S/PV.3136 Security Council

Monday, Oct. 5, 1992 — Session None, Meeting 3136 — New York — UN Document ↗ OCR ✓ 1 unattributed speech
This meeting at a glance
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War and military aggression Peace processes and negotiations

The President unattributed [French] #143096
The Security Council will now resume its consideration of the item on the agenda. Mr. (India): Let me first of all associate my delegation with those that have complimented you, Mr. President, on your assumption of the presidency for this month. We look forward to working under your leadership and we are confident that, with your vast experience and with your tremendous skills, the Council will achieve very substantial results during this month. Let me also pay a very well-deserved tribute to Ambassador MGrimcie, who presided over the Council with such distinction last month. The tragedy that has befallen the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina SO soon after its emergence as an independent State Member of the United Rations and the intolerable suffering to which its people are being subjected have shocked the conscience of the entire world. The images of this grctesque dance of death being played out in the cities , villages and detention centres in the countryside have been brought by the international media into our own living-rooms, touching each and every one of us. The State of Bosnia and Herzegovina itself is threatened with disappearance. My delegation therefore welcomes this debate in the Security Council. For too long the international community concentrated on the military, peace-keeping aspect, ignoring the political, peacemaking aspects of the crisis. Cease-fires were repeatedly negotiated only to calLapse before the ink had even dried. Humanitarian conditions worsened while the parties resorted to such abominable practices as "ethnic cleansing" in their attempts to jockey for the political and military high ground. My delegation had pointed out on numerous occasions that determined efforts towards a political settlement were the key to a solution, though they must nevertheless go hand in hand with peace-keeping efforts. Only tile confidence of the parties, based on a political settlement, would serve to underpin any Tutually agreed cease-fire. India therefore welcomed the International Conference on the Former YugWlavia in London last August. A few of the comprehensive set of decisions, agreed to by all participants, which emerged from the Conference have been implemented so far, backed by Security Council decisions. Others are under active study in negotiations between the parties and the Steering Committee and its Working Groups in Geneva. We should like to pay a high tribute to Secretary Vance and Lord Owen, Co-Chairmen of the Steering Committee, and to the Chairmen of the Working Groups, for their immense efforts to find a solution to the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, On the political side, my delegation has besn impressed by the very considerable work that has been done on constitutional arrangements for Bosnia and Herzegovina. As I have said earlier, in these lies the key to a resolution of the tragic situation. My delegation is of th!, opinion that any attempt to impose constitutional arrangements from outside would be a recipe for future di6aster. But the parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina hav6 reposed their faith in tht International Conference, and the international community has offered its hand to help them in working out their own constitutional arrangements. My delegation was encouraged to hear from Lord Owen, in his statement to the Council on 13 November, that all the parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina have agreed to use the draft outline constitution as a basis for negotiating a political settlement, that counter-proposals are being made and that negotiations are continuing. It is against this background that my delegation (Mr.1 can go along with operative paragraph 1 oE the draft resolution before us. which urges the parties to continue negOtiatiOn8 under the auspices of the Co-Chairmen of the Steering Committee and on the baais of the draft outline. On the military side, the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) has repeatedly been burdened vith increased mandates, so much so that it has become, since the adoption of resolution 786 (19921, the largeat United Nations peace-keepfng operation ever. It continues to operate not only in Croatia but also in Bosnia, under traditional rules of peace-keeping - that is, with the consent and cooperation of all parties. It has operated under heavy odds, often in dangerous situations, and has suffered tragic casualties. Its mandate, in part, has included political negotiations. This has been the case in Croatia and also in Bosnia, where very commendable negotiations have been carried out for the reopening of the Sarajevo airport in the past and, more, recently, in the context of the Mixed Military Working Group. This Group, at the level of military commanders, reached a. understanding for a cease-fire in Bosnia only a few days ago. It is our fervent hope that this can be consolidated and built upon. My delegation would like to pay a sincere tribute to General Nambiar, the overall commander of UNPROFOR, and his staff for their efforts, their determination and their courage in this difficult and dangerous task. One concern that my delegation has expressed on several occasions has been that the Security Council and the United Nations as a whole should retain full authority and responsibility over the execution of actions authorized by the Council. Uy delegation worked with the sponsors in the present instance to provide for effective coordination, through the Secretary-General, of the actions that Member States may take for the inspection and verification of shipping in the Adriatic and on the Danube, under paragraphs 12 and 13 of the draft resolution. The cooperation of the sponsors in amending paragraph 14 of the draft resolution to this effect has met our concern to a considerable extent and will make it possible for us to support the draft resolation. While on the subject of the draft resolution, let me state that my delegation has no reservation with respect to paragraphs 9 and 10 dealing with some specific commodities. As my delegation understands the matter, the intention and the effect underlying these provisions is to further tighten the existing regime of sanctior;: to plug loopholes for their evasion. Resolution 757 (1992) has already established a comprehensive sanctione regime against the Pederal Republic of Yugoslavia - Serbia and Montenegro. The humanitarian situation in Bosnia is, to say the least, disastrous. Unfortunately, the vulnerability of the civilian population has often been exploited by all sides as a weapon of war. As the draft resolution before us points out, the provision of humanitarian assistance in Bosnia and Herzegovina has become an important element in the Council's effort to restore peace and security in the region. We heard from Mrs. Ogata last Friday about the efforts being exerted by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in Bosnia, despite growing obstacles and obstructions. As Mrs. Ogata pointed out, major routes used by UNHCR convoys cross front lines that are constantly shifting, and there are worrying signs that humanitarian aid is being targeted by all parties, each for its own different reasons. My delegation would like to record its particular appreciation for the work being done against such difficult odds by UNHCR, as well as by the International Committee of the Red Cross. UNPROFOR has alS0 been involved in humanitarian work, notably for the protection of humanitarian convoys across Bosnia. Its full deployment and its cooperation with UNHCR are important elements in this task. The Council heard a statement from Mr. Mazowiecki, the Special Rapporteur for Yugoslavia appointed by the Commission on Human Rights on the violations of international humanitarian law in the former Yugoslavia, including Bosnia. It is my delegation's position, which it has expressed in the past, that the rasnn~t;va ~nmnatan~aa of t_)?e mainsnrnama of f_hp lln4toA Nrt4nno ehrrralrl ha ---t------ --- c- ------- -‘.