSdik&lt.thiSUltJtMtUUt,cheMWdWhiChWDtdd be to eotnpd revohaiotwy Nii to give up the inalienable and Jkuiamenai WionaJ ri&t to in&pendence. sovereignty and freedom which it tqained through a bitter stnrggle. This just and legithnate porition was spelt out clearly in the statement mede here last Wednesday by tJte tqnesentative of Nicaregua. 72. The United States President, to justify his mprehensibk action, has alkged that Nicaragua. a small. poor country, represents~an unusual and extrsordiDprv threat to the natioMl6uXuity and foreign policy of that imperialist cdossu6. The opposite is indeed the ease. That puerile and specious argument could convince only a person bereft of sense. blind and sick. 73. It is not surprising. therefore, that this inhuntan measure has provoked a wave of protest throughout the 74. The three peoples of Indo-China have serious reasons to redouble their vigilance because imperialist forces, in collusion with expansionist and hegemonist forces. continue their attempts at political. economic and militarv destabilization of the socialist renimes which havebeen set up in those countries. They use. as the United States Government did in the case of Nicaragua, criminal bands of counter-revolutionaries, fed. armed and trained in camps set up on the soil of certain neighbouring countries, as instruments of various kinds of sabotage and destabilisation against Laos, as against Viet Nam and Kampuchea. 79. Ecuador has come before the Council to repeat what it has said on past occasions regarding its strict observance of the principles of the self-determination of peoples and non-intervention in any form whatsoever. Those principles are the corner-stone of the international system of law and of peaceful coexistence among countries and could guide us in the search for solutions to the present problem, the grave situation in the Central American region, as described by the representative of the sister republic of Nicaragua. 75. In the case of Laos, the international community is following with concern and sympathy the acts of aggression and territorial occupation against that small, peace-loving country by the extreme-right regional forces. This interventionist policy on the part of impsrialist and expansionist forces quite clearly strikes a blow at the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the three countries of Indo-China. It also represents a grave threat to peace and stability in that part of the world. 88. That is why Ecuador reafBrms its constant support for the action of the countries of the Contadora Group as one possible mechanism that should intensify its efforts to find ways to put an end to the problems affecting the Central American region. A united position by the ftve countries of that region and acts of d&&e and negotiation are both de&able and necessary for that to be achieved. It is also desirable to try to avoid at all costs the transfer of East-West tensions to the new world. This action should lead, we hope, to a peaceful settlement of disputes, which is the primary 8on&‘;he Security Councd m performmg us loBy 76. To return to Nicaragua, my delegation. while denouncinn and condemning the escalation of attnression to whicli that country is-now being subjecta by the United States Administration, associates itself completely with the spirit and the letter of the communiqu6 adopted on Tuesday at the special meeting of the Coordinktlng Bureau if the Mivement of Flon-aligned Countries [S/17163, uanex]. That communique called for an end to the hostile acts and declared that a negotiated political soiution should be sought in the context of the peace efforts of the Contadora Group and the bllateral talks in Manzanlllo. which were unilaterally broken off by the United States at the be8inning of this year. The resumption of such talks is therefore highly desirable. The Laodelegation believes that the Security Council, which under ihe Charter bears the primary responsibility for preserving peace and re8ional and international security. should take the necessary steps to put an end to the aggression of which Nicaragua is victim and to contribute to the search for a mutually acceptable negotiated political solution on the basis of mutual respect and respect for the right to self-determination. The Lao Government and people wish to reaffirm here their unswerving support for the just cause of the Government and the heroic people of Nicaragua. 81. The dele8ation of Ecuador expresses the hope that measures adopted in the Council, in the Contadora Group or any action taken by member countries will be aimed at reducing tension and restoring a climate of understanding and dialogue and promoting the democratic way of life that should characterire the countries of our reoion and of the whole world. 82. The PRESIDENT? The next speaker is the representative of the Dominican Republic. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement.

Mr. President, first of all I wish to express to you my delegation’s great pleasure and my own at seeing you conducting our proceedings. Your presence at the head of the Security Council clearly guarantees that our work will proceed etliciently and fairly. I also wish to take this opportu- W. Because of the recent events that are having a direct influence on the situation in Central America. the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Dominican Republic has IIIddc known. in a press communique. the position of principle of the Dominican Government regarding the crisis affecting the Central American region. That communique once again reiterates the Dominican Government’s unshakeable devotion to peace, its constant support for the norms and principles of international law and above all its firm conviction that only through a democratic and pluralist regime can there be created the conditions needed to attain social justice and general well-being for our peoples. 85. The communique reads as follows: “The Dominican Government views with great concern the obvious intensification of the Central American conflict, in particular the circumstances that culminated recently in the embargo decreed by the United States of America on its ttade relations with Nicaragua. These events reflect an ominous stage of confrontation that could give rise to a generalized outbreak of war. which should be avoided at all costs. “The Dominican Government eonsident it appm ptiate to reiterate its abiding view that only a negotiated peace, in keeping with the means and principles of international law, particularly those enshrined in the inter-American system and the Charter of the United Nations, can guarantee a genuine and effective solution to this serious conflict. It reaftbms its conviction that the peace efforts undertaken by the Contadora Group, which have always been sup ported by the Dominican Republic, are the be81 way to achieve both peace and social justice and the strengthening of democratic institutions called for by the brother peoples of Central America. “Thus the Dominican Government believes that in order to achieve a speedy solution to the Central American conflict. strictest respect for the ptinciples of non-intervention and the se!fdetermination of peoples is required, as stressed in the Document of Objectives adopted within the framework ofthe Contadora negotiations. Therefore any outside intervention in the internal affairs of the countries of Central AiEdkii iXLiSi k eStiifitit&. “Finally. the Government of the Dominican Republic urges all the parties involved in the Central American conflict to exert urgent efforts to create a climate propitious to the effective resumption of constructive dialogue. In particular it calls on the Central American countries to pursue unswervingly the 86. Thus, just as we are convinced that dialogue is indispensable to the relaxation of tension and to peace in Central America, so do we believe that it is necessary at the same time to undertake another great political dialogue to study in depth, in regard not only to the Central American region but globally. the undertying causes of the unjust economic, financial, political and social structures that are precisely the factors that create and foster those tensions and social upheavals.

The next speaker is the rep resentative of Guyana. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. -

I wish, at the outset. Mr. President, to state how gratiSed my delegation is to see your consummate diplomatic skills and your urbanity at the service of the Security Council in this month of May. These skills, along with your good judgement and your knowledge of the work of the Organization and familiarity with the issues facing the Council have earned you the high esteem of your colleagues at the United Nations. They make us feel confident that the Council’s business will be efficiently discharged this month. Permit me also to exptwss to your predecessor. Mr. Javier Arias Stella. the representative of Peru, my delegation’s sincere appreciation for the capable, dignified and effective manner in which he discharged the duties of the presidency in the month of April. 89. I must also thank the membership of the Council for agreeing to Guyana’s request to parlic@ate in tttir debate. We have sought this Participation not to eater Rathk. we wish to a&four v&e to the Catneil% consideration of Nicaragua’s complaint because, among other things, Guyana is a member State of the LatinAtnuieanandCaribbeanrqfion,andwearemofe than a little collccrned aboutthedlutgmmanlrseof events in Central America. parti&arly with tespeet to Nicaragua. We see a trend which. if pursued, would lead to greater rather than less Iension and instabhity in Central America, with consequences for the entim Latin American and Caribbean region. 90. Also. Guyana is a small State which, like so many other small States. places faith in respect by large States for the principles which the Orga&athm has c-ti-&& owr &* yap f* & wec& 4 my conduct of inter-State relations. When we see those principles being set aside. we feel a duty to join those urging a recall to them. 91. My delegation listened very carefully to the statement made in this Chamber two days ago by the representative of Nicamgua jZ577rh mrrringl: we lis- 92. Nicaragua first brought a complaint to the Council in April 1982, and each subsequent complaint has provided the Council with an opportunity to assess a progressively deteriorating situation in Central America, particularly with regard to that country. “The duty of a State to refrain from armed intervention. subversion, military occupation or any other form of intervention and interference, overt or covert, directed at another State or group of States, or any act of military, political or economic interference in the internal tiairs of another State, including acts of reprisal involving the use of force; . . . 93. It is clear from the statement made by Mr. Chamorro Mora that the Nicaraguan people have a profound fear for their security, a fiar-produced 6y a number of factors which are easily identifiable and whose existence is independently attested. What Nicaraguafaces is more than simply a threat of aggression. Its ports have been mined, its villages and towns have been attacked, its infrastructure has been seriously damaged and thousands of its people have been killed or maimed. Most recently, Nicaragua has become the victim of a trade embargo and other economic measures of a coercive nature. Coming after the General Assembly has called upon Governments to continue contributing to Nicaragua’s processes of internal reconstruction and development, and also at a time when Nicaragua is “The duty of a State to refrain from any action or attempt in whatever form or under whatever pretext to destabilize or to undermine the stability of another State or of any of its institutions” [See General Assembly resolurion 36l103. annex]. 97. This Declanltion. the fruit of years of effort in the General Assembly by the Movement of Non-Alinned Countries, represenis a great contribution by-our Movement and by the General Assembly to the effort to establish a r&me of peaceful relations-between States cemented by the positive bonds of mutual respect and respect for the rule of law. I venture to assert that there is no future for international relations unless they are constructed on these bases. this t&de emb;go seriously aggravates thd country’s problems. 94. When in 1982 Nicaragua brought its complaint to the Council. Mrs. Jeane Kirknatrick. then United States representative, said that ihe United States was not in the business of overthrowing Governments. Those were reassuring words, but a number of subsequent actions and statements, some quite unambiguous, have been causing concern. In this light. therefore, it is easy to understand and to feel the fear which today haunts the Nicaraguan people. 98. The international community long ago outlawed the use of force as a means of settling disputes. This tiy exist between Nicaragua and any other state or States. Such disputes must be settled by exclusively peach1 mea&with full respect for thi right of th; People of Nicaragua to choose their own forms of politleai, economic and social organization and for their right to live in peace, free from outside interference. pressure or coercion. This right was re&irmed by the Council in its resolution 530 (1983). 95. These actions and statements are dhectly contrary to and in violation of the Charter of the United Nations and of the principles of international law. Respect for the Charter and for these principles is our only guarantee of peaceful and stable inter-State relations. When these principles are set aside or abandoned, peace and stability are endangered. Is this not the lesson of Central America? 99. My delegation sincerely regrets the intenuption of the Manzanillo talks between the United States and Nicaragua. That forum provided for those two States an opportunity for a funk and constructive discussion of their differences in or&r to establish a basis for normalizing relations between them. In the absence of dialogue it is easy for misunderstandings to take root, for differences to multiply and for tensions to escalate. My deiegation has taken note of Nicaragua’s continuing commitment to Manzanillo. and we express the hope that this channel of communication will soon be re- 96. Events in Central America have given further confvmation of the wisdom and the correctness of the decision takei by the General Assembly in 1970, when by resolution 2625 (XXV) it adopted the Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Reiations and Co-operation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations. That Declaration was followed, I 1 years later, ‘by the Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention and Interference in the Internal Affairs of States, which set out for the first time, in clear and detailed language, the duties comprehended in the principle of non-intervention and non-interference. These duties include: OpCllCd. 100. My delegation cannot help remarking that so far those who accuse Nicaragua most audibly and frequently of intimidation. destabilisation and subversion 101. Contadora represents an assertion by the States of the region of their determination and their capacity through dialogue and practical co-operation lo seek and find solution; IO problems existing within the region. The solutions proposed by the Contadora States have full legitimacy: they emerge from within the region itself. and they correspond IO the interests and the needs of the people as determined by them. If they are allowed to work, they will work. The Contadora process enjoys significant inlemational support. Guyana reiterates its support for that process and expresses the hope that the revised Act will very soon be formalized. We call on States to give, beyond rhetorIcal support, practical suppott for that effort. States must refrain Contadora or frustrate their aehi&ement. m - It& Central America is in a process of internal change, a process that is evolving against a backdrop of particular economic and social factors. The struggles of the peoples of that subregion are for an improvement in the quality of their life and for fuller participation in the political process. Theits are not struggles lo secure the straIegic advantage of any outside Power or lo prove or disprove the superiorby or validity of any ideological world view. It is unhelpful. therefore, to misreIrresent the domestic impulses for change in the submgion and to try to cask them into a mould in which they do not belong. 103. It is to be expected that different States of the subregion will choose diRerent developmental paths and political strategies based on their respective historical experiences. on their own perceptions of what transformations in their societies are necessary and how these can best be effected. The true test of a commitment to democracy in international relations is surely the ability lo tolerate differences and lo eschew insistence on ideological conformity. 104. Intolerance combined with misperceptions or misrepresentations of the nature and significance of change in Central America has led IO the excesses so eloquently and condignly deplored in this forum and to 105. The problems ofcentral Americaare not susceptible to military solutions, nor can solutions be imposed from outside. This has been repeated ud nuuseum in this forum. My delegation sincerely hopes that the Council will make an effective and worthy response to the serious situation which Nicaragua has brought lo its attention. We alsoexpress the hope that thisdebate will exert strong pressure for the abandonment of policies of force, of confrontation and of war in favour of peaceful negotiated solutions. It is lime that peace were given a chance in Central America. IO6 The PRESIDENT: The next speaker is the representative of Guatemala. I invite him IO take a place at the Council table and to make his statement.

