S/PV.2733 Security Council

In accordance with decisions taken at the 2732nd meeting, I invite the representatives of Angola, Egypt, Nicaragua, Pakistan, Senegal, South Africa, the Sudan and Yugoslavia to take,the places. reserved for them at the side of the Council Chamber. At the invitation of the President, Mr. de Figueiredo (Anqola), Mr. Badawi (WYPt) , Mr. Icaza Gallard (Nicaragua), Mr. Ahmed (Pakistan), Mr. Sarre (Senegal), Mr. Manley (South Africa), Mr. Adam (Sudan) and Mr. Djokic (Yugoslavia) took the places reserved for them at the side of the Council Chamber.

I should like to inform members of the Council that I have received letters from the representatives of Algeria, the German Democratic Republic, India, Kenya, Morocco, the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, the United Republic of Tanzania and Zimbabwe in which they reauest to be invited to participate in the discussion of the item on the Council's agenda. In conformity with the usual practice, I propose, with the consent of the Council, to invite those r.epresentatives to participate in the discussion without the right to vote, in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Charter and rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure. There being no objection, it is so'decided. At the invitation of the Piresident, Mr. Djoudi (Algeria)', Mr. Ott (German Democratic Repuhlfc), Mr. Dasgupta (Indiai, Mr. Kiilu (Kenya), Mr. Rennouna (Morocco), Mr. Oudovenko (Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic), Mr. Chagula (United Republic of Tanzaniaj’and Hr. Mudenge (Zimbabwe) took the places reserved for them at the side of the Council Chamber.-

I should like to inform the security Council that I have received a letter dated 17 February 1987 from the President.of the United Nations Council for Namibia which reads as follows: ‘On behalf of the United Nations Council for Namibia, I have the honour, under rule 39 of ‘the provisional rules of procedure of the Security COUnCilr to reauest an invitation to the delegation of the United Nations Council for Namibia, headed by Ris Excellency Mr. Hacine Djoudi (Algeria), Vice-President . L. Of the Council for Namibia, to participate in the Security Council’s consideration of the item entitled ‘The ouestion of South Africa’, which begins on 17 February 1987”. On previous occasions, the Security Council has extended invitations to representatives of other United Nations bodies in connection with the consideration of matters on its agenda. In accordance with past practice in this matter, I propose that the Council extend an invitation under rule 39 of its provisional rules of procedure to the Vice-President and the delegation of-the United Nations Council for Namibia. There being no objection, it is so decided. .I should also like to inform the Security Council that I have received a letter dated 17 February 1987 from the representatives of the Congo, Ghana and Zambia which reads as follows: “We, the undersigned;members of the Security Council, have the honour to reauest that during its meetings devoted to consideration of the item ‘The ouestion of South Africa* the Security Council extend an invitation, under . rule 39 of its provisional rules of procedure, to Mr. Mfanafuthf J. Makatini, Director of International Affairs of the African National Congress of South Africa (ANCI”. (The President) That letter has been published as a document of the Security Council under the symbol Wl869S. . ff I hear no objection, I shall take it that tile security Council decides to extend an invitation to Mr. Makatini in accordance with rule 39 of its prOViSiOna1 rules of procedure. , There being no objection, it is so decided. The Security Council will now resume its con&deration’of the item on its agenda. The first speaker is the representative of Yugoslavia. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. Mr. DJORIC (Yugoslavia) : At the outset, I should like to congratulate you, Sir, on.your assumption of the duties of President of the Security Council for the month of February. I am confident that your great diplomatic skill and experience will enable you to conduct the proceedings of the Counci$ successfully. It is indeed highly appropriate that the representative of non-aligned and front-line Zambia should preside over the meetings at which one of the’most difficult international problems, the policy of apartheid and the situation in South Africa, is being discussed. 1 should ,like to express our appreciation to the Permanent Representative of Venezuela, Ambassador Andres Aguil&r,‘for the cowetent, indeed outstanding, manner in which he guided the work of the Security Co&i1 during the month of Janudry. Southern Africa has become one of the most explosive crisis spot8 in the * world. The internal system’of apartheid and racial discrimination and the external policy of aggression and occupation pursued by South Africa constitute the most seri,dus threat ‘to peace and,stability in the region and the world at large. (Mr. Djokic, Yugoslavia) In .a vain attempt to preserve domination and racial discrimination, the racist r6gime has stepped up oppression against the majority black population. It has reinstated the nation-wide state of emergency, bringing a ne)r wave of terror. AWlredS of people have lost their lives; thousands have been put in gaol. Unarmed. strikers and demonstrators are shot at; there are trumped-up charges against and trials of opponents of apartheid; and those fighting for frSedonr ad liberation are killed while in‘detention. I ;:r; The new and more brutal repressive measuresr censorship, isolation of black .townships, mass atrestS, increased violence and kfll3ngs are telling proof that the r&ime can no longer survive without military and police proteotion. Itis