-, - -. - - 3---- ------- -.-1----- ------- -- strictly respected. Human rights reports of this nature should rightly be presented to and e,ramined ty the competent organ, in this case the Commission on Human Rights and the Gereral Assembly. (Mr. Gharekhan, Indii) Yet, we have noted that the enabling resolution appointing the Special Rapporteur specifically included reporting to the Security Council. Further, the Bosnian situation is unprecedented in its multidimensionality. It has become well-nigh impossibl? to separate the political, military and humanitarian aspects of the crisis. Thus, while we must take into consideration these gross violations of international humanitarian law in the findings and decisions of the Council, where they directly impinge on the political-military situation, as the Council has done in resolutions 771 (1992) and 780 (1992), we must not lose track of the fact that the organs competent to act on the Special Rapporteur's recommendations remain the General Assembly and the Commission on Human Rights. Tl. parties in Bosnia must not lose faith that the international community is determined to work towards a just and fair solution. Some of the most distinguished and eminent personalities are devoting themselves to this end within the framework of the International Conference. This Council is ready to work in consonance with them to give its authority and weight to their decisions. Indeed, the United Nations is an equal participant in the International Conference. The parties must not forget that Bosnia is their lanb. It belongs to all of them, and in the final analysis it is they who have to find a solution acceptable to all of them. The PRB- (interpretation from French): I thank the representative of India for his kind words addressed to me. I shall now make a statement in my capacitv as representative of Hungary. Hungary, along with sone other countries in the Security Council, well before the assault launched against Bosnia and Rerzegovina and the siege of Sarajevo, had drawn the Council's attention to the potential dangers inherent in the situation in that Republic, not only for the region, but also for (The President) international peace and security. We also stressed at that time the need to take adequate preventive measures to prevent the extension of the conflict already raging in other parts of the defunct Federation to Bosnia and Herzegovina and other regions of the former Yugoslavia. We had stressed the increased role that the United Nations should play there and the importance of deploying observers of the world Organisation in Bosnia and Herzegovina and elsewhere. We put forth these ideas as a country which, by virtue of its geographical proximity and for historical and economic reasons, has been and remains one of the most affected by the crisis in what was once Yugoslavia. Hungary, well aware of the ethnocentric nationalist motivatiijns that played an important role in the outbreak of the crisis in the former Yugoslavia in 1991, was not taken wholly by surprise by the repetition of this . aggression, wtis mutandi3, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, nor by the re-enactment of a familiar scenario that was well tested during the early phases of the conflict. Our public opinion was none the less greatly shocked oy the events that later took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The massacres, the spectacle of hundreds of thousands of refugees obliged to quit their homes, the pictures of concentration camps with detainees behind barbed wire, and the deliberate acts of destruction reminded us of the darkest pages of contemporary European history. And yet, in 1945, after the end of the Second World War, the peoples of the United Nations expressed their resolve to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war and undertook to do their utmost to ensure that such horrors were never repeated. Thus, it is a tragic pardB”a i;i,~i;, $ ya*‘d iaiei, CL_ ---- L ---- -- --- -- -----ler. :- L‘IC apl,,r l,“IIVLP arc r~-sul=-ry**ry b.1 J Ezropz which, after the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the adoption of the Charter of Paris, had finally succeeded in transcending the divisions of four decades and had decided to opt for the path leading to the establishment of a free, united and democratic European continent. The crisis in the former Yugoslavia, and part.icularly the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, continue seriously to imperil international peace and security. They are grounds for extremely serious concern. We believe that the way in which internatioual organisations react to this growing crisis and the way in which they demonstrate their capacity and readiness to act are increasingly assuming the charactar of a crucial precedent. It is vital for the international forums addressing the problems of the former Yugoslavia to yield tangible results, for otherwise the international community would merely be sending an extremely equivocal message, fraught with dire consequences, to fomenter9 of unrest around the world. We should also bear in mind the fact that, in the eyes of the international public, the hopes focused on the United Nations effectiveness in conflict settlement appear today to be well justified on the basis of the achievements of the world Organisation in the recent past, in particular in the area of the United Nations contribution to putting down aggression. Since the beginning of the crisis in the former Yugoslavia the Security Council has repeatedly addrarsed the issue, adopting a large number of resolutions on it. The International Conference on the Formr Yugoslavia offered us the right framework for the achievement of a lasting political settlement of the conflict. The effort8 of the two Co-Chairmen of the Steering Conraittee of the Conference are praiseworthy, and the progress made in the difficult and delicate negotiations should be properly appreciated. We must note, howwet, that many important Security Council reaolutions remain dead letters, and that the decisions of the International Conference continue to be ignored. Serb nationalism, both within and outside Serbia, end regular and irregular forces of that nationalism undoubtedly bear the heaviest burden of responsibility for the outbreak of the conflict. in the former Yugoslavia and its extension to other regions. All the peoples, all tbe nationalities, living in those land6 are victims of this conflict - Ilosnian Xuelims, Croats, Serbs and others, who throughout hiistory have woven close ties with Hungarians , and whose sufferings we therefore feel deeply. One could hardly be more convinced than we are, a8 inhabitants of that region of Europe, that this kind of extreme nationalism cannot serve the interests of the Serbs themselves, wherever they aay live, and that they must find their path to salvation in a different policy. The international community has stated and restated that any acquisition of territory by force is illegal and uuacceptable. It must reject and isolate those who champion such Policies. We are deeply concerned about the persistent, massive and systematic violations of human rights and international hunanitarian law, documented in great detail in the report of Mr. Mazowiecki, Special Rapporteur of the Connisrion on Humen Rights, r..-d in his statement to the Security Council. Hungary vigorously cordemne offorte to bring ebout the creatioa of so-called nation-Stats8 through %tbnic cleeneingH aad the eetebliehment of “ethnically pure** territories. We denoueco tbo atrocitioe cosenftted for this purpose end the expulsion of oai.ional or rmligioue mtwritiee. Tbm alraedy tense situation in thie regard tbreateee to engulf other territories in the north and south of Serbia end beyond. In a region such as Central enG Eastern Europe it domonetratee incredible igeoreece or Criminal irreeponeibility to seek to achieve such objectives. for that uould dreg the whole r?