On behalf of my delegation I should like to express our pleasure and conaratulations to YOU. Sir, on your assumption of the presidency. We-are convinced that because of your abilitv and wrsonal aualilies the work of the Security Cou&il wili be fruitful. At the same time we should like IO express our appreciation to the representative of Peru, Mr. Javier Arias Stella, for the shrewd and e&ctive manner in which he conducted the work of the Council last month. I would also thank you, Mr. President. and the other members of the Council for giving my delegation this opportunity to make a statement in this itnportgnt body of the United Nations. 108. Guatemala is on this occasion speaking in the Security Council as a Central American country procrisis that has over the past few days be& aggr&ated by the politieaI and economic mearums taken against one of the countries of the Central Am&an isthmus. These measures leogardire the nenotiatiotts tgklrtg pIace within the &&dora Group. %dttg f&owed this debate with interest and w care, I shotdd IIke, in order to contribute to the delicate delibemtIons pmeeeding within the Council, lo r&Inn the posItion of the Government of Guatemala regarding the crisis aIfecting the region. 109. Central America is confronting a crisis of pr+ found economic, political and social dimensions. Sinee the early 1980s. the region has been passing through a serious economic depression and the most serious political upheaval of the last 50 years. That has led to a climate of instability and confusion. which only makes it more diflicull to solve the present crisis. The &on has been severely castigated by alien and internal factors and by adverse forces originating in the intemational economy, related to trade in products, and external financial co-operation, which has been aggravated by the exaggerated insistence by certain international financial institutions of a bilateral and multilateral 116. Another fundamental pillar of our foreign policy in Central America is our unconditional, continuing support for the Contadora Group. We participated from the very outset in that important diplomatic Latin American peace effort. Ill. This situation is recognized and described in broad terms in the report of the Bipartite National Commission for Central America, presided over by former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger. That report recommended the adoption of key measures to overcome these problems. 117. We reaffirm our conviction that the Central American crisis requires political and diplomatic solutions based on compromise formulas which reconcile the different positions and take into account the basic principles of international law. There is no single easy solution to Central America’s problems, but a realistic and effective approach can be taken through a comprehensive agreement. 112. 1 have given the Council this brief economic account because my Government believes that these are the profound causes that have brought about the present situation in Central America, making our region particularly vulnerable, making it possible for new actors from outside to try to exert their influence in the area. 118. We believe that in the relatively near future the present tense situation, which might expand, can be controlled to some extent. In this context it is pertinent to stress that the Document of Objectives [Sl/6tM/, annex]. adopted by consensus by the five Contadora Governments, clearly defines the political, security, economic and social goals to be achieved if we are to ensure permanent peace in the region. 113. Ail this is also related to internal factors heightening political and social tensions in certain countries. These factors are the result of the interaction of complex phenomena which have had diverse ramifications in our economies and societies. 119. Guatemala considers it very impottant to achieve genuine internal reconciliation in every Central American country; it is essential that the democratic system be strengthened. Political phtraBsm must be guaranteed and fundamental human rights must be respected. 114. Our region is extremely vulnerable to outside httlttences; it needs co-operation from the international community aa it endeavours to overcome the dual crisis. Such co-operation must support the efforts that Cetttfal Americans themselves are making to preserve and strengthen their common bonds and to lessen the factors which separate them. Pot this reason we attach special importance to the meeting that was held towards the end of September 1984 among the Bve foreign ministers of Central America, the foreign ministers of the Contadora Group, and the foreign ministers of the members of the European Economic Community, Spain and Portugal, 120. The more each and every one of us, the Central American countries, appreciates the overriding need to halt the arms race. the greater the chances of a relaxation of tension and of peace. Against the backdrop of the oresent international economic crisis, it is absurd for Central America’s scanty economic resources to be drained by the purchase of sophisticated military equipment. 121. Mycountryrespectsandadheres to the purposes and principles underlying the Charter of the United Nations and the charter of the Grganixation of American S’atcs, in particuhtr :ht tnutintenance of internttied peace and security, respect for the sovereign equality of States, the peaceful settlement of international disputes, the non-use or threat of force against the territorial integrity or political independence ofany State, the selfdetermination of peoples, non-intervention in the internal affairs of other States and the right of free navigation and trade in international waters. We I IS. The foreign policy of Guatemala has been consistent with the trying times in which we are living and -with the Central American identity iht m+e dt~~ -with the other countries of the region. We maintain a balanced position, which is retlected in our stability in the present circumstances. We believe that support for regional integration and the preservation of past achievements remains one of the primary objectives of our foreign policy in Central America, as is respect for multilateral and bilateral conventions on free trade and 122. In conclusion, we reaffirm our unconditional support for the peace efforts made by the Contadora Group. We shall continue to co-operate in any peace initiative undertaken in the region to bring about a just and honourable settlement in Central America making possible a comprehensive solution to all the problems and differences. In order to act in conformity with General Assembly resolutions and the unanimous sup. port of the international community for Latin America’s peace efforts, the Security Council should today. more than ever, reatlirm that support in order to create a more favourable negotiating climate, enabling progress to be made in the difficult and delicate negotiations in the Contadora Group.

The next speaker is the representative of the German Democratic Republic. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement.