therefore building up massive military forces, including nuclear capabilities. The evil of apartheidis spilling over and ,is causing a cris@ in the whole of southern Africa. The r6gime in PretorJa attacks and eubverts independent neighbouring States in an attempt to destabilise their governments. It props up its puppets in Angola and Mozambique ,and occupies CL part af .the terr.itory Of Angola. Zambia, Zimbabwe and Botswana, too, are cxposeh to pressure and interference by the apartheid rCgime. Namibia remains occupied and its people is : Still denied its inalienable’right to 8elf-deterfainatibn, freedom and independence. To perpetuate the situation and ensure its survival, the r&ime in Pretoria is seeking to transform the region of southern Africa into an area of bloc ’ : : :confrontation and rivalry between the super-Powers over spheres of’influenCe.and domination. The racist r&me Shows no signs of willingness to Start a dialogue and to seek a peaceful solution.‘ It is thrqugh naked force alone that it is trying to preserve the system of apartheid, explnitation and.domination. L (Mr. Djokic, Yugoslavia) But, brutal as it is, the racist regime is not succeeding. The peoples of South Africa and Namibia, led by their liberation movements, are showing their’ determination to regain their human dignity; Even.the heavy losses that the racist r&gime inflicts on them do not diminish their will to fight’for freedom. On the contrary, the increasing terror and repression create even greater revolt.. History shows that nothing can stop peoples resolved to fight for freedom and independence. The international community has to assist those heroic peoples. It must give them direct support and it must also exert strong pressure on the racist rigime so that, together, they can bring about the inevitable change faster. Unfortunately, effective international pressu.re.on South’Africa has not’ yet ma te*r ial i sed . Is the international community unable to put an end to.the criminal policy of Pretoria? Is the Security Council unable to fulfil its mandate-and prevent the escalation of violence and conflict? . . 2 ‘. I ’ The ways and means to do it are, available. What is missing, however, 'is the political will of some of the Member States to put the destiny of the peoples of southern Africa above their own economic and political interests. It is high time for the countries that maintain close relations and co-operation.w$th South Africa to change their policies and join the rest of the international community, both in words .and in deeds, in bringing about a speedy end to the policy and practice of apartheid. ,1 The voluntary sanctions imposed by the governments of many countries should be welcomed and supported, as well as the rising anti-apartheid movements all over the world, particularly'in North America and Western Europe. However, all the actions of the international community have so far proved . insufficient. With the help of the’countries supporting the racist regime, it has always found ways to flout international pressure and to continue its pOliCY Of , terror and oppression., Like the overwhelming majority of the Members of the United Nations,, we' believe that comprehensive mandatory sanctions against South AfriCa, in accordance with Chapter VII of the Charter, is-a just way for the international community to deal with the outlaws in its midst. The history'of attempts to have those sanctions imposed through the decisions I of the-security Council'is only too well known. Theories that sanctions are not effective and can even be counter-productive are unacceptable. Even the voluntary boycott of South Africa practised by most countries is creating obstacles for the . racist regime, which is especially sensitive to changes in the position of.its traditional friends. In the interest of human rights, justice and lasting peacer even the neighbouring countries in the region advocate sanctions, although they would be hurt by them. (Mr. Djokic, Yugoslavia) . The Movement of Non-Aligned Countries has been dealing with the problem of .South Africa throughout its existence and’has traditionally been the-strongest I basis of support for the struggling peoples of southern Africa; Recognizing that expressions of solidarity with and support for the peoples and countries of southern Africa alone are no longer enough, since appeals and demands are a language unknown to Pretoria,.the non-aligned countries have initiate&a number of concrete and significant actions. These acfibps are two-pronged. On the one hand, they seek to bring about the imposition of sanctions against South Africa - these meetings of the Security Council being part of the efforts to that end. On the other, they are aimed at , mobiliting and rendering assistance to front-line States .in order to ‘reduce their dependence on South Africa and to’aid the liberation movements of South Africa and Namibia in their struggle against apartheid and colonialism. ~TO this end, the fund AFRICA was established at the Summit Conference of Non-aligned Countries in Harare. The members of the Committee of the Fund, Yugoslavia among theme held recently a meeting at the highest level in New Delhi, India, and addressed an , appeal-to the entire internatidnal c&unity to contribute to the Fund and assist the frontAlline States aid ‘the liberation’movemefits of the peoples of South Africa and Namibia. Paving paid d heavy price for its own freedom’and independence, Yugoslavia ‘. respects and supports the right of every nation to self-determinationr independence, freedom -and equality. It will continue to render its full support ’ and assistance to the struggie of the peoples of South Africa and Namibia, and to their liberation movements until the final elimination of apartheid is achieved.