+gion into en apocalyptic chain of events, with incalculable coneeguenneee. The number of people in Bosnia and Bereegovina who have had to leave their homes bee risen to 2 million, end, with the continued "otbnic cl@-eing" operations and continued fighting, fresh wave8 of refugees end displaced persons may be expected. Hungary. a neighbouring country which was among the firet to feel and absorb tba effects of tble war, r\ae from tbo beginning taken en active part ia the interaational effort5 to give refuge to those who have fled thB fighting and degradetic% Their number in Siungary is now appsoximately 30,000. With the approach of winter, the human tragedy unfolding before our very eyes will take oti even more dieaetroue dirneneione. The inturnational colaorunity, aad the Security Council in particular, must remain permanently and actively seized of this problem, unprecedented in Europe+ since the sad OQ thy Secnnd World War. We are fully aware that it im impamgiblo en ~clA_+os ?fkr pc!Cu cf *tzis and EXeraegovina by exclusively humanitarian means, that it is unthinkable to restore peace in tbe country eimply by feeding the population end healing ito wounds. But Hungary believea that in view of the alarming humenitarien eituation it is vital to take practical steps without delay to overcome the imminent dangers and the immediate difficulties by setting up safe areas for humanitarian purposes in various regiOnU of Bosnia and Herzegovina. These areaa coula serve as safe havens for the civilian population, regardless of ethnic or religious background. The struggle for the Survival of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina continues. The international community has not yet succeeded in halting the aggression against this country. On the contrary, tvo thirds of its territory have been occupied by the aggressO~sr who continue to benefit from cross-border complicity and who no longer bother to disguise their strategic territorial ambitionu. After roflacting on this question, ve believe that we must avoid the fundamental error of equating an aggressor that continues to trample underfoot its international commitmenta and a victim striving, with the means at ita disposal, to depend itself, striving to exist. We are profoundly concerned over the failure of international efforts to end the despicable, abhorrent policies being pursuea in Bosnia and Herzegovina. AIL the cCgns are that everything ue have done ia far from being enough. We muat take much more vigorous action to dispel the illusion that deem8 to prevail in some qUartera that the world accepts the policy of fait. We must think of the consequences of a resolute and consistent attitude by the community of nations for other parts of the planet suffering bloody conflicts. Plungary believes that, face6 with a worsening of the crisis in Bosnia and Horaegovina and other regions of the former Yugoslavia, the Security Council must act with the necessary resolve. It should pursue even more vigorously its activities to ensurw respect for its resolutions by all parties; ntrictly apply the sanctions reglmds that bavo been imposed; bring about a cessation of hostilitiesr condemn any attempt to undermine the terrbtorial integrity of Roxnia and Herxegovina; call fcr an end to all foreign interference in the countryt bring to justice those responsible for violations of human rights and humanitariau international law; assist humanitarian operations; and contribute to an overall political aettlemeat of ths conflict. I now resuma my function5 a5 President. The next speaker is the representative of Italy. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. Mr. w {Italy) (interpretation from Frenchlr St is a sincere pleasure for me, Sir, to congratulate you on your assumpti-n of the presidency of the Security Council. I should also like to congratulate the Permanent Representative of France on the highly effective way in which he conducted the Council's business laat month. Italy welcome5 and fully supports the emphasis which the Permanent Representative of the United Kingdom placed on the important role played by the European Conrnunity in the search for a political solution to the Yugoslav crisis. Italy haa made a significant contribution to these efforts - particularly in the fields of preventive diplomacy, peacemaking and numanitarian relief - sustaining, moreover, the loss of a number of Italian officers and airmen. Furthermore, aa a renewed sign of our determination to do our best to help in relieving the terrible humanitarian problems that confkont the population of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs announced last Thursday our willingness to provide asylum to several hundred refugee5 from the region, in addition to those already admitted in the past few months, and in particular to persons held in detention camps. (Mr.) Deeply concerned over the dramatic situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and l v8n more so over the inhuman practice OP "ethnic cleansing'*, which retells some of the darkest pages of European history, the Italian Government welcomem the draft outline constitution proposed by the co-chairmenship of the Geneva Conference, which. while guaranteeing the territorial integrity of Bcania and Hersegovina. offers to all the ethnic component8 of that country a concrete possibility of re-establishing the peaceful coaxistence that prevailed among them for centuries. As Chairman of the Council of the Western European Union (WEU), Italy has beon leading the operations of joint patrolling and monitoring in the Adriatic Sma, while coordinating tboae activities with the efforts of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO). For that rea8on no welcome the provisiona of the draft resolution to be adopted by the Security Council concorning the strengthening of the enforcement of sanctions against the Federal Papublic of Yugoslavia and in particular tho authorfaation to halt all inward and outward maritime shipping in order to inspect and verify their cargoor and destinatioar. We are convinced that the80 new rules will greatly enhance the effoctivenesa of the embargo, helping the naval forces of the WEU and NATO in the Adriatic Sea muccorofully to discover and defeat any attempt to violate or circumveat by sea the provisions of resolutions 713 (1991) and 757 (1992) and those of the draft resolution to be adopted by the Council. In thin connection I wish to iaform the Council that I have taken due note of the aomevhat aurpriafag and certainly totally unexpected allegations contained in tbo statemeat of the Permanent Representative of the United Statee. The Italian Governmeat, as sooa as it is provided, through the Sanctions Cornaittoe, with all necessary data, will, I aaaure you, conduct the most thorough investigation in order to ascertain the facts. Should the said allogatioae be confirmed, my Government will inmwdiately initiate the proper judiciary procedures in order to puaish the culprits. mm (interpretation from Freach)r I thank the representative of Italy for hia kind words addressed to me. The nent speaker on my list is the representative of Qatar. I invJte him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. Ms- ~NIWUi - ’ (Qatar) (interpretation from Arabic): Allow me at the outset to extend to you, Sir, our congratulations on your assumptio:! of the presidency of the Security Council for this month. I also wish to c,xpress my heartfelt thanks to your predecessor the Permanent Representative #dC Prance, Mr. Jean-Bernard M6rimie. for his able and excellent leadership of the Council’s work last month. I am pleased to extend to you, Mr. President, our thanks for your commendable invitation to convene this meeting in response to thr appeal by the Contact Group of the Qrganization of the Islamic Conference ;,ld in light of the existing dangeru that may lead to a further deterioration ,of the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The State of Qatar, like every other State that respects b.man rights, and I do not apeak of the Islamic States only, is alarmed at tki suffering that has been the lot, for many months , of the population of Iktan3.a and Her2egovina. The situation there is reminiscent of the horror, of the atrocities of the Second World War. We had hoped that such hob.:ors had .s. disappeared for good in our times, in a world where the princip'..oa of the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Ric;%ts prevail. It is a source of shame for the international conununity that tt has been unable 80 far to put a halt to the massacres and an end to the tragedy of the people of Uoania and Herzegovina whose land haa been violated in gross aggression and against whom the crime of ethnic cleansing and other erimes against humaaity are being perpetrated. The consequences of such crimes have ------A 1---a,%.?