I am grateful to the members of the Security Council for giving me the opportunity to explain my country’s position with regard to the problem under consideration. 125. Allow me at the outset to congratulate you. Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for the month of May. My delegation is confident that you will apply your great political experience and diplomatic skill in successfully guiding the work of the Council in the interest of strengthening peace and international security. I should also like to take this opportunity to express the thanks of the delegation of the German Democratic Republic to the representative of Peru. Mr. Arias Stella. for his successful activities as President of the Council in the month of April. 126. Permit me to begin my statement with a quotation from a former President of Venezuala. Carlos And&s Perez. now a member of the Senate of his country. who said in an article published recently: “For Latin Arntrkan:. a: ka::. the lessons of Viet Nam are crystal-clear-that the United Etater is strongest when it acts for social justice and democratic change. that it is most efktive when it sets multilaterally, and most successful when it deals with its neighbours as equals dedicated to peace, freedom and democracy. We only wish the United States could see this as clearly as we do.” 127. The reply to that appeal was the further intensification of the policy of aggression against, and interference in, Central America, with theannouncement of an embargo against Nicaragua by the Government of the United States. 128. Already, in connection with the brutal mining of Nicaraguan ports, an overwhelming majority of representatives here in the Security Council have called for the termination of aggressive acts against Nicaragua and for apolitical solution to the problemsofthe region, u&g continuation of the peace efforts then under way.-At that time, in April j984, only one permanent member voted against a draft resolution IS/f646~1 reaffirming the rightif Nicaragua and of all the countries of the region to live in peace and security, free from all foreign interference; calling for an immediate end to the mining of Nicamguan ports, which had caused the loss of human lives as well as material damage; condemning the hampering of free navigation and commerce; and atErming the right of free navigation and commerce. Today leading circles in the United States are agaht trying to undermine the demands of the international community, renewed in this debate. They are trying to blackmail sovereign Nicaragua by an eeottomic bloekade and to make Nicaragua bend to their will and atttbition for hegemony in the region. 129. Like the ovenvhelming mqiority of other States, the German Demoerp 9 Repttblic rejects those rnaeb. inations and calls for an immedmm end to those measures in the interest of a pea&d solution to the problems in Central America, an improvement of the international climate and the Ree development ofinterttational trada. 130. In particular, those who call so loudly for the liquidation of trade restrictions should underline their declamtions by relevant deeds. 131. As the representative of Nicamgua, Mr. Chamom Mom, and representatives of other States have convincingly proved in this debate, the latest acts against Nkaragna have to be seen against the backtpnmd of the general policy. continuing over years and worsening in that time. intended !o overthrow the kg&- imately elected Government of a free. imkpe&nt country. The world must be vigilant and reject the escalationofthemilitaty. politicaland economic undermining of sovereign Nicaragua: it must contribute to bringing back to their senses those who regard the activities carried out so far as only a prelude to mom dangerous adventures. 139. My Government has been following with profound concern the developments in Central America, and it is of the view that Argentina, as a member of the Latin American community, has a responsibility in the search for solutions to the conflict besetting its sister peoples. There is no doubt that the complexity of the problems we face and the gravity of the possible consequences affect the entire international community. But we are convinced that it is first and foremost the countries of the region which must find the proper means for a solution. In this connection, the contribution the Council could make to regional efforts is of fundamental importance. 133. The embargo is another link in the chain of measures aimed at overthrowing the legitimately elected President and Government of a sovereign State. Bu:, typically, United States politicians prevent the imposition of effective sanctions against-the fascist ap&- heid regime in South Africa, as demanded by an overwhelming majority of States. 134. The German Democratic Republic demands the immediate and complete cessation of interference in the internal alfairs of the countries of Central America and the Caribbean and of the aggressive actions against Nicaragua. In the interest of a just political settlement in Central America, the Security Council should contribute to mobilizing international efforts. 140. We believe this to be the proper moment to reiterate our conviction that the only genuine alternatives for achieving peace in Central America are the process of political negotiations initiated two years ago by the members of the Contadora Group and the resumption of the dialogue begun at the Manzanillo meetings. Argentina has most strongly pledged its support to the efforts of Colombia, Mexico, Panama and Venezuela, and it feels that those efforts should be continued and encouraged. Therefore we cannot fail to express our dismay at any unilateral measure which departs from the spirit behind the Latin American Contadora effort. The strength and importance of Contadara come not only from its Latin American nature. but result also from its full adherence to the principles of international and inter-American law deeply engrained in all our peoples. 135. We support the demand of the non-aligned countries for a peaceful solution to the problems of the region, as contained in the communiqu6 adopted by the Co-ordinating Bureau of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries on 7 May 1985 [S/17163, utmex]. 136. The head of State of the German Democratic Republic, Erich Honecker, declared on the occasion of the recent visit of the President of Nicaragua, Daniel Grtega Saavedra. to my country that we commended the devoted struggle of the Nicaraguan wonle for their country’s natio%l and demo&tic ~ec&tstruction, a struggle which had been followed in the German Democratic Republic with admiration and sympathy. Developments in Nicaragua, he said, were proofof the ability of a people to take its fate into its own hands, to set up its chosen social order and resolutely to fight ignorance and misery. He expressed full support for the efforts to find a peaceful solution to the Central American conllict, and he welcomed the activities of the Contadora States to that end. He called for a resumption of the talks in Manzanillo between the United States and Nicaragua, talks suspended by the United S*W*= Mr Ho~cker a==tt*ad Presider!! Gf.ega of :he ..“, . . . . . ..,-. . . ...” .w firm friendship and active solidarity of the-German Democratic Republic in Nicaragua’s struggle to continue its national democratic construction. 141. I reiterate again that it is essential to persist on the path of dialogue in order to lind, in that way and with due guarantees, peaceful and lasting sohttions. 142. By means ofjoint action by the Latin American countries it is possible, moreover, to prevent the Central American conflict from becoming part of a much broader confrontation and our region from having to bear the consequences of East-West confrontation. 143. Argentina’s traditional position of respect for the principles of inter-American international law-to whose formuladon and prac:ice we lttve rnmde a deci= rive contribution-is well known. There could be no better time, therefore, to recall the words of the distinguished Argentine statesman and former Minister for Foreign Relations, Honorio Pueyrredbn. who said that

The next speaker is the representative of Argentina. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. “The sovereignty of States is embodied in absolute rights, in full internal autonomy and in complete “These principles, which have been enshrined as one conquest of civilisation. are particularly important in America for the happy coexistence of the peoples that make it up. The Argentine Republic has practised these tenets throughout its history.” 144. The principles of non-intervention and self-determination are part and parcel of the history of Latin America, whose countries were the very ones to spare no effort in consolidating them. The practice of those nrincinles is a constant in my country’s foreign policy. - _ bn many occasions, especially in his address to the General Assembly, at the 5th meeting of its thirty-ninth session, President Alfonsln has maintained that they constitute the foundation of civilized coexistence. 14% It is basic to any negotiating process that the parties refrain from adopting measures which could increase the difficulty of finding solutions. In recent months my Government has noted with concern that this is not the case in Central America. There are many factors which have contributed to !he deterioration of the situation and impede the progress of diplomatic efforts. 146. Today we are considering in the Council a new circumstance which is causing the deterioration of the climate of confidence necessary to make progress along the path to the achievement of lasting agreements. We believe that the imposition of economic sanctions against the Government of Nicaragua is not only impeding a speedy solution of the cotdlict but can also lead to a hardening of positions and, what is even more serious, to a polarisation of positions. 147. Argentina has maintained a clear position on the imposition of economic measures against a State. My country was affected by coercive measures of this kind not very long ago. at the time of the ConIlict over the Malvinas Islands. when we received the unanimous support and solidarity of the Latin American countries. Such measures are in keeping neither with the provisions of international law nor with the development of friendly relations among States; tltoy diminish the passibilities for achieving solutions and, by and large, lead to results opposite to those originally sought. In the context of the hemisphere, they contravene the provisions of article 19 of the charter of the Grganization of American States. In the context of the United Nations. furthermore, they have been clearly rejected in the Charter of Economic Riahts and Duties of States. found in General Assembly r&olution 3281 (XXIX). .and in many other Assembly resolutions. particularly in resolutions 381197 and 391210. “The Argentine Government regrets the developments in the Central American crisis and expresses its profound concern at the enactment of economic measures by the Government of the United States. “Similarly. it deplores all acts by any of the parties involved which further make the possibility of a peaceful and final political solution for the region more remote. Such a solution can be found only on the basis of respect for the principles of inter-American international law and by removing this crisis from the East-West conflict. “The Contadora Group, today more than ever, needs the real support of the countries of the world; more emphatically, it needs the political will of the America,1 continent and encouragement in its efforts which, we believe, can be helped by resumption of the Manzanillo dialogue designed to bring peace to Latin America.”

The next speaker is the representative of Viet Nam. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. 150. Mr. LE KIM CHUNG (Viet NatnI: Allow me. first of all, to congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for the month of May. I should like also to congratulate the representative of Peru, Mr. Javier Arias StelIa. for his sMful conduct of the Council’s work during the month of ApriI. 1 thank all the members of the Council for giving item oriihe CouticIPb agenda. IJ I. The aggravated tension in Central America, particuIarIy In Nicaramm, asareauItoft4ehoa&actsbv tIleudtcdStetes!iasbecomeae4ulstMtconeemoftbi! intenratioaal community. In the last few weeks we have witnessed new steps of escalation in the United States policy of interventionist and continued acts or threat of aggression agahrst Nicaragua. 152. After the Reagan Administration had publicly professed its intention to overthrow the Sandinist Government of Nicaragua, it took a futther dangemus sten by imposing a totaiembargo against that c&nnry. Thi-s new act is obviously in violation of the Charter of the United Nations, international law and the Treaty of Friendship. Commerce and Navigation signed by the two countries. 153. During the last three meetings the reptesentative of Nicaragua and many other representatives provided us with a vivid account and exposed specitlc illegal aspects of United States acts against the Nicaraguan 159. We commend the Chairman of the Co-ordinating Bureau of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries for the Bureau’s prompt response to Nicaragua’s appeal. We fully support the communique [S/17163, annex] the Bureau adonted bv consensus at its last meeting, which was presenied by the representative of Indii on its behalf. We also support the draft resolution before the Council [S//7172]. We believe that its adoption is the least the Council can do right now in support of Nicaragua-a small, non-aligned country anda full Member of the Organization. 155. Many Central and Latin American countries which must constantly face the economic pressure and threat by their northern neighbour have voiced their condemnation. Many allies of the United States have criticized the attitude adopted by it and have made clear that they will not follow the Un~ited States manoeuvre. People of conscience--amongst them man; politicians and parliamentarians in Western Europe and the United States-have marched in protest against United States acts and threat of aggression against Nicaragua. The shouts of “US hands off Nicaragua!” have echoed through many cities in Europe and even in the United States. The message is perfectly clear: people do not want to seeanotherinhuman. immoral and illegal war in Central America. 160. The people and the Government of the Socialist Reoublic of Viet Nant admire the Nicaraguan people and Government. which are now fighting for their survival as an independent and sovereign State. Encouraged by the truth of our time-that is, that a small nation, with the rupport and assistance of friendly countries, can firmly defend its country against an enemy many times bigger and stronger-the people of Nicaragua will certainly win final victory in their struggle for national independence and freedom. We welcome the good will of the Nicaraguan Government in the search for a peaceful solution to the conflict. We have repeatedly voiced our support for the just cause of our brothers and sisters ht Nicarazua. The successful recent-visit to Nicaragua by the &airman of the National Assembly of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam is testimony to that statement. We reaffirm our support of the position of the Government of Nicaragua that the bilateral talks in Manzanhlo between Nicaragua and the United States should be resumed without delay and that the efforts of the Contadora Group be given full support, 156. The latest moves by the United States help bring backmert@esofwhat itdidinmany partsofthe world. I am not going to cite the cases of the Dominican Republic, Cuba, Guatemala, Grenada, Lebanon, and so on. I will just mention the particular case of Viet Narn since, ii the escalation of-mrcive measures and force by the United States. a similarity can be found in these two cases-that is, Viet Nam and Nicaragua. We Vietnamese people were once slandered as an “instrument of the Soviet Union and of China”, and therefore we are not at all surprised by the United States “dirty old trick” towards Nicaragua. We were subjected to various measures and steps in an escalation that led to the longest, biiest and bloodiest war of aggression by the *United States, which ended only r&r two long decades-21 years, to be exact. What happened to Viet Nam is now likely to happen to Nicaragua and to other countries as well, for a war of aggression is what escalation will lead to. 161. Weare nowlivingin the f~thelatterpartof the twentieth centurv-when no countrv. no matter how big and strong it may be, can dictate ihe course for other countries to follow. The United States should learn its lessons and face reality. Otherwise it can only drag itself into failure and defeat. A second “Viet Natn war” would not be a good thing for the United States. That is the verdict of history. 157. Thedangerofsuchawarisreal,andNicaraguaio fully justified in being on the alert in the face of United States hostile acts. As the victim of United States criminal acts in a war having many far-reaching consequences that will take us years to overcome, we consider it our responsibility to give solid l &otimony before the Council: the acts of the United States not only threaten the independence and sovereignty of Nicaragua but also endanger the peace, security and stability of the region and of the world at large. They are absolutely contrary to the legitimate interests ofthe peoples of Nicaragua and the United States and of all the peoples of the region.