,I thank the representative of Yugoslavia for his.kind words addressed to me. .’ .’ next speaker iS the representative of Nicaragua. I invite him to take a .*e the Council table and to make his statement. place at Mr. ICAZA GALLARD (Nicaragua) (interpretation from Spanish): I should like first to congratulate you most warmly, Sir, on your, assumption. of the 9 presidency of the Security Council for this month. The responsibilit~ies that you have discharged as President.of the Council-for Namibia and as Permanent Representative of Zambia, a fraternal front-line country, amply prove your qualifications to preside over this debate. Without prejudice in the least to the I impartiality of the deliberations of the Security Council and the correctness of the conclusions at which. it is called -upon to arrive, the cause of justice and freedom which we all seek for the people of ,South Africa will thereby be strengthened. I should like also to extend our congratulations to Ambassador Andres Aguilar, of the sister Republic of Venezuela , who presided over the work of the COUnCil during last month with his characteristic wisdom and expertise, . In the+last few years of the twentieth century , after more than 300 years of injustice, it is unacceptable that examples of such evils as that of South Africa should persist on our planet. As long as apartheid exists, no human being, wherever he may live, will be able to affirm.that he'lfves in a civilized,world. We askr How much longer must we wait? HOW many more victims will be added to . thclong list of martyrs? How many more mothers will lose their children and how many children will be left without their parents?, How long will those who today continue to oppose action by the Security Council to put an end to apartheid continue to,harden their hearts against the cries‘of terror and the clamouring for jUStiCe before they recognise the claims of right and decency? Increased internal repression, sustained aggression and destabilisation against the front-line States, the illegal occupation of Namibia - in other words, the continuing tension prevailing in southern Africa - is a direct result of the South African r8gime's policy of apartheid which, by its very nature,'requires terror and oppression for its very survival. In 1963, the then Prime Minister of.South Africa, Hendrik Verwoerd, stated the '_ I following to Parliament: ,. 'The problem, .reduced to its simplest form,' is no more than. this: we want to keep South Africa white, which means under white domination, not led by whites, not guided by whites, but under white controi, under white supremacy.' In the South Africa of today, this wish takes the practical form of the .. so-called bantustans, where 23 million blacks occupy 13 per cent of South African territory and where 5 million whites share the remaining 87 per cent. Those bantustans are not led by whites , they are not "guided" by whitesi'but they are indeed under white domination, under white control and under white suiremacy. The human rights situation in South Africa speaks for itself. Those who appoint themselves "crusadersw in this cause and at-the same time support South Africa should look very carefully at the report of the Special Rapporteurs of , Austria, Ghana and India, submitted to the Commission on Human Rights, which is now. meeting in Geneva, a report that would cause even the most brazen to blanch. In the face of the tragic situation in which the people of South'Africa are suffering and the continued collaboration of the powerful allies of apartheid, armed struggle is the only alternative that remains and the only hope of salvation. Those allies of Pretoria that express concern about violence by the people are precisely those that’are encouraging it. They describe as terrorism the violence of the oppressed and as legitimate defence the violence of the powerful. But we know that the payer of the most powerful is so great that it has undermined the language, by corrupting words - though not the simple and pure soul of the peoples, which can distinguish the sounds of peace from the sounds of war. If those who urge moderation on the wretched and dying, who appeal for calm to those being butchered, really want moderation and not piolence, let them take action now, before it is too late, to make a real contribution to the elimination of the,crime of apartheid. Comprehensive mandatory sanctions are the most effective peaceful means left to the international community to put an end to apartheid. The situation in South Africa is becoming increasingly explosive. But we‘must he aware that the brutal repression and South Africa’s threats against, and attacks On, its neighbours reflect not the strength of the system, but its weakness and the imminence of its inevitable end. The international community must, through the Security Council, respond to the call of the suffering people of South Africa and the call of the whole of Africa for the imposition of comprehensive mandatory sanctions. SO far Washington’s response has been to pretend that sanctions most affect the’ black population. Such hypocrisy exceeds the limits of the seriousness and credibility expected of any