- y&““P” .qfYYYIYIY to -,&la.*- “I&c*y.aIY. As the United Nations Special Rapporteur has noted, the Moslems of Bosnia and Herzegovina are being the target of mass extermination. Although the Security Council adopted resolution 781 (1992) which bans military flights in the airspace of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbian aircraft have continued to breach the terms of that resolution and have continued to bomb Rosnia and Herzegovina and vent their wrath on its people with impunity, without any fear of the international community. Heavy Serbian guns continue to shell civilian target8 in Bosnia and Hersegovina, despite the fact that Serbian troops have agreed to lay down their heavy weapons and place them under the supervision of the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROPOR). Rosnian defence forces are unable to repel such aggression for lack of ammunition and because it is impossible for them to obtain new weapons thanks to the resolution's embargo on victim and aggressor alike. The matter is extremely serious. I do not exaggerate when I say that the application of the embargo to victim and aggressor alike is cynical and preposterous and that it goes against the human conscience. Self-defence is a principal right enshrined in the United Nations Charter. We are in duty bound to enable Bosnia and Eiersegovina to defend itself as long as the international community is unable to ward off the Serbian aggression by recourse to the provisions of the Charter, lacking as it does authentic reaolve and real determination. The international community has a duty to repudiate the Serbian aggression. The aggressor is a stronger and larger party and the victim of aggression is a smaller and weaker neighbour and a Member of the United Nations. Aggressioa must be prohibited in all casea. Aggression cannot be permitted in certain cases and prohibited in others. The Government in Relgrade, which continues to organise and engineer aggression against the Republic of Bosnia end liersegovina. thm smaller and weakor party, mat deairt. 8very State, large and mall, strong and weak, must abide by the provision8 of the United Nations Charter through unanimous adharence to the principlea of international law and by settling dirputes by logs1 means. (& Al-NI'Q,&LQ~) Tbi8 would buttress the pillars of international legality and lay the foundations of a world imbued with tolerance, justice and peace. My delegation fully supports the adoption by the Security Council of a resolution that would lift the embargo on the export of weapons to Bosnia and Herzegovina. So long as th8 fntsrnatPona1 comunity remains unable or hssitant to deter *Jo aggreaeor by force , to restore usurped rights and to put a halt to the horrors heaped upon the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Continuation of the weapona embargo, in the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina, amounts to support for the aggressor. We cannot believe that the international cousriunity and ths Security Council would accept that or turn a blind eye to it. We therefore join thrl +her States that have called upon the Security Council to adopt a resolution to that effect without delay, for otherviw the aggresror vi11 persist in its recalcitrance and aggression, and the fnternational community will continue to appear to be impotent in the face af that continuing aggression. !fhia is something you would not accept and is not acceptable to the peace-loving people8 of the world. The (interpretation frora French): I thank the representative of Qatar for the kind words he addressed to 1110. The next speaker is tho representative of Comoror. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. a. MCQlZ& ~Comoro8)l The dOlegatiOn of the Pederal Islamic Republic of the CORIorO@ joins tbo &legations that have preceded it an extending congratulation8 to you, Sir, a8 the President of the Council for the month of November. We are confident that, under your able guidance, the Council will aucce88fully carry out it8 responsibilities. My delegation would also like to thank Ambassador Jean-Bernard Merimee, the Permanent Representative of France, for his remarkable stewardship of the Council during the month of October. My delegation is pleased that at long last the Council has agreed to the request of the member States of the Organixation of the Islamic Conference for the holding of these meetings , which we consider to be very important. WC regret the delay; however, it is better late than nevec. The human suffering caused by the aggression carried out against the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Serbia and Montenegro through its puppet Serbian nationalists, with the object of "ethnic cleansing", has been allowed to continue too long. It is about time Member States were givea the opportunity to air the deep feelings of their peoples on an issue that has caused too much pain and suffering and aroused deep emotions, anxiety and desperation in the Islamic corraunity throughout the world. It i8 our intention to air the innsrmo8t feelings of the defenacelesa victims of the aggression - the young, the women, the weak and all those who are suffering and whose voices cannot be heard, and the feelings of many Muslims who holplesrrly witness ths unjustifiable elimination of their brothers and sisters. In doing 80, we will at times use expressions that are less diplomatic, and language that might be offensive or unpalatable to some. To those we might offend, we ask their forgiveness, understanding and sympathy. It is proper for us to begin by expreosfng our deep gratitude to Aii&OGiii&ii EsiwarB Perkin5, the Permanent Representative or the United Statas of America, for the tone and the contenta of his statement to the Council last Friday. Mr. Ambassador, the people for whom we bp0ak appreciate the steadfast (Mr.) position of your Government, that of the United States of Americm, on the crisis of the Balkans. We are convinced that if the Council had adopted Ambassador Perkin’s tone from the beginning of the crisis, instead of the piecemeal, toothless, half -hearted measures it adapted, the situation in Bosnia and Hersegovina would not be what it ia today. We can only hope that time is still on our side, and that the Council will have the political will to take the serious steps that are necessary to reverse the aituatfon. !fhu moment has arrived for the Security Council, acting on behalf of the international comaunity, to prove wrong the perceptions held by our uninformed Muslim masses on the double stan&ards of the United Nations in dealing with aggression. The imprerrion i8 that the Council has not done enough to stop the aggremion against Bosnia and liersegovina, It OS true that the Council ha8 devoted considerable time to the question. However, it is our opinion that it has failed to address the fundamental issue, which is aggression. Mast of the resolutions adopted by the Council deal with the humanitarian aspects of the problem, which, although very important, are not at the core of the problem. The main issue of the aggression by Serbia and Montenegro against the people of Bosnia and Kersegovina has not boeu adequately addressed by the Council. Our people fail to comprehend the attitude of some members of the Security Council who are adamantly opposed to the forceful implementation of tks as-fly zz!e in F.