The next speaker is the represem;:ive of the Syrian Arab Republic. ! invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. 163. Mr. AL-ATASSI (Syrian Arab Republic) finrerprefalion from Arabic): Mr. President; 1 should like to begin by thanking you and the other members of the Council for giving me the opportunity to speak in the 164. The Council is meeting again today to consider the complaint of the Nicaraguan Government regarding the danger posed by the United States threat against Nicaragua. This situation was described in a very wellbalanced manner by the representative of Nicaragua the day before yesterday in his statement. 165. The recent imposition, with no legal foundation, of a trade embargo and coercive economic measures by the Government of the United States of America against the people and Government of Nicaragua constitutes a flagrant violation of Security Council resolution 530 (1983) and General Assembly resolutions 38/10 and 39/4. The imposition of the economic measures and the unlawful blockade also flagrantly violates the Charter of the United Nations and the principles and norms of international law. It is contrary to all international principles and traditions. particularly those concerning the freedom of States to choose their economic, political and social systems. It is contrary to the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of States, a prlaciple contained in the Charter. It is contrary to the efforts of the Contadora Group to bring about a negc+ theC&ttral American region. - 166. The Syrian Arab Republic. in keeping with its total solidarity with the people and Government of Nicaragua and in accordance with the resolutlotts of the General Assembly and the Security Council and the decisions of the Conference of Heads of State and Government of Non-Aligned Countries, must condemn the complete trade embargo imposed by the United States. We also condemn the other measures of economlc pressure adopted recently against Nicaragua. We believe that, in addition to the military operations, this is part of an imperialist, e&n&list manoeuvre designed to destabilixe the Government of Nleamgua and to overthrow it. The Syrian Arab Republic klieves that these acts of provocation increase tensions in the Central American region and constitute a threat to peace and security there. 167. The Syrian Arab Republic fully supports the efforts of the Contadora Group to find a political solution in the region and aRIrms its full sohdarity with Nicaragua in its attempts to achieve a political solutiott. i4. The Govemmeni of the Syrian Arab Republic calls for an immediate end to all threats, attacks, acts of aggression and coercive economic measures against the people and Government of Nicaragua. We call on the Security Council to shoulder its responsibilities under the terms of the Charter, to condemn this economic aggression dnd to support the struggling people and Government of Nicaragua. 170. We listened to the representative of the United States yesterday, and it is i&tic that his Government, while condemning decisions of the Security Council and the General Assembly on economic measures against the racist r&imes of South Africa and Israel, thes to fabricate feeble oretexts and arnuments in fais struggling to-achieve independence and selfdetermination. It is as though the Middle East, Latin America and southern Africa are its exclusive domain, as though it can determine their affairs the way it likes, with no regard for the will of their peoples. The complaint before the Council today clearly shows the Ragrant contradiction in the United States positions. 171. Wefeel thatthesecontradictorypositionsatenot in keeninn with the international obligations entered into bi the United States, as a St&&-Power and a permanent member of the Security Cot&l. Therefore we call upon the Government of the Uttlted States to IblfII its obllgatlons under the Charter and its other bilateral and multllateral obllgatlons, and to resume the bilateral talks with the Government of Nicamguawlth a view to reaehlng agreements based on mutual respect and the tight to seIfdeterminatIon. 172. The delegation of the Syrlatt Arab Republic aRIrms its full soMarRy with the people and GoventmentofNicamguaandcalIsformtimmedlateuuItoaR thmus. attacks, acts of amassion and coercive eee nomic measures, ittcludl~tie wade em-, agaInat thepeoukofNicamguaattditsaat&maIdemocmtlcally el&ted~Govemmen~. We express our hope that the Council will shoulder its mgior msponslhllIty for the maitttcwtceofintematlonalpeaeeattdaeuuRyltt ordertDputanendtothkdangamurstateofatTaim* whlehconatltutesathreattothepeaceattdsccurltyof the region.