leader. . Bishop Desmond Tutu answered that sophistry with his characteristic wisdom recently, when he said: ._ (Mr. Icaza Gallard, Nicaragua) “Some Western countries have rejected sanctions because they say they would most affect the blacks. I hope tliat’those who use this argument will see the wisdom of withdrawing it-and will cease such hypocrisy.” When sanctions serve its interests the United States Government applies them enthusiastically: when they-harm its interests they miraculously become ineffective. Why are sanctions illegally and unjustly imposed against h’icaragua and not against Pretoria3 The South African Government is well aware of the effectiveness of sanctions - so well aware that, while the Security Council has been earnestly debating the imposition of sanctions against it, South Afrida has for many years been applying ,sanctions against its neighbours. Colonialism, apartheid, shaped the economies of southern Africa, in accordance with Pretoria’s interests. As long as apartheid exists , south Africa’s economic: relations with its neighbours can never be mutually beneficial, What is more, the _ economic relations that South Africa seeks are those described by Lord Malvern with respect to the Federation of Rhodesia and’Ni&aland: ‘The white rider ‘on a black horse*. i_ : The dependence of the neighbouring countries on the South African economy has been intensified.by the terrorist acts of the colonialist puppets of UNITA and RENAMO, created specifically to serve imperialist interests. Aware of the importance of the means of communication to the economies of the fraternal front-line countries, South Africa has concentrated on destroying that very sector. Sabotage is one of the mainstays of South Africa’s policy towards its neighbours. The important railway lines from Beira to the Indian Ocean and from Benguala to the Atlantic have been a key target of South African attacks, with the countries to transport their products through purpose of forcing the neighbouring dependence. .' ..' South Africa, thus in.creasing their South Africa has threatened that if sanctions ars,applied against it, Pretoria ' will apply sanctions against its neighbours, But such sanctions have already been applied for yedrs. The policy of "comprehensive strategy",pursued by Pretoria involves the use of every available means in the defence 0-f apartheid, including the destabilization of its 'neighbours and the weakening of their econcmiesi Those objectives have been encouraged by the notorious policy of constructive engagement, which was recently declared by a special'group with impeccable credentials tobe a resounding failure. The group had been appointed by'the Reagan Administration, which has striven for so long to defend that hypocritical policy. The policy has simply helped South Africa expand its apparatus of repression and gnvest in arms in a way which has enabled it to incredse its milita-ry budget since the Sha&eville massacre from R44 million to,more than R4 billion in 1986. " " ' while some members of the Council*veto the imposition df sanctions against . I' South Africa, South Africa is already imposing them on .its:neighbours. It is . conservatively,estimated that Pretoria.?s sanctions. have meant the loss of much more ,than $20 billion to Weeconomies of 'the front-line States. ,. The‘many sanctions measures that'south Africa has taken against Its neighbours Incl.ud.e.Pretoria's recent ban on the employment'of citizens of Mozambioue and its -' order expeiling more than,60,000 Mozambicans &king in.South Africa-. Therefore, While imposing sanctions on Pretoria, the international Community ' . must urgently expand its bilateral economic co-operation with the front-line.States and increase its co-operation with.the Southern African Development Co-ordination , Conference,‘ I. -- . . / At the same time, the international Community'should lend its full Support to the Solidarity Fund for Southern Africa of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. That Fund, which was recently set up in Harare, Zimoahwe, is co-ordinated by Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi of Tndia. The importance of thisinitiative was clearly stated by the Chairman of our Movement, Prime Minister Robert Mugabe, when he said: "We have thrown .dowp a 'challenge to the non-aligned countries and the world, in creating the Fund as a concrete step in our struggle against apartheid," Today the Security Council faces a historic challenge. It can continue to be passive and to be hobbled by the veto in the face of a situation, which.cannot be justified, still less tolerated , or it can discharge its mandate and contribute to bringing peace to southern Africa'by eradicating apartheid. We Nicaraguans, who are also victims of the policies and ideas that stimulate ' ' and sustain apartheid, can only humbly, but with dignity and solidarity, extend our hand6 to the struggling peoples of South Africa and Namibia. ', 1 We reaffirm our unswerving soliddrity with the ,South West' Africa. PeOple'6 Organizatfon and the African National Congress; the vanguard6 of peoples that will, : . sooner'xather than later, regain control of their'own destiny and be the architects L : .of their oh future. 1. . .L;et me end by dnjoting the words of Comrade Nelson .Mandela at-the Rivohia trial . . in 1964;. referring to the just,cause.of.hfi people, words that.led to his ~ ',. ,._ .' . imprisonmer& which is still continuing: : ' *. I. ' *A political division based on,'the colour of,the skin is ab6olutelY *' : : . '. ' artificial, &nd.with its disappearance there /will disappear the domination of , \' '.. . -. ,, : One raclal,group"over another;, The African National COngre66 has been I . struggling against racism for ha1f.a century. It6 struggle is truly national2 .. it is the titr'uggle'of the African people, inspired by its own sufferjng., It .: . . is the struggle for the right to life." .' '.. -' I