&xl?J+ and Ketnagovina. where the Serbs use fighter plane8 to decimate the people of Bosnia. in spite of the fact that this is a crucial element of the London Accords. Our less educated brothers who are not well vowed in the intricacies of international affairs are justifiably puzzled by the apparent double standards. The same Powera that were so compassionate and understanding and eager to enforce the no-fly lone in Iraq in order to atop Muslims from killing Muslims - a connnendable attitude for which ue are grateful - do not eeem to have the name compassion and eageraeas when it come8 to stopping the Serbs from killing Muslims. Unfortunately this kind of attitude can be wrongly conrtrued in the minds of the Islamic Ununa to mean that the international conraunity is silently conrpiring or acquiescing in the final elimination of the Muslima from the corner of Europe. At this juncture I believe it would be proper for me to quote from Lord Owen'8 statement before the Council last Friday: "The Islamic world, rightly, would accuse III of racism against the Bosniaa Muslims and hold it against us for centuries to come." (-1 (Mr.1 It is now up to the Security Council to take bold steps to atop Serbian aggression against the Eosnian people in order to put to rest and eliminate that perception by the Islamic urnma, which represents more than a billion human beiaga. We believe that in this crisis, the States members of the European Community have a moral obligation to protect the territorial integrity and the unity of the States that vere part of the former Yugoslavia. They encouraged the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia, and thur they should protect those who decided to break away. Consequently, they have a moral duty to protect the people of Bosnia and Heraegovina by all means, including the use of force. Act now before it ;a too late, lest your hesitations come back to haunt you in the future. Those who suffered under Haaism should know full well that "ethnic cleansirg" can neither be acquiesced to nor tolerated. My delegation is grateful for the statement of Mr. Tadeuso Mezoviecki, Special Rapporteur of the Commission on Human Rights. His revealing report on the human rights situation in the former Yugoslavia has helped us all to comprehend the true nature of the problem we are dealing with. We should also like to pay homage to Mrs. Sadako Ogata, the United Rations High COmiSSiOneP for Refugees, for the truly magnificent efforts she and her dedicated staff have made for the benefit of the millions of people vho have been rendered homeless in the former Yugoslavia. Un I~++RP& with great interest to the statements of Mr. Cytus Vance and Lord Owen, co-Chairmen of the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia, who presented us with two outstanding -sports, Ha Cannot but be grateful for their untiring efforts to find a peaceful solutkon to the tragedy (Mr.1 in Yugoslavia. They should be commended for their effort8 and useful suggestionn. We wish them well in their most difficult and t&ankles8 task. My delegation was highly impressed by their well-presented arguments against the partial and selective lifting of the arms embargo on Yugoslavia imposed by Security Council resolution 713 (1991). Because of their position aa co-Chairman of the International Conference, we appreciate their sentiments on the issue. However, we beg to differ with them and with those who share their analysis of the subject. We are firmly convinced that the Council is duty-bound to lift the embargo in order to allow the State of Bosnia and lierneqovina to import the heavy arms it need8 to defend itself? It is true that in most casecl prohibiting arms sales tends to dampen conflict, while pushing arm8 sales deepens it. However, in the cam of aqqression such ae ia taking place La Bosnia and Herzegovina, where the aggressor outguns itti victim, it cannot but have a positive impact on the morale of the victim of agqreaaion and be dissuarive to the aggressor - particularly when the two Co-Chairmen have not informed WI that they perceive even en aton of desire on the part of the Serbian aggressor to settle the matter at the negotiating table. Ihe Serbian6 always sign cease-fire agreements and become the first to break them. From wLat we have heard during this debate, u8 are further convinced that the Serbian aggressors have as their single goal the elimination of Muslims from Bosnia at any cost. Therefore, we should not fool ourselves into negotiations. Deep inside, all members are convinced, as we arer that the only language the Serbs understand is force. Have then the courage and the political will to take decisions towards that end. It is only when the Serb8 (Mr.) realime that theft goals are unattainable by force that they will have an incentive to search for a peaceful solution to the problem. The only language bullies and aggressors understand is brute force. and since, aa Lord Owen remarked, those who have the power to deter aggression by massive military intervention do not have the will to act, does not the Council tben have thL moral responsibility anb obligation to give a fighting chance to the victima of aggression? We have no right to put the aggressor and the victim on an equal footing, particularly when we 011 agree that the aggressor happens to be the one with heavy weaponry. What moral justification does the Council - which is the organ entrusted with the maintenance of peace and security and which is supposed to protect the weak from the strong - have to withhold from the weak, aggressed people of Bosnia an6 Heraegovina the right to defend tbemaelves, particularly when the Council lacks the political will to help them? In the name of the dead and dying heroes of Bosnia, in the name of the future martyrs of Bosnia, in the name of the young children ad women* in the name of the orphans and the widows of Bosnia and Hersegovina, in the P)BM of all tboae who suffer morally because of their inebility to alleviate the plight of their brother6 and sisters in Bosnia, end to all those for whom we are duty-bound to speak out because their voices cannot be heard, we urge and call upon the Security Council to lift without further delay the arms embargo on the State of Eoania and Heraegovina. Wo further request that those who are ft =. pos=ftfoz W” UYI ..Y.S -_.- ..--- _- b- --A I.-*#= l h- -437 +A pr+v%A_+ annrnnrlrta aaaiatence. which -ss--c-m- ~~ will help the Bosnians to deter Serbian aggression, hasten in doing so. In conclusion, ve have to state that time is running out for this lofty body to act. The fatal hour is upon us, and therePore we muat take decisions that will not allow bintory to juflge urn harshly. Tbo credibility of the Security Council aad that of the United Nations is being toeted. For more t&mu sir months, we have allWe% the Serb8 to kill and displace Bosnian Huslins. A catastrophic war has been raging in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the conflagration thrrataas to 8pill over to the othet partu of the format Yugoslavia, all becnuae of the Serbs' desire for a greater, "pure*' and homogonoou8 Sorbian territory. 