The next speaker is the rep resentative of Honduras. I iavlte him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. 174. Mr. HERRRRA CACERES (Homiumsl (inferprerar&nfiom Spmfsh)): First ofall, Sir, let me say how pleasedwearetoseeyoupresidingoverthemeUlngsof the councii this month. we have had fx%.asion. &ice 1973. to work with you in various intematlonal meetings and conferences, and we have llten for ourselves your equanimity and hi diplomatic skill, which guarantee success in your task. We also wish to extend our gratitude to the representative of Peru, Mr. Javier Arias Stella. for the wise manner in which he performed the duties of President in April. We thank the Council for 176. Honduras continues to take a serious and resolute oart in the Contadora neaotiatina orocess, which is inteided to continue next w&*k! fro;-14 to 17 May. In this context, the Foreign Mlmsters of El Salvador, Costa Rica, Guatemala and Honduras met on 7 May in San Salvador to prepare for their participation in the next Contadora meeting. As a result of their talks they issued the Declaration of San Salvador. an excerpt from which has been distributed in document S/17174. 177. Moreover. the Government of Honduras is at present study& the trade embargo decreed by the United States against Nicaragua, from the point of view of its implications for Central American economic relations. This subject will also be dealt with at a meeting of the Central American Monetary Council, whose members are the five Central American Governments, to be convened on 17 May at San Jose de Costa Rica. After that, there will be a joint meeting of the ministers for trade and the presidents of the central banks of all the Central American States. 178. With all that going on, it had not been our intention to take part in what we had thought was going to be a debate and the consideration of a dratI resolution cot&ted t6 the deterioration of the bilateral relations between the United States and Nicaragua. Through such an attitude we sought to reflect our desire to concentrate on the essential aspects involved in fmding a solution to the Central American crisis and thereby avoid associating ourselves in the reopeiting of discussiofts-aU too familiar to the Council and the General Assembly-on the positions of each of the Central American States on this matter. 179. However, despite all expectations, we were not able to adhere to our intentions-and we informed you ofthis, Mr. President, when you were good enough to hold some consultations with the countries concerned-because, on the one hand, the objective stated as the basis for the convening of the Council has been presented with such a broad scope that it gives rise to confusion. What Nicaragua is in fact seeking as a pronouncement by the Council on its bilateral relations with the Unit&i States-and this is retlected in paragraph 1 of its draft resolution [S/17172&is not in conformity with the broad objective of its request for the convening of the Council “for the purpose of considering the extremely serious situation which the Central American region is facing at the present time” [see 181. On the other hand, the turn which this debate has taken in regard lo the handling of the agenda item before us makes it essential to ensure that the treatment of a specific aspect relating to Central American relations does not lead to confusion and a misleading situation concerning the determination that has been made of the causes of the Central American crisis and the prospects for a comprehensive solution in keeping with those causes, and therefore to a disruption of the progress made in the Contadora negotiating process. 182. Therefore, with regard to the item on the agenda pertaining to the extremely grave situation in Central America, it is relevant for this debate lo encompass ail the elements that have led to and perpetuated that grave situation, With that in mind. one cannot disregard the serious events directed against other countries of the Central American region. We shall give just three recent examples that show the kind of thing that is being done against my country. 183. First, last week six Nicaraguan members of the Sandinist Front who were working for the Nicaraguan army were captured in Honduras. They confessed that their mission had been-in the case of some of them, since 197elo trans-ship weapons and hide them in various parts of Honduran territory. The purpose was to serve as a liaison group in the preparation of the infrastructure to be used by Honduran groups that continue to train in Nicaraguan subversive schools and in countries outside the region, with the aim of disrupting the stability of Honduras. It should be noted that when thii same item on the situation in Central America was considered in the General Assembly on 8 November 1983, we drew attention to similar events when we said: “It should be recalled that on 19 July, the day Nicaraguans were celebrating the anniversary of their revolution, the Nicaraguan Government had a hand in the crossing from its territory into Honduras of the first one hundred armed subversives, who were duly brought under control, thanks to the support of the peoqle of the countryside. However, the information ob&ed from the subversives who were captured or who deserted reveals that about 2,000 men are undergoing military training 10 enter Honduras from Nicaragua as subversives.“’ 184. Secondly, since 4 May this year, opposite an eastern sector of Honduras bordering on Nicaragua there has been a movement of more than 10,lNX Sandinist soldiers, backed up by an incredible force of Ubdrly adverse effect on the Honduran firrm pOpubdtiOII in seven villages. More than 5,Wtl persons have been forced to leave their homes and move inland. and more than one hundred Nicaraguans have sought refuge in our territory for the same reasons. This new flow of refugees has been added to the more than 25,000 Nicaraguan refugees now receiving humanitarian protection inourcountry. The Honduran army hasjust moved certain military units towards this focal point of tension engendered by the Nicaraguan Government. The National Security Council announced yesterday its intention to remain constantly in session in order todeal with this problem of the tense situation in this border area. 185. Thirdly. on 2 April this year there was another breach of the territorial sovereignty of Honduras, with the capture of a convoy of I7 Sandinist soldiers and seven trucks that had penetrated seven kilometres into Honduran territory. The Government of Nicaragua explained that “a regrettable misunderstanding has occurred; these men unintentionally crossed the border”. The Government of Honduras returned these soldiers and trucks to the Nicaraguan Government on Saturday, 27 April. This is a case worthy of analysis, if we compare this new gestureofgood will by the Honduras Government with the attitude of the Nicaraguan army. which, on 8 May last year, in a despicable act. shot down without any warning an unarmed Honduran helicopter that had accidentally strayed into Nicaraguan airspace because of the weather. This attack caused the death of eight Hondurans. most of them civilians. who had a strictly administrative task in Honduran territory. 186. By way of introduction we shall confine ourselves to these three examples of actions at variance with the charter of the Organisation of American States. the Charter of the United Nations and the peaceful objectives of the Contadora process. Knowledge of these cases may be helpful to those who are concerned with the need to follow developments and arrive at a serious assessment of the grave situation now prevailing in Central America. 187. In his statement on 8 May /2577/h meefi~g]. the representativ.e of Nicaragua specifically referred tocertain activities being carried out in Honduran territory. The representative of the Soviet Union asserted ,‘d’“.*. I,,. L ..*.(C, lX7Rd. . ..nn*irr*l &!* since Tujc~t.c&gu~ had ken accused of imervening in the affairs of ifs neighbours, the question should be asked why such neighbours had been silent in the Council. 188. In view of the foregoing reasons. Honduras found itselfcompelled to take part in this debate. which directly affects its interests and those of other Central 189. It hdS to be said that we Hondurans regret, as a mat’er of principle. that any Central American country should tind its traditional foreign trade relations disrupted. for that in turn has a disrupting effect on Central American relations generally. Our feelings are much stronger, however, and more profound and farreaching when it comes to the causes of these disrttp tions and other effects which ought to have been avoided in Central America. 190, Causes and effects are inseparable elements in determining a proper treatment for a specific problem. It is not rational or sound judgement to analyse only the effects without attending to the causes. On the contrary. an analysis of the causes is essential if one really wants to understand why the dignity of the Central Americans has been wounded and why the well-being of our populations has been jeopardized and our region’s identity compromised. 191. All this deserves an effort at understanding, kcause it appears that the reality in Central America is not known to countries outside the area. That is why we must clearly state that it is not only the Nicamguaa population but the entire Central American population, and particutarly the poorer part of that population, that is the victim of the Central American crisis. 192. One of the effects which has a bearing on this crisis, and which is now part of this debate. has to do with the interruption by the United States of its trade relations with kieara&a. Howe. er, the result Ot the isolated analysis of this effect could not possibly express the full complexity of the conflict in Central America. Therefore any resolution that atay be adqsted by the Council on the unilateral rneasuies taken by the United States regarding the roots ofthe grave situation in Central America will have no value as a precedent in support of a country of the region that publicly tises to admit its own responsibility for the crisis. 193. Central America is an entity with roots that go deep into history. geography and economy. Conwquently. whatever has an impact on each or several of its parts has an effect on the entire region. particularly w&j *+a n-m f~mdmy0mtol A;u~..un+e iz +tknm . a_.. U&W .“..U. .,I.- “..-.ew..- v.. .,.“““I between those States. 194. For Honduras the crisis has its basic Central American origin in economic backwardness, in social marginalization and lack of political. democratic and pluralistic development. In order to overcome these obstacles, the action of each Central American country 195. Unfortunately the Nicaraguan Government has so far not stayed within the boundaries of the legitimate exercise of its sovereign powers, since it has created wrenching divisions within its own population and has also disregarded the substance of resolutions, principles and norms of the inter-American system and of the United Nations. These governmental actions have come to have an impact on the political, economic, cultural and security aspects of other Central American countries, particularly Honduras. which has suffered acutely from these harmful repercussions. 201. Honduras, as we have frequently said, has not wished to build up those forces quantitatively, but has chosen to improve them qualitatively. This accounts for the joint military exercises with the United States, based on our public agreement on military co-operation in 1954, which is being renegotiated at the moment in order, among other things. to regulate more precisely such military activities. We have already sufficiently explained the nature of those manoeuvres in the Council and in the General Assembly, where we have also stated that there are no foreign bases in Honduras and that the presence of Americans on our soil is not of a permanent nature. The day before yesterday the representative of Nicaragua referred to those manoeuvres and criticised the United States presence, building it up very considerably by claiming that there was a permanent presence of approximately 2.000 United States military personnel. 196. This crisis overflowed the Central American framework with the intrusion of the East-West conflict provoked by the alignment of the Government of Nicaragua, and particularly because of the immoderate arms buildup of that Government as a result of that alignment and the consequent policy of ideological expansionism, which brought in their train insecurity and imbalance in the region. 197. These causes directly produced the effects that can be seen in the form of massive flows of refugees to neighbouring countries, support for subversive movements against those countries. terrorism in their territories, the flight of Central American capital, the significant decline of foreign investment, deterioration of intraregional trade and the diversion of large resources that should have been devoted to development and which instead are being devoted to the spectacular and massive arms buildup of the Nicaraguan Govemment and the minimum defence needs of its neighbours. 202. This figure, even though it is incorrect, surely cannot be compared with the figure of no less than 8.000 foreign military and security advisers in Nicaragua. Our joint military exercises, which are publicly announced and of which notification is given, are surely on a smaller scale than those carried out by the Nicaraguan armed forces, which are in a state of constant mobilization. with the guidance and training of the incredible number of foreign military and security advisers, diverse arsenals of weapons and military hardware and the logistics which m&e possible the permanent imposition of strict police control and a state of emergency throughout the territory. 198. As an et&t, and in antithesis of this, there also emerged groups of Nicaraguan insurgents acting a8aifist the Government of Nicaragua and a tense situation now prevailing in the Central American region. 199. As the Declaration of San Salvador [MP S//717& annex] says, there must be, in all countries where profound divisions in society have arisen, actions taken within the established legal order aimed at achieving national reconciliation. Sovereignty and self-detemtination find their source in the population as a whole, from which there emanates the power that any genuinely democratic, pluralistic Government exercises in representing the people. That is why &Government of Honduras has declared that ii off~cialiy endorses any measure which can contribute to the democratization of Nicaragua or any other country through processes of intemai reconciliation. 203. We believe firmly that the solution of Central America’s problems is a mai:er for Central Americans themselves to decide. In the Declaration of San Salvador, the foreign ministers of Costa Rica, El Salvador and Honduras and the Deputy Foreign Minister ofGuatemala considered that: “a fundamental requirement for the achievement of peace in Ceniral America is the signing of muliiiaieral international instruments that will lay down the rules for coexistence between the States of the area, on the basis that the sovereign power to formulate the alternatives for a solution rests with the Central American countries, with the valuable assistance of the Contadora Group.” 200. Honduras has approximately 17,200 persons under arms. None the less, it has granted refuge to a 204. The United States has said that it supports the Contadora negotiating process, that its bilateral negotiations should be seen only as support for the negotiations within the Contadora framework and the internal dialogue in Nicaragua, and that none of its actions can replace those efforts to achieve a comprehensive, verifiable agreement between all the Central American States. This was stated in the letter from President Reagan to Senator Dole on 24 May. The Soviet Union has given its support verbally to this machinery for neaotiation. Cuba has stated. in a letter from its representative to the Secretary-General dated 5 March 1985 [A/39/876], that it “will continue to support firmly the effort of the Contadora Group to reach a just agreement that satisfies all the countries of Central America”. and that the other countries which also sup ply arms. military and security advisers and technical experts to the Nicaraguan Government have theoretically affirmed the same. 205. This leads us to the conclusion that the Contadora framework is the most suitable framework within which we Central Americans may be able to find a Central American solution to our conflict at an early date. In the two years for which Contadora has been at work it has been possible to identify the causes of the Central American crisis and to advocate global and regional solutions to eradicate these causes and control their effects. 206. Therefore, we urge the Nicaraguan Government to attend the Contadora meetings scheduled for I4 to 17 May with the political will to negotiate so as to achieve peace, security and co-operation in Central America. Here is an opportunity to resolve the Central American crisis in a reasonably short time with due respect for the personality of the constituent elements of each Central American State and for the security of each of those States. That is why Honduras reiterates its consistent readiness to seek a peaceful, negotiated solution and to maintain the political will to encourage the quest for such solutions. 207. In an annex to a note by the Secretary-General datedI3Gctober1983,issuedasdocumentS/16041.we have the Document of Objectives adopted and ratifit by the five Central American States. The content of that Document provides the comprehensive basis for reaching art understanding on the conclusion of an agreement on peace and co-operation in Central America. Therefore, the adoption by any Central American Government of a position which selfishly seeks certain objectives only while excluding all the others serves to undermine the foundations of negotiation and suggests that it really wants to seek outside support in order to achieve hegemony or military superiority or to impose 209. We must struggle for the affirmation of the identity of Central America and for the well-being of our peoples. That is why we must completely remove expansionist ambitions, arms races and foreign presences which have introduced the East-West conflict as a kind of parasite to drain the sap of the tree of Central American coexistence and harmony. Removing them will be wssible only if we avoid perverting the trtre Contadora spirit, which is retlectej in the n&d to set out, in legally binding and fully verifiable articles, all the 21 objet&es whose attain~ment is the goal of the negotiation of the Contadora Act on Peace and Cooperation in Central America.