f thank the representative of Nicaragua for his kind words address&d to me. The next speaker is the Acting Chairman of the,Special Committee on the ; Situation with regard to.the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting Of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, Mr, Oramas Oliva. I invite him to take a place at the Council tabie'and to-make his statement. . Mr. ORAMAS OLIVA (Cuba), Acting Chairman of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting Of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples (Special Committee of 24) ' . - (interpretation from Spanish): On behalf of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of'the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, I wish to express my Sincere appreciation for this opportunity to address the security Council in connection with its consideration of the present item. I should like to say how happy and gratified I am to see you, Sir,' presiding on this occasion over the deliberations of the Council, this important united Nations body. The commitment of the people and the Government of the Republic of Zambia to the cause of colonial peoples an% their outstanding contributions to the work of the United Nations in the field of decolonisation, in particular as an active member of the united Nations Council for Namibia over the past two %ecades and as its Chairman delegation for a number of years , are a matter of record and reuuire no elaboration in this forum. This series of Council meetings has been'convened at a moment of. profound crisis. This is so not only because the international community's efforts to bring about genuine independence for Namibia by peaceful means'have beerr at a standstill owing to the intransigence of the minority racist rigime in Pretoria, but also because Of the deteriorating international situation in southern Africa brought about by the repeated armed attacks an% acts of aggression and destabilisation by the South African racist r&gime against neighbouring in%epen%ent African States; and the escalation of violence against the oppressed peoples of southern Africa by the apartheid r6gime. That r&gime's brutal oppression and violence against the people of South Africa,' its illegal occupation of Namibia , and its repeated acts of aggression and subversion directed against independent African.States Signal a wider: Conflict in the area with unforeseeable consewences. Despite the repeated and unanimous calls by our Organisation for an end to' VfOhnCe and tept~SSi& against the African peoples and the renewed pleas for clemency and the release of persons arbitrarily detained or imprisoned, South Africa Continues to defy the international commup$;ty’s wifl by its'intensified application of inhuman and unjust laws. The truth is that of late the eituation has drastically worsened, as evidenced by the rampant murder of political prisoners; a wave of mass arrests - including even children 7 and the execution Of young men who are members of the African National Congress of South Africa 'iANC). This criminal system and its enforcement through sweeping laws and brutal police methods contravene all the principles and objectives of the Organisation, especially those embodied in Article 55 of the'united Nations Charter and in the. Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Without question the international dommunity would be utterly failing in its . duty if it'did not categorically condemn these barbarws sentences and arbitrary juridical procedures, demand that they be reversed and call for the immediate and unconditional release of imprisoned patriots and freedom fighters held in South African gaols. This deplorable reality in southern Africa continues to exist not because of a lack of concern or neglect on the part of the international community -,for we are deeply COnSdiOuS,Of the fact that the United Nations has consistently maintained . its efforts to find elruitable and peaceful solutions to the problems in the region. Every aspect of the situation obtaining in southern Africa has been carefully reviewed by the.United Nations bodies concerned, I do nqt need.to stress, the fact'that if the situation continues to deteriorate despite these efforts, it is due solely.to the non-compliance-of the minority racist r&ime with its obligations under the United Nations Charter. fn the light of South Africais continuing defiance of its Charter obligations in respect of the