2!he ths has COW for the Council to send a fim and unambdguous message to the Serb8 that the patience of the international commnity has run out, and to do 80 by aUopthg ma8ure8 that will deter the Sorbs from their aggressive behaviour, witb the clear mandate of OnfOrCing those maamureo by all means available, including the use of force. Paaliafng that the Council might ignore our pleaa, and in line with its international responsibilities, my Government will continua to aupport all efforts to reach a peaceful settlement. We firmly support the new proposal for a constitution for Bosnia and Herzegovina based on the principles of democracy, the protection of human and minority right5 and the rejection of all plans based on ethnic or religious separation. The re5toratfon of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and unity of Bosnia and Herzegovina is the only basis for an acceptable peaceful solution. We cannot end our statement without paying a deserved tribute to the United Nations Protection Force, from its commander to its base units, and to all those who are helping to alleviate suffering in Bosnia and Herzegovina. s (interpretation from French): I tharlk the representative of Comoro8 for the kind words he addressed to me. The next speaker is the representative of Norway. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. Mr. m (Norway) (interpretation trom French): Mr. President, I entead to you my greetings and congratulations. t-1 The atrocities committed against the civilian population in Bosnia and Herzegovina call for our unanimous condemnation. We strongly support the call for an immediate cessation of all hostilities. It is necessary to continue to rearch for a political solution and to act jointly in the spirit of solidarity. The continuing involvement of the Security Council emphasizss the grave concern of the world community end the need for a peaceful negotiated settlement. The principal tools in our efforts will be the sanctions imposed by tbe Security Council, along with persuasion and mediation. It is our firm conviction that the implementation of the London Agreement and the ongoing Geneva International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia under the most able leadership of its Co-Chairmen, Cyrus Vance and Lord Owen, with its broad-based approach, represents the best and perhaps the last chance to settle the conflict by political means. It must continue to have our wholehearted support. We would also stress that all parties to the conflict share responsibility for establishing peace if the Geneva process is to succeed. We must encourage the forces of moderation in all camps and those willing and able to look ahead and take responsibility for finding a peaceful solution. No attempt to redraw existing borders by means of force must be permitted, and an administrative redivision along purely ethnic lines resulting frtim "ethnic cleansing** must be avoided. The Muslim population of Bosnia and Herzegovina today faces a critical security and supply situ&ion. The tragic flood of refugees and displaced persons poses a challenge to the international community as a whole. We must do our utmost to assist them in terms of both humanitarian aid and security. Thie is of particular importance in connection with the approaching winter in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the human suffering which might follow. It is vitally important that the Office of the Unitea Nations HlglA Conuaiaoionsr for Refugees be given the necessary support. Meeting the basic needs of refugees in Bosnia and iierzegovlno serves a double purpose, in that it also acts ad a barrier to the infamous practice of "ethnic clr;ansSng". We are deeply concerned about the human-rights situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In her address to the General Assembly In September, Prime Minister Brundtland r;Jllcd for the establishment of an international tribunal to punish all those responzLble for war crimes. Security Council roaolution 780 (1992), providing for the establishment of an impartial Commiraion of Experts, is an important step in this context. This initiative should be folloued up and supplemented. We commend Lord Owen's proposal to bring the Council of Europe in to exercise international judicial control of respect for human rights and a future constitution for Bosni.& and Heraegovina. Let me also draw attention to the report of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe under the so-called Moscow Human Dimension Mechanism Mission to Croatia, and the proposal that a committee of experts from interested Statea be convened as soon as possible in order to prepare a draft treaty establishing an international ad hoc tribunal for certain crimes committed in the former Yugoslavia. We commend this proposal to the international community for appropriate action. Our efforts in connection with the regiatration and documentation of violations of human rights must be expedited. There ahould be no doubt that YIB are all working energetically together to secure respect for human rights and international humanitarian law. In a situation with an almost complete breakdown of trust, where the parties act on their worst suspicions, the rapid deployment of United Nations observers on Bosnia's borders is particularly important and has our fu,ll support. The proposed strengthening of sanctions is a clear message to all them involved in contraband activities that the breaking of the United Hatfons-imposed sanctions will not be tolerated by the world community. The draft resolution before the Council represents an important step to ensure effective implementation of the sanctions. Its unanimous adoption by this Council would be a timely message to all those who bear responsibility for the present tragedy in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Today we join others in calling on the parties to stop the hostilities, respect the cease-fire and commit themselves to a political settlement. The+ (interpretation from French): I thank the representative of Norway for the kind words he addressed to me. The next speaker is the representative of Lithuania. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. Plr. (Lithuania): I wish to congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for this month, and I wish you great success during the Council's deliberations on extremely important and difficult issues. Please allow me also to express my appreciation for this opportunity to address the Security Council, the most important body of the United Nations, entrusted with the weighty task of maintaining peace and security in our interdependent world. The Lithuanian delegat.ion wishes to voice its views on the critical issue of Bosnia and Herzegovina because of the apprehension of Lithuania's Government and people over the dire consequences of successful aggression against that country. If the Serbian conquests and the tragic results of “ethnic cleansing” are alloved to stand, it will set an unfortunate precedent for all potential aggressors around the world. We already see certain aspects of Serbian aggression re-enacted in the Dnieater region of Moldova and Abkhazfa in Georgia. It is not difficult to foresee that there will be more to come, since Serbian aggression in Bosnia and Herzegovina has to date been a low-cost, low-risk campaign 4th high yields. Even though Bosnian Serb8 may have valid political aspirations, nothing can justify the armed aggression, massive expulsions snd killing of innocent civilian populations taking place in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Yevertheless, we understand that there may be valid reasons why the Security Council, tbs Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe and of&e+ international bodies find it impossible or inadvisable to intervene in order to defend Bosnia and Heraegovina from aggression. However, if the international community cannot provide effective defence. it cannot morally deny the right of self-defence to the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The right to self-defence is an inherent right of any sovereign State. It is one of the fundamental principles of international law, enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. No international body has the right to take it away or to curb it, especially if it cannot or will not provide an adequate defence for the victimized. To continue to impose a stranglehold on a victim engaged in a life or death struggle is morally and legc‘lly unacceptable, just as in the non-differentiation betveen aggressor and victim. For those reasons. Lithuania urges the Security Council seriously to consider the lifting of the arms embargo against Bosnia and Herzegovina so that that sovereign State can at the very least defend itself from the ruthless onslaught of aggressor forces. m Pm (interpretation from French): I thank the representative of Lithuania for his kind words addressed to me. The next speaker is the representative of Croatia. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his stetemnt &. NQ.&&Q (Croatia): My country is honoured by the opportunity to address the Security Council for the first time. Let me express our special and deepest admiration for you, Mr. Presidont, for the Secretary-General, for the Co-Chairmen of the Conference on the Yormer Yugo::lavia, for the Special Rapporteur on human rights in Yugoslavia and for the High Commiaaioner for Refugeea for their brave efforts to restore peace and bring an end to human suffering. Croatia is grateful for all the efforts that the Security Council has made to stop the aggression against two States Members of the Uuited Nations - the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We are also grateful to the troop-contributing countries, which are sparing no effort and no risk in order to help. fn his recent letter to the Secretary-General, the President of the Republic of Croatia, Franjo Tudjman, welcomed the indisputable results that the United Nations Protection Force WNPROFOB) had achieved in putting an end to the war in Croatia and in initiating the withdrawal of the Yugoslav army from the occupied territories south of Dubrovnik. Unfortunately, implementation of the existing Vance plan is still being seriously delayed and the aituation in the occupied areas is continuously deteriorating. These disturbing facts have been officially confirmed by the highest officials of the United Nations and of URPROFOR. At this moment we are witnessing the consistent militarization of the United Nations Protected Areas in spite of the fact that all the Serbian insurgents and paramilitary forces should have been disarmed and disbanded a long time ago. Refugees and displaced persons still are not able to return to their homes in the UnitQd Nations Protected Areas; the Croatian Government is still not allowed to establish its control inside the "pink sanea"; big parts of the Croatian international boundaries - recogaized by the international community - are not 2.A under the control of URYROFOR authorities; essential conditions for establiahing a framework for the reintegration of all the occupbed territories - through implementation of the constitutfonal Law on Winoritior and the Law on Abolition - have not teen met. Thmreform, President Tudjman has proposed the consistent and imediate implementation 02 all the relevant Security Council resolutions , and has asked for tke strengthening of the UHPEOPOR mandate in accordance with Chapter VII and Chsptor VIII of the Charter of the United Hation8. Csoatia finds it necessary to require enforcement of the UNPROFOR actions so that all paramilitary formations inside the United Nations Protect06 Areas cas be dirsmed, the expulsion of the non-Serb population halted asd the u&eatable anarchy in the United Nation8 Protected Areas brought to an end. We should lik to see, thsoug& implementation of Security Council resolutions and broadening of the sumdate of UUPROPORI the establishmsnt cf the conditions for the gtadusl reintegration of the United Nations Protected Areas into the legal, politfaal, economia am3 racial ryst6a of the Republic of Croatia. We helieve it is secessary to underlise the seriour deterioration of the Vancm plas, because what is happening in the United Watioas Protected Areas cenaot be separated frar the political, military asd huasnitarian sltuafion ia seighbeuring Bosni8 and Bersegovina. If the United Nations peace plea ia Croatia is sot implemented, that will decrease chances for the success of the even more comples peace plan in Bosnia. Ou&&etlOro, feibre of the peace-keeping plan in the Republic of Croatia uould @es the doer for reccgnitioa of the fruits of the sggreaaion launched against Bosnia snd Rersegovina. Nev militarisation of the United Uatioas Protected Areas has resulted in increasing Serbian firepower being supplied act088 the territory of Bosnia as& Nersegcdns. The weakness of UHPROPOR and its lack of determination are providing fruitful soil for t&e rise of asa (Hr.1 aggressive Serbian policy, which was bluntly demonstrated in a recent attempt to proclaim the unification of the occupied territories in Croatia and in Bosnia and Heroegovina into a Serbian artificial State entity - the final goal being to become a part of greater Serbia. Therefore, ongoing preparationa for the plebiscite for the unification of these territories should be condemned by the Security Council aud prevented by UNPROFOR. Freeaing the ongoing situation inside the United Nations Protected Areas has enabled Serbian forces to transfer the majority of their manpower to the battlefront in Bosnia end Beraegovina. From the occupied territories in Bosnia and Xersegovina new attacks are being launched on the territory of the, Republic of Croatia, and a constant flow of supplies is making po85ible the oogoing occupation of Groatian soil. At the sme time, people in Bosnia and Heroegovioa are starving to death became the essential huaumitariau corridors - provided for in Security Council resolution 776 (1992) - have not yet been establishad. Intensified Serbian aggression and constant "ethnic cleansfug" am making *he already catastrophic situation even worse. New tfdea of refugees are putting r,n Croatia au even bigger burden than the sanctions imposed by Security Council resolution 757 (1992) have put on Serbia and Monteoegro. The Republic of Croatia was among the first couatries in the world to reccgaiae the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Bosnia and Uersegovina. Ia defending Bosnia and Reraegovina from carhlnrr -rorrann nnA 4n rhmlCotlnm Rrmn4n’r taQ.maOI. Pmn44r r8aA Pmrt. 4.. ------- -3.l---- ---- -~~- -- ----------a -_---_ - ---- a---. ----w-v -- -m---- em Bosnia and Bersegovina have done more than all the other countries combined. The total number of refugees in the Republic of Croatia - 750,000 - is almost equal to the number of people employed in that country. The result has been devastating inflation and such a serious deterioration of t&o standard of living in my country that the majority of the population is facing the danger of malnutrition. SP tbe tmrritory of weatern Hsrrsgoviaa, where Croats make up 90 per cent of tbo total population, there are today more Muslim refugee8 than Croat reaideata. Areas under the coartrol of the Croatian Defence Council nre the only part of Bosnia and %ermgovina vbere Muslims can feel safe and secure from the Serbian onslaught. In spite of that, while the world passively uwsdiea the Serbian conquertu an& continuation of "ethnic cleansing" in Bosnia and Bersegovina, Croatia io criticired for its unwillingness to receive every new vav8 of refugees. (Mr.1 Croatia ban already proposed establiuhing rafo sonee for tha rofugeos in Bosnia and Uersegovina aa the most officio& and, from a political point of view, the moat valuablo approach to thin appalling situation. Those safo aonea should primarily be organised in and around major besiogod towns in Bosnia and Uorsogovina by lifting the Serbian siege8 and by opening pormanont humanitarian corridors through to them. Any other solution would only contribute to the ongoing Serbian "ethnic cloansingH. The intomational community also launches enormoum diplomatic and media pressure against Croatia whenovor the defonco and survival of Bosnia and Iioroogovina aro at stake. Croatia hae - in accordance with the Joint Agreements signed by the Presidents of the two Repuhlice - offorod military holp to the Croats in Bosnia and Hersegovina and to tho Bosaian Government forcoa in on effort ta provont , or at leaat to 4aaor the terrifying