The next sneaker is the representative of the lslatttk Republic of Iran. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. -

Mr. President, I congratulate you on aastttnittg the presidency of the Security Council for the month of May. I am cortfident that under the leadership of such a capable and skilRtl Presidettt the Council’s work will come to a happy and hottonrabk conclusion. 1 also extend my special thanks and appmiatiot~ to your &ecessor, Mr. Atias St&, 212. ThisseriesofmeethgsoftheseauitycattndI is convened at Nicamgna’s rcqt+.itt dn& z consider the extremely aeriouo sttua&m tlUC8tCtti~peaceRttdStEMitYitltltCCCDW8IAmctican region. 213. The background of the United State8 intervattionitttheregioniswellltnowntocvuybody.Thcrok oftheCIAintheprcrtvationofcutaiauurqOstc r6gimes. in toppling certain democn&aRy etccted Governments and returning to power, ftt their stead, tvrant military puppets and in overt and covert intervention in the afMirs of other peoples. pprticululy in this region of Central America, which the United Sbter her deckred its own backyard, is too obvious to need any further exposition. It is as if from the viewpoint CT the United States Administration the principle of self-determination has no validity or applicability in its backyard. 219. Compared with the United States, Nicaragua is such a tiny country that it just cannot constitute a threat to a country that has “Star Wars” ambitions. Its population, as we have often said, is about 2.5 million, whereas the registered alcoholics in the United States alone total 10 million. The threat from Nicaragua is nothing but a delusion which the United States propaganda machine is inculcating into the minds of its own people in order to justify both its colossal military budgets and its interventionist foreign policy. Fortunately, the good people of the United States are not so nriive as to support such demagogic propaganda. The recent votes in the United States Congress indicate that they understand both Nicaragua and the games their own Administration is playing with them in the case of Nicaragtta. Not only did Congress not give the President the $20 million he originally needed for terrorist attacks against Nicaragua; they did not even give him the $14 million which was to be spent in the guise of non-military assistance to the Somoza elements. 215. The United States Administration, morally speaking, has a very serious obligation not only towards the revolutionary people of Nicaragua but also towards the good people of the United States, whose honour and reputation are being so lavishly plundered by their short-sighted Administration. 216. The fact that the principles of sovereignty and self-determination are not violated by the United States in regard to certain countries thousands of miles from it does not mean that the United States Administration has any respect for those principles. Sincere respect for them can be demonstrated only if the United States refrains from violating them in spite of its physical abiity to do so and despite political pretexts for such violations. In this matter the United States Administration has a very poor record indeed. 217. Another point to be mentioned is the United States anti-Commtmlst obsession, which is often overemphasixed tendentlously and in a very well-calculated manner. United States ol&ials know all too well that communism is an ideology which is pervasive under certain socIo4zonomic conditions, when there is no better solution available to a people. It is not a front; it is not an army; it is an ideology, and therefore it camtot be fought against by CIA conspiracies, military operations or covert insurgency Programmes tikedbySl4miUionorS2OmlIIion.Itisanidwlogy, and its antidote, or its counter, is only another ideology. If the superior ideology is presented to the oppressed masses, they automatically Bcccpt it; otherwise, they accept the communist ideology, as they think it is the only theoretical instrument which can help them to explain, understand and, hopefully, solve their so&-economic problems. If the United States has then decided to bar the spread of comtrunist ideas by its CIA agents or sanctions here and there, it is very wrong. It is doubtlbl that this fact is not yet pppredated by United States offttials. Not only do they know it. but they also know that communism is not really a serious threat to the United States affluent society, which is prepared to try everythinwven nihilism--but not communism. 218. The fact is that the United States Administration over-emphasixes the danger-of the spread of 220. It was said yesterday in this Chamber that “the Sandinist Front and Somoxa are the same thing”. Without a doubt, such demagogic street-slogans have no place in this Chamber. At least the Somoza elements do not agree with such vapid slogans. 221. The United States yesterday charged Nicaragua with interference in its domestic affairs when the latter country commented on the fair and commendable position of Congress towards the $14 million appropriations bill. Yet it sees nothing wrong with the official de&r&on made by high-ranking United States authorities regarding the continued United States elTorts to topple the Sandinist r6gIme in Nlcaramm. It seems that swculation in dissidents and cetmte~revoh&nary lbgiiives is a well-known policy of the United States Administration. but such policies are not usually considered by that Administr&lon as intervention in the alfairs of other sovereign States. 222. We think that United States foreign policy is inconsistent, haphazard and absolutely devoid of any moral principle. They just plan it and implement it simply~bea&e they have the physical ability to do so. They impose sanctions against Nicaragua but violme the internationally recognixed sanctions against South Africa. They boldly and ut&tstilIably obstmct the recommended sanc:ions again:: :he Zion= ist base occupying Palestine. In spite of all that, the United States Administration expects to enjoy international respect and high status. 223. If there were any wisdom at all in the United States Administration, then United States ofticials 224. The local differences between Nicaragua and its neighbours should be resolved through the good offtces of the Contadora Group, which has the confidence of all the parties concerned. ,; rnited States Administration should, therefore, allow that Group to perform its job without coercion or intervention. 225. The United States Administration should avoid all abrasive and acrimonious policies towards the revolutionary people of Nicaragua. The Nicaraguan revolution is a point of pride for the people of the western hemisphere. No one can deny the pathos of that revolution. When the young Commander Ortega, the symbol of the Nicaraguan revolution, arrives in any Central American or other Latin American State, States 1 have personally visited, the masses give him such a warm, sincere and exalting welcome that it is as if each person in the procession wished to can-y the champion. Commander Ortega, in his heart in order to protect him and the Nicaraguan revolution from the gigantic threat of the United States. 226. The sincere emotional language of those maases who run. often barefoot, from one comer of the square to the other in order to see Commander Ortega has a message too. If the United States wishes those barefoot masses of Central America to have a friendly attitude towards it, then it must respect their regional champions. to whom millions look as a model for lib&Ion and emancipation. The issue. therefore, la slightly larger than a so-called debate in Sectirlty Council meetings. It is about the manner in which the United States Administration confronts a revolution whicn may be small in terms of the poptdacion involved, but which is very gmat in terms ofdhnensions, impact and pathos. It is a revolution of a people and has its own unique revolutionary magnatdmlty, especially in the eyes of millions who wish to identify themselves with the Nicamguan revolution rather than with United States tributary and surrogate r6gimes in the region. 227. You must show respect to that revolution if you wish to be respected. The remnants of the Somoza regime are not going to buy anything for the American people, no matter how much “American democracy” is wasted on them. It is in the interest of the peoples of the region. including the United States people, for the 228. In one of yesterday’s speeches I heard an improper comment regarding Nicaragua’s economic difficulties and the devaluation of its currency. My question is: who is to be blamed for those economic difficulties? The CIA and its overt and covert activities? The economic sanctions? The mining of Nicaragua’s borders? The attacks on the tiny and simple economic resources of Nicaragua? Or the Sandinist Government? The ill-omened insurgency plots of the United States employ all possible devices to break the infrastructure of the Nicaraguan economy, and then the United States delegation scolds Nicaragua for the devaluation of its currency. Is that fair? 229. My delegation believes that this unsalutary rancour unnecessarily demonstrated by United States offtcials towards Nicaragua must come to an end before it ignites further turmoil in that part of the world, What the United States Administration is doing against Nicaragua is precisely what has been referred to as State terrorism. 230. I request you, Mr. President, and alI other members of the Council--except one, that is-to exert every effort to terminate United States acts of hostility a&St Nicaragua. As far as I can recall, Nicaragua has always been ready to negotiate with the United States toVresoIve peac&uIIy & differences that may exist. The United States Adrnhtlstratlon needs to be convinced that it is peace, love and tnntuaI respect that can guarantee United States interests in the r&m, not fear, coercion. Ittthttidgtioa. conspiracy and the employment of Somoxa elements by the CIA In covert and overt insurgency opemtlons. 231. My Government fully eupporta the nvolutioamy peopIe and the democmtIc811~~uI~~~ of Nicamgua. We strot@y iaterventiom in the Internal ?izLira OtNkaragua. We deplom&llsoMykiadof intimidrtioaandaaeofforce by any fm Power, ioehtdhtg the United +ee. against the sovereignty and right to aelf~on of the people of Nicamgun.

The next speaker is the rrpnKntotiveoTSpain.l~vitehimto~aplaceat the Council tabk and to make his statement. 233. Mr. de PIN&S f!lpalnI 0nfe~rerurion from Spanish): I should Like to take this mty to expre8s to you, Sir. my dekgation’s and my own satisfaction at seeing you psGdhtg over the Count%% proceedings this month. 1 am convinced that your +rsond -id professional qualities will helpthe Council t.3 perform its delicate task with success. I should also like to extend our congratuIations, through you, Mr. President, to the representative of 234. The Spanish Government viewed with profound concern the recent adoption of economic sanctions against Nicaragua by the United States. This may constitute a new element of tension in the area and an obstacle in the difftcult path to the peaceful, negotiated solution of the Central American crisis. 235. The Central American countries have for more than two years now been engaged in a complex negotiating process fostered by the Contadora countries. From the start this process has enjoyed the active support of the Spanish Government and has also earned the support of the international community as a whole, as is borne out by the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly and the Security Council itself. 236. The Contadora process, which is based on the quest for a comprehensive regional, negotiated solution, constitutes, in the view of the Spanish Government, the only possible means of achieving the pacification of the whole Central American region, which must be guaranteed by stability, development and democratic pluralism in each and all of those countries, in accordance with the commitments into which they have repeatedly entered. The present course of the negotiating process fostered by Contadom could be adversely affected by the measures adopted against Nicaragua. 237. For all those reasons, my Government will continue to advocate the course of regional negotiation. which must have the suonort of all countries which have interests in and lh&s with the region, as stated in the 21.point Document of Objectives of 9 September 19g3.