fundamental rights of the peoples of.Namibia and South Africa and its SySteIMitic use of force to perpetuate its inhuman, racist domination over them, as well as its repeated acts of aggression against ne.ighbouring independent African States, the effective application of measures provided for under Chapter VII of the ' Charter remains the key by which the united Nations can obtain that r&gime*s compliance with the decisions of the Security Council regarding Namibia and South Africa. We cannot ignore such a serious threat to international peace and security in the region; nor can.we - except at our own peril - continue to remain inactive in the face of the grave injustice and human suffering inflicted upon the majority of the peoples in South Africa and Namibia, as upon the other peoples of the tegion. ..I We must realise that our Organisation is weakened further by the frustrations, disillusionment and mistrust which the perpetuation of this state of affairs engenders. Action is long overdue; now we must act decisively and without further delay or eauivocation. The Special Committee is aware that the Security Council has been prevented from discharging effectively its responsibilities for the maintenance of international peace and security in the region owing to the opposition of certain of its permanent members. None the less, the Special Committee recommends that the Security Council respond positively to the overwhelming majority demand of the international community by imposing forthwith comprehensive mandatory sanctions against South Africa. ' The Pretoria regime must be left in no doubt whatsoever of the international community*s determination to restore peace, justice and equality to all the peoples in southern Africa. T~~,PREsIDENT: I thank the Acting Chairman of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting kind words he addressed Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples for the of me. to The next speaker is the Vice-President of the United Nations Council for Namibia, Mr. Hocine .Djoudi.. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. Mr. DSOUDI (Algeria),' Vice-President of the United-Nations Council for Namibia (interpretation from French): Mr. President, it is with pride that your colleagues in the United Nations Council for Namibia, on behalf,of 'whom I have the honour to speak, see you in the seat of the President of the Security Council. Your wisdom and experience', which you have demonstrated in your leadership of the Council for Namibia, assure us that your presidency of the Security Council will be , '. successful. In these deliberations the Council will find in you the enlightened .l.eadership guaranteed by the fact that you come from Zambia, which has played a : remarkable part in the liberation struggle of southern Africa and has demonstrated determination in its chairmanship of the front-line States. It is my Particular pleasure to convey to your predecessor, Ambassador Aguilar of Venezuela, the congratulations of the Council for Namibia on the effective and talented way in which he discharged his functions last month. The Security Council is meeting at the urgent reouest of the African Group to examine the grave situation in south Africa. We can only weScome this African .initiative, which gives us the opportunity to express before the Council the ConStant concern of the international community throughout the past year in the face of the tragic situation in southern Africa. The process of apartheid presents a continuing challenge in South Africa, which is in the grip of racial domination, in Namibia, which is illegaily occupied, and in the independent States of the area@ which are the victims of constant aggression. In South Africa, the state of emergency that has been decreed is the means the Pretoria r&ime has decided on to defend ,itself against the national liberation struggle, whose indomitable determination has exposed the spuriousness of the "reforms" proclaimed by the racist authorities. Similarly, by its v&y bitterness and the magnitude of its sacrifices, that struggle has punctured the conspiracy of silence WhiCh, though reinforced by apartheid, did ‘not prevent the hideous echoes Of the crimes of apartheid reaching our ears. In the last few marths victims of racism have fallen by the thousand. More than 25,600, including young perscns, have been arbitrarily detained, tortured and murdered in cold blood. Even so, and despite the hopes’ of the Pre tOria rdgime, this unbridled violence has had the effect of galvanizing ,even further‘ the African ’ masses in their fight against oppression. In the final’ analysis, the South African people, whid? has just conm&norated the 75th anniversary of the African National Congress, has forged in the crucible of racial repression ‘its iron determination to, put an end to its exile on its own.