The next speaker is the representative of Costa Rica. 1 invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. 239. Mr. BERROCAL SOT0 Cmta Rica) UBWproruth from Spanish); 1 wish to congratulate you, Mr. Resident, on the equanimity and skill that you have shown in the conduct of this debate. 1 wish you success in your work as President, and I am very pleased that it is the representative of the Government of Thailand who is presiding over the work of the Security Council this month. 1 also wish to say publicly how grateful I was that you summoned me at one point to your office to find out ticially Costa Rica% position on ;hir iul$ect ant on the sltuatlon in Central America. I wish also to congratulate Mr. Javier Arias St&, your predecessor, on the fm way in which he carried out the duties of President last month. 246. I shall now read out to the Council the ofllcial statement of the Government of Costa Rica on the “The Government of Costa Rica recognizes that one of the objectives of the adoption of such measures indicated by the Government of the United States-to bring pressure to bear so that an internal dialogue takes place between the Government of Nicaragua and the political and military oppositionis an obiective which the present Government of Costa R&a has supported since it began its efforts. Internal dialogue and national reconciliation in Nicaragua and El Salvador have received and will continue to receive the unstinted co-operation of the Government of Costa Rica. “We also agree that without dialogue between the parties to the contlict and without national reconciliation it will be impossible to move towards the establishment of genuine democratic institutions. Furthermore, without democratic institutions it is impossible to achieve internal peace and remove once and for all the danger of war between the Central American nations. “The Government of Costa Rica, having studied the situation, has concluded that it is legally impossible for our country to participate in the economic measures, or in activities designed to give e&t to them, or to adopt measures of a similar nature. “It k the opinion of the Government of the Rcpublic that, if Costa Rice were to act in this manner, it would constitute a breach not only of its obligations as a member of the Central American Common k&et but also of the Treaty of Peace and Friendship signed with Nicaragua in IWS and the Protocol to that Treaty signed in 1955. “Apart from these legal reasons, the Government ofCosta Rica considers that participating in any coercive economic measure would constitute an obstacle to the objedves of the Con*sdore process. Paraaranh 47 of the document to which I refer, which is ihe-Contadora Act on Peace and Co-operation in Central America [S//6775, cmnexl. contains a clear commitment among the Central American States not to adopt among themselves coercive or discriminatory measures damaging to the economy of any of the Central American countries. 1 wish top, ut that the document to which reference was just mu”- has been distributed in document S/17174. which contains a summary of the agreements concluded last week in San Salvador. 241. Next week, between 14and 17 May. there will be a new round of negotiations as part of the Contadora .process. In this regard, Costa Rica wishes to point out that. while the objective of those negotiations is peace in dentrat America, the process isalso designed to &ring about conditions favourable for an effective democratization and proper economic development with social justice and political freedom. 242. None of these goals will be attained unless there is an internal dialogue and genuine national reconciliation in countries which are living in a state of internal warfare. 1 am not tatkinnjust about the pacification of the Central American r$on, although that is a noble and fine objective; what I am talking about is the need for democratic ideas and freedom to be restored in Central America. There is a need to ensure that opposition forces in any of the Central American cot&es have a legitimate right to speak out and to contribute peacefully to the process of economic development. There is a need to eliminate State terrorism and totalitarianism, mpredon and the absence of real guarantees for free political participation. Similariy, there is a need to break down the structures of exploitation and s&al and economic iqjustiee in Central America. It is esscntkl that it be the Cetttml American peopks themselves which freely elect their rulers in honest and democratic ekctions. 243. That is what is at stake in Central America and that is the goal of the Contadora negotiating process. The CentmI American peoples have that right. 244. My country has committed itself to this goal in keeping with its legitimate historic role in Central Ametica. Our struggk, past ad present, has always been to ensure that the ideas of freedom and democracy prevaif, together with a peaceful solution ofcontroversies through dialogw and free confrontation of ideas, without renression or fear of the oppression ofdiitorship, whetnet a family-military dictatorship of the right or a military. sectarian and totalitarian dictatorship of the left. Hence, our full support for the Contadora process and our renewed position that it is at the negotiating table, with maturity and political wisdom and

Before we proceed to the vote on the draft resolution, I should like to make a statement in my capacity as representative of THAILAND. 246. I take this opportunity as representative of Thailand to express my Government’s grave concern over the issue of the economic embargo by the United States vis-d-vis Nicaragua. which has worsened the relationship between the two countries, with both of which Thailand eqjoys diplomatic relations. Our concern stems also from the consequent repercussions of this economic embargo, which can have adverse effects on the ongoing Contadora process. 247. My delegation believes that the Contadora Group’s proposal for negotiations among ali parties concerned in order to atrive at peaceful settlements with viable mtarantees is constructive attd conforms to the aspirati&ts of the peoples of the region. Therefore Thailand fully supports the Contadora process of diplomatic and political efforts initiated by the countriesht the region. 248. Central America has for so long endured many sufferings and grievances. The nations of the region have had to withstand many acts of foreign intervention and interference throughout their history. They have the right to eqioy the Buits of peace, stability and the in aeeotdanee with their own wishes. 249. History is replete with instances of the exe&e of power by the more powtrhrl atzahtst the less powetful nations. Our sympathy naturallylies with less powerful countries. In our own part of the world there exists a tiulthetbespowerfulr&fit~iBega!eonsaqiteuee intheoeoupationoftheweakhythe+mger,with Bul&nerea&mentsonthene&bounngeountryd 250. It is undeniable that the economic embarrto has exacdatd tensions and complicated the Con&ora process. Thaiknd regrets this outcome, which will un&nninetheComadorae&orttoBndacomprehensivesolutiontot&situationThisdforthasuainedthe support of countries of the world. includingTl&and. However. it is our earnest hope that the Coma&a process will continue and will yield fruittitl results in assuring peace, stability and harmony for ah countries in the Central Ante&an region. 251. And. with at1 due respect to relations between sovereign States. we appeal to both Nicaragua and the United States of America to resume the dialogue in 252. As regards the imposition of an economic embargo, the Royal Thai Government has voluntarily imposed such an embargo against South Africa. which my Government feels iswithhr its sovereign right to do, in support of Thailand’s national interest and the effort of theinternational community to bring about the eradication of apartheid and the sovereign independence of the Namibian people. Such actions are not regarded by my Government as inconsistent with the principle of non-interference in the internal atfairs of another country, a principle that we fully support. 253. Concerning the present draft resolution, my delegation notes that it is moderate in tone and appreciates Nicaragua’s efforts in this regard. However, while we regret the recent trade embargo and other coercive economic measures in this instance. namely, against Nicaragua, as being inconsistent with the Contadora process, wo do notgo as far as the wording of paragraph 1 of the Nicaraguan draft resolution. Therefore my delegation will abstain in the voting on the draft resolution. 254. I now resume my function as PRESIDENT. 2X Mr. KRlSHNAN (India): I have asked to speak to request, under rule 38 of the provisional rules of procedure of the Security Council, that the draft resolution submitted by the delegation of Nicaragua and contained in document S/l7172 of 9 May 1985 be put to the vote. I further request that the Council proceed to the vote now.

My delegation believes that it is always important to search for and to record areas of agreement. We believe that to set otherwise would be i&onsistent with our obllgatlons under the Charter. For that reason, my delegation has listened with great sympathy to the numerous spkakers in this debate who have called for a nests- &ted solution to the problems of Central America &td encouraged all parties not to let the spirit of frank dialogue atrophy through disuse. We also note that the draft resolution now before us calls, in paragraph 6, on my Government and the Government of Nicaragua to renew the dialogue that had existed between us. 257. Let there be no doubt that the United States, as a general principle of its foreign policy, seeks the peaceful resolution ofdisputes through dialogue and negotiations. For that reason, we would very much appreciate the opportunity to demonstrate to the Council the existence of very broad areas of agreement between the position of the United States and that of Nicaragua. To this end, the United States requests a paragraph-bypamgmph vote on the dratt resolution before us, so that we may record the substantial areas of agreement which already exist. 259. Since 1 hear no objection, I shall put the first preambular paragraph of the draft resolution to the vote now. It reads as follows: “The Security Council, having heard the statement of the Permanent Representative of Nicaragua to the United Nations,“. A vote was taken by show of hands. The first preambular paragraph was adopted unanimously.

The Council will now vote on the second preatnbular paragraph, which reads as follows: “Having also heard the statements of several representatives of States members of the United Nations during the course of the debate,“. A vote was taken by show of hands. The second preambular paragraph was adopted una:rimously.

We shall now vote on the third preambular paragraph, which reads: “Recalling resolution 530 (19831, which reaftirms the right of Nicaragua and of all the other countries of the &a to live i% peace and security, free from outside interference,“. A vote was taken by show of hands. The third preambularparagraph was adopted unanimously.

The Council will now take a vote on the fourth preambular paragraph, which reads as follows: ‘Recalling also General Assembly resolution 38/10. which reatfiis the inalienable right of all the peoples to decide on their own form of government and to choose their own economic; po!i!im! and social system free from all foreign intervention, coercion or limitation,“. A vote was taken by show of hands. The fourth preambular paragraph was adopted unanimously. “Recalling also General Assembly resolution 3914, which encourages the efforts of the Contadora Group and appeals urgently to all interested States in and outside the region to co-operate fully with the Group through a frank and constructive dialogue, so as to achieve solutions to the differences between them.“. A vote was taken by show of hands. The f$th preambular paragraph was adopted unanimously.

We shall now vote on the sixth preambular paragraph, which reads: “Recalling Ge.leral Assembly resolution 2625 (XXV). in the annex of which the Assembly proclaims the principle that no State may use or encourage the use ofeconomic, political orany other type of measures to coerce another State in order to obtain from it the subordination of the exercise of its sovereign rights and to secure from it advantages of any kind.“. A vote was taken by show of hands. Infavour: Australia, Burkina Faso, China, Denmark, Egypt, France, India, Madagascar. Peru, Thailand, Trinidad and Tobago, Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. United States of America. Against: None. Abstaining: United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. The sixth preambtdar paragraph was adopted by 14 votes to none, with one abstention.

We shall now proceed to the vote on the seventh preambular pamgmph, which Abstainbtg: Egypt, ThaRand, United Kingdom of reads: Great Britaht and Northem Ireland. “Reaftirming the principle that all Members shall The result of the vote was I1 in favour, 1 against and fullil in good faith the obligations assumed by them 3 abstentions. in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations.“. Paragraph I was not adopted, the negattve vote being that of a permanent member of the CouncN. A vote was taken by show of hands. The seventh preambular paragraph was adopted vote on pamgmph 2. which reads: unanimously.

We shall now vote.on the “Calls on the interested States to refrain from any action or intention to destabii or undermine other eighth preambular paragraph, which reads: States or their institutions, including the imposition of trade embargoes or restrictions. blockades or “Seriously concerned about the increased tenother measures incompatible with the provisions of sions in the Central American region, recently the Charter of the United Nations, and in violation A vote was taken by show of hands. Infavour: Australia, Burkina Faso, China, Denmark, Egypt, France. India, Madagascar, Peru, Thailand, Trinidad and Tobago. Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Against: United States of America. Abstabting: United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. The result of the vote was 13 in favour, 1 against and I abstention. The eighth preambular paragraph was not adopted, the negative vote being that of a permanent member of the Council.

We shall now proceed to the vote on paragraph I, which reads: cive e&ttomic measuresagahsst Ni~&agua which are inconsistent with the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of States and represent a danger to the stability of the region and calls for an immediate end to those measures;“. A vote was taken by show of hands. Infavour: Australia. Burkina Faso. China. Denmark. hatice, India, b%&ascar, ti, T&dad and Tobago, Ukmhtian Soviet So&list Republic, Union of Soviet So@i8t Republics. Against: United States of America

We shall now proceed to the Infavoltr: Australia. Burkina Faso, China, Denmark, Egypt, France. India, Madagascar, Peru, Thailand, Trinidad and Tobago. Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, Union of ?;i*tet Socialist Republics. Against: United States of America. Abstaining: United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.

We shall now vote on paragraph 6. which reads: The result of the voting was 13 in favour, I against and I abstention. Paragraph 2 was not adopted, the negative vote being that of a permanent member of the Council.

We shall now vote on paragraph 3, which reads: In favour: Australia, Burkina Faso, China, Denmark, Egypt, France, India, Madagascar, Peru, Thailand, Trinidad and Tobago, Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. “Reaffirms the sovereignty and inalienable right of Nicaragua and the rest of the States freely to decide their o&n political, economic and social systems, to develop their international relations according to their people’s interests free from outside intetference, subversion, direct or indirect coercion or threats of any kind;“. Abstaining: United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United States of America. A vote was taken by show of hands. Paragraph 6 was adopted by 13 votes to none, with 2 abstentions. fnfavour: Australia, Burkina Faso, China. Denmark, Egypt, France, India, Madagascar, Peru. Thailand. Trinidad and Tobago, Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, United States of America.

We shall now vote on paragraph 7. which reads: Against: None. Abstaining: United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. Paragraph 3 was adopted by 14 votes to none, with I abstentian.

We shall now vote on paragraph 8, which reads:

The Council will now vote on paragraph 4. which reads: “Rea6hms once again its firm support to the Con- Idora Group and urges it to intensify its efforts; it also expresses its conviction that only with genuine political support from all interested States will those peace efforts prosper;“.

The Council will now vote on the draft resolution as a whole, as amended-that is, minus the eighth preambular paragraph and original paragraphs I and 2. A vote was taken by show of hands. Paragraph 4 was adopted unanimously. A vote was taken by show of hands, Paragraph 5 was udopted unanimously. “Calls on the Governments of the United States of America and Nicaragua to resume the dialogue they had been holding in Manzanillo. Mexico. with a view to reaching accords favourable’for normalizing their relations and regional detente;“. A vote was taken by show of hands. ‘Requests that the Secretary-General keep the Security Council apprised of the development of the situation and the implementation of the present resolution:“. A vote was taken by show of hands. Paragraph 7 was adopted unanimously. “Decides to remain seized of this matter.” A vote was taken by shnw of hat&. Paragraph 8 was adopted unanimously.

1 call on the representative of the United Kingdom for an explanation of vote.

1 should like to explain why, in the paragraph voting, my delegation abstained on what were originally the sixth preambular paragraph and paragraph 3. The original paragraph 3, of course, became paragraph I in the resolution as adopted. 278. That paragraph refers to the inalienable right freely to decide on political, economic and social systems. MY deleaation is second to none in unholdina this right, but we must insist that it is a right which behngs to people, not to States. That is what the Charter of the United Nations says; that is what both international covenants on human rights say; that is what the Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations says. And indeed that is what the fourth preambular paragraph of the resolution before us says. 279. The Charter refers in Article I to “the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples”. Both the international Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights state, in their fast articles, that: “All peoples have the right of self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development.” The Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States similarly holds that “all peoples have the right freely to determine. without external interference, their political status and to pursue their economic, social and cultural development.” According to that Declaration, all States have the duty to respect this right and “to promote . . . realixation of the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples”. 280. These basic instruments, as well as General Assembly resolution UUIO. on the situation in Central America, which is quoted in the fourth preambular paragraph of the resolution, make it crystal-clear that the right to self-determination is one that belongs to peoples atid tioi to Stties. it is for Siates io respeci and promote this right, but it is peoples which enjoy it. This is a fundamental distinction. We deplore the distortion of this principle in paragraph I of the resolution as adopted.

The representative of Nicaragua wishes to speak. 1 call upon him. 283. Throughout the debate, we have seen how countries with different ideologies-non-aligned, Western and socialist-were clear in pointing out that such actions dangerously increased the already serious tcnsions in Central America and that, furthermore, they undermine the peace efforts of the Contadora Group in the search for a negotiated political solution to the problems of the region. 284. My delegation also wishes toexpress its satisfaction over the fact that the Council has just adopted the draft resolution submitted by Nicaragua. We believe that its adoption, despite the exclusion of three paragraphs, can represent-ifall the members that voted in favour truly comply with its terms-a meaningful contribution to peace in Central America. 1 should like to make an appeal to each and every one of the members of the Council, particularly the permanent members and especially the United States, truly and earnestly to comply with the terms of this resolution. 285. Paragmph 3 of the original text of the draft resolution states: “ReafBrms the sovereignty and inalienable right of Nicaragua and the rest of the States Beely to decide their own political, economic and social systems. to develop their international relations according to their people’s interests free from outaide interference, subversion, direct or indirect coercion or threats of any kind:“. Let me repeat my appeal to the United States to comply truly with the terms of this paragraph, for which it voted in favour today. lf it really wants Nicaragua to be able to develop its own political system, free Rotn outaide interference. it should cease its dirty undeclared war intlicted upon us approximately five years ago; it should stop trying to obtain Rmds to support the destabilisation and overthrow of the Government of Nicaragua, as it has been doing publicly. with the use of offiiial and unofficial funds. 286. I appeal also to all members of the Council, without exception, and again especially to the United States, to be truly consistent with the efforts made by the Contadora Group and to lend their sincere support to those efforts, aimed as they are at finding a negotiated political solution to the problems confronting the region. 288. Paragraph 5 of the original draft resolution “Calls on all States to refrain from carrying out, supporting or promoting political, economic or military actions of any kind against any State in the region which might impede the peace objectives of the Contadora Group;“. I wonder whether the economic blockade, the military blockade, the financial blockade, the military aggression and, in general, the acts of aggression constantly perpetrated by the United States against my Government are not in fact in contradiction with the aforementioned paragraph, of which they have just voted in favour. As 1 said, we hope that the United States, as is advocated in the seventh preambular paragraph of the resolution, will comply in good faith with its Charter obligations that it will fulfil in good faith the obligations devolving from its favourable vote on a draft resolution. 289. Therefore, my Government truly welcomes the adoption of the draft resolution and hopes that the United States will fully comply with it. 298. I wish now to make two or three points in connection with the vote on the draft resolution. 291. My Government has once again observed that the United States really is given to the use of its veto power as a permanent member of the Security Council. I do not now fully recall the number, but I know that in recent years the United States has vetoed many draft resolutions-on the Middle East, Central America and southern Africa, to mention only a few areas. But what has struck me most is that for the first time there were three vetoes on one draft resolution. I believe that the United States requested separate votes in order to use the right of veto three times-on the last preambular paragraph and the first two operative paragraphs. The practice of using the veto constantly is so much to the liking of the United States that it tries to do so frequently. 292. Furthermore, I was astonished that the United States-which claims that it is seeking a peaceful solution to the problems of the region, states that it respects the purposes and principles of the Charter and says that it firmly supports the efforts of the Contadora Groupabstained on a paragraph that merely asked for the resumption of the dialogue between the United States 293. It is our strongest desire and hope-and this has been one of our main objectives in seeking these meetings of the Council-that the United States may hear the outcry of the international community here. as well as in the many statements of heads of State, foreign ministers. oarliaments and individuals. These views were also expressed in the communique adopted recently by the Co-ordinating Bureau of the Non-Aligned Movement [S/17163, annex], to which various speakers referred and which Mr. Krishnan of India, the Chairman of the Bureau, read out l2578t11 mecfing]. 294. I should like the United States to give serious, calm thought to the new situation that it has created and the total isolation to which it is now subjected, and to take logical measures that will truly help solve the problems confronting Central America. We should like it tochoosedialogue, negotiation, the political solution, as the only means to achieve Peace in Central America. We believe that there is stili time to end the spiral of violence affecting Central America. Mature attitudes must prevail overrash actions and passions; otherwise, we shall be dragged irrevocably into a war that will extend to all of Central America, and in a short time we shall see again in our region the United States Marines, recalling past occasions when their presence was customary in my country. 295. We appeal earnestly to the United States in this body, which has been entrusted with watching over international peace and security, really to tackle the task of finding a solution to the problems of Central America, in other words, to end h&tile military, political and economic actions that merely contribute to an intensification of tensions in the region. We believe-and we appeal to the United States along these lines-that it is important for it to realize that it must shoulder its responsibility as a permanent member of the Security Council and as a military and economic Power in order to contribute to the solution of problems -__-..-- ifi&~d of ir~ieasing ihem cx piiiiiig FIGJJUL: 0~1 i~~iialigned countries such as Nicaragua. 2%. We hope that United States leaders will really heed the many and unanimous statements made here. We hope their minds are still capable of reflection and that they will understand the reason for their present international isolation and their rejection by their own 298. 1 reiterate here my Government’s commitment to peace, my Government’s commitment to the search for political solutions to the problems confronting the Central American region, my Government’s commitment to striving to overcome the differences which may exist between us and our Central American neighbours, my Government’s commitment not to be the first to use its armed forces against any other Central American country, my Government’s commitment fully to support the initiatives of the Contadora Group and to support, as it has done in the past, all necessary efforts, to live up to mutually agreed obligations and to respect and support the veritication and control mechanisms which may be decided upon in the security and mhhary spheres. 299. I wish in conclusion to thank members of the Council and the Members of the United Nations in 300. We have our revolutionary beliefs, the support of our people, the understanding of the international community and the support of peace-loving peoples and Govemmeuts throughout the world. These will help us to orotect ourselves from any aggression which the g& Power to the north may cont&te to launch against US. whether economic, political or military. The United States ought to learn from history, think about history, and let that thinking form the basis of its future actions.

The Security Council has thus concluded the present stage of its consideration of the item on its agenda. The meeting rose at 8.45 p.m.