‘national soil, ‘to. for&d labour and to segregation in all its forms. In &at struggle, which has earned our admiration and calls for a warm tribute from us for the magnitude of’ its sacrifices, the South African people has stood in unity against all‘the maneouvres of apartheid. Its unshakeable faith in the legitimacy of its cause, supported by the gigantic, wave. of international SOlidar’ity, has awakened the univ’ersal conscience to the crime against humanity it is fighting. Indeed & measures individually atipted by certain countries have proved to be a further. important contribution to the effort to abol’iSh apartheid. In th.is regard, the sanctions recently decided upon by. the vlited States should be viewed as an example of what the international axmnunity should do collectively. If proof were needed of the effectiveness and ‘timeliness of those measures, we need . only consider the .consternation they have caused the Pretoria authorities. The challenge posed by apartheid in ‘South Africa is reflected in the acts of aggression, ‘des&.biliSation and subversion against all the independent States of ” soutnern Africa. Its natural inability to’ understand, still less to enbark on, a *, policy Of peaceful change has resulted in the Pretoria re’gime’s vain attempt to (Mr. Djoudi, Vice-President, * United Nations Council for Namibia) control the internal situationby stepping up its direct attacks against its neighbours and its systematic efforts to destabilise them through the use of armed gangs. In addition to the Constant violations of the national sovereignty and territarial’integrity of Angoia and Mozambique, there is alternating Or simultaneous invasion of the other front-line countries. That policy of aggression is .accompanied by the stepping up of attempts to strangle the countries of southern Africa economically by destroying their means of communication and through the proliferation of blackmail and other kinds of pressure. The’ regional hegemony of racist South Africa is bolstered from illegally occupied Namibia. With the help of a contingent of more than 100,000 soldiers maintained there by the Pretoria r6gime, apartheid hasbeen set up0 and ,the exploitation of labour and the national resourties of Namibia has been consolidated, while the whole Territory has been transformed into a epringboard for aggression. .In illegally occupied Namibia, the credibility of the United Nations and the authority ‘of the international community as a whole are at stake. As the legal ‘Administering Authority of the Territory until it becomes independent;the United Nations Council for Namibia is in duty bound to neglect no opportunity to remind the international community of that fact. . Like the .International Conference in Vienna in July last, all international . _ -- meetings in 1986 tackled the question of Namibia from the.standpoint of,the need . for the national independence for that country. Indeed, it’ is essential that such . independence be brought about immediately. With the emergence of the South West Africa People’s Organization as the sole authentic representative of the Namibian people, their long-standing struggle has become a veritable war of national liberation. For two decades now the United Nations has borne a special responsibility for the TertitOryr in the face of a challenge that has not been met. *he hope aroused by the adoption of the United Nations plan for Namibian independence has been dissipated because of the eigzagging of the South African authorities, whi$e the security Council’s authority has been undermined by the repeated and groundless claims of.Pretoria, which have brtt one purpose: to hinder the implementation of Security COlU¶Cil feSOlUtiOn 435 (1978) and keep Namibia under the d~omination of apartheid. In the face of the repeated acts of defiance of the Pretoria r&ime, the united Nations Council for Namibia believes that it is particularly urgent for the Security Council to take the decisions necessary to attain the universally proclaimed objectives of dismantling apartheid, l’iherating Namibia and ending the -x aggression and destabilisation in independent southern Africa. (Mr. bjoudi, Vice-President, United Nations Council for Namibia) Indeed, the rebellious attitude of the Pretoria rQgime in face of the appeals and decisions of the international community makes it necessary today to‘have recourse to Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter to re-establish the rule Of law and to restore peace throughout southern Africa. In spite of.all the delays granted it, the apartheid rhgime has abused the patience of the international community for so long that it must finally be met with the determined and unanimous response of the, Security Council, which must fulfil its duty and increase its assistance to national liberation movkments in South Africa and Namibia, as well as to the States of southern Africa that have been the victims of aggression. In so doing, it must reaffirm the prevalence of international will over the obstinacy of an isolated racist i&gime and the primacy of law over injustice- Ultimately, it must reaffirm the authority of the United Nations itself. -The PRESIDENT: I thank the Vice-President of the United Nations Council for Namibia for his kind words addressed to me. There are no further speakers on the list for this morning’s meeting. The next meeting of the Security Council-to continue consideration of the item on its agenda will be held this afternoon at 3.20. The meeting rose at 12.40 p.m.