conrequencee of the gonocidsl policy of "ethnic cleansing" that is being oxocutod hy the Serbian aide. Despite this fact, Croatia ha8 conrtantly been acaused of invading and occupying Bornia and Horaegovioa. Croatia has been named a traitor to tho Muslima, and accused of holding recrot negotiations with tha Serba on the partition of Bosnia and Herregovina, even though Croatian forces have been bravely defending Bosanrki Brod, hopelessly waiting for the international humanitarian corridor to be established along that rout0 . pot only has the United Nations Protection Porco nover opened tho corridor, but neighbouring cities in Croatia, particularly Slavonski Brod# wore rhsllod, barbarouely, for months. The Croatian units have therefore been forced to retreat. We faced the same challengea end doubts once normaliaatioa of Croatian-Serbian relations began under the auspices of the Geneva conference, because many tried to interpret this, unjuetifiably, as a betrayal of the (Mr.1 Muslims in Bosnia and Heraegovina. Unfortunately, no further progress has been made in tbis regard so far, owing to the lack of decisive international pressure on the Belgrade authorities. There has been no change in the policy of the Republic of Croatia with regard to the integrity and sovereignty of the Republic of Bosnia and lierzegovina. Croatia, and Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina, were the first to support the constitutional framework proposed by Co-Chairmen Mr. Cyrus Vance and Lord Owen at the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia. We also strongly support the negotiations in the Mixed Military Working Group and a common political and defence alliance between Muslims and Croats aimed at achieving a cessation of hostilities and providing political solutions. Peace and post-war recovery are our priorities3 we would certainly not like to be drawn into the endless bloodshed in Bosnia and Herzegovina. But we remain determined in supporting a constitutional and political sol&ion in Bosnia and Heraegovina that will also afford equal rights for the Croatian people. In that regard, we are ready to accept any negotiated solution agreed between the tbrae constituent nations of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Croatia haa made a significant effort to stop the distressing, though isolated, incidents between Croatian and Muslim forces in some areas in Bosnia and Perzegovina. These incidents have largely been orchestrated attempts to split the Croatian-Muslim alliance againer Serbian aggression, or reflected the then differing views of Muslims and Croats concerning the constitutional future of Bosnia and Herzegovina. To our great discontent, we must stress that Croatia has time and again been used as a scapegoat for the mounting human tragedy that is spreading throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina. We do not think that the vay towards peace (Mr.1 is to say that the aggressor and his victim are both equally guilty. There is no doubt that in the hxrible war in the former Yugoslavia, the Serbian side is the aggressor and Croats, Muslims and other non-Serbs are the victims. It is high time for determined action by the SecurityJ Council. It is time to halt the aggrossion and isolate and punish the aggressor. It is time to enable Bosnia and Herzegovina to assume its legitimate right of self-defance. ft is time to force the Serbian insurgents in Bosnia and Rerzegovina and in Croatia, and their Belgrade masters, finally to accept the principles and decisions of the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia. Croatia wants Bosnia to have peace and to retain its integrity, not only for the sake of the legitimate rights of the Croatian population in our neighbouring States, but also for the sake of the historical, geopolitical, economic and strategic ties between the two countries. In urging the Security Council to create the necessary conditions for UKPROFOB to conclude its mandate in Croatia successfully we are trying to enable the United Nations to transfer the br%ve and noble peace-keeping forces to the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, where Serbian aggression is still continuing. Croatia's ultimate goal remains firm bilateral relations acd continued friendnbip with Bosnia and Heraegovina based on a constitutional solution fully acceptable to all three of the constituent nation8 of that country. m PR- (interpretation from French): Z thank the representative of Croatia for his kind words addressed to me. The next speaker on my list is the represent.ative of Azerbaijan. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. m (Azerbaijan) (interpretation from Russian): Allow me. Sir, to begin by congratulating you on your assumption of the preuidency of the Security Councjl during November. We are sure that your enormous experience and authority will ensure the success of the Council's work and Will S8rV8 tb8 CaUS8 of Strengthening peaC8 and seCUrit=, in OUr world. I should also like to make special mention of the work done by the President of the Security Council in October, the Permanent R%preSentatiVe Of France, Ambassador Jean-Bernard tirimde. Under his able guidance, the Council showed its determfnation to find ways to resolve the protracted conflict in former Yugoslavia. For a long time now, the attention of the world community ha8 been focused on eV8ntS in former Yugoslavia, whose territory has become a hotbad of constant tension in Central Europe. Tb8 United Nation8 and the Security Council in particular have never been indifferent to tbe tragic course of the conflict, and today we express our gratitude to Mr. Cyrus V&Ice and Lord Owen, the Co-Chairmen of the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia, and also to Mrs. Sadako Ogata, the United Nations High COmtniSSiOner for R8fugee6. and Mr. Tadeusa Maaowiecki, the Special Rapporteur of the United Nation8 Com1ni88ion on Human Rights, for their ceaselass efforts to resolve the problem and to ease the suffering of the hundred8 of thousands of people who have been forcibly sucked into the tragic m8815trOm of the event8 taking place in the Republic of Bosnia and Weraegovina. 'the end of the cold war, eliminating the division of the world into two opposing camps, has removed the threat of global military COnfrontatiOn8. Totalitarian empires have fallen, and the world community ha8 been joined by new independent States, the overwhelming majority of which are trying to resolve the problem of strengthening their national sovereignty and uecurity in keeping with the principles of democracy and peaceful coexistence. At the aaze time, we must acknowledge with regret that the transformations that began in the territory of the former Soviet Union have not yet led in Eastern and Central Europe to the creation of a stable system of collective security in that vast region. The leaders of certain countries have made aggressive nationalism and territorial ezpansionism the cornerstones of their policies towards their formor fellow citizens. As a result, we have witneszed the rebirth of the horrendous practice of "ethnic cleansing" at a time vhen the victory of universal human values seemed 80 close. For more than sir months now, we have witnessed how the Serbian oeparatint forces supported by Belgrade have effectively dismembered the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is therefore important that the Security Council should give its assessment both of the actions of Belgrade - which has interfereb in the internal affairs of a neighbouring sovereign State - and of the actions of the Serbian separatist armed unitn which are undermining from within the integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a State. It is very important for the international community, through the United Nations and the Security Council in particular, to demonstrate resolve and determination in the face of this situation. so that not only the Serbian leaders but all those who are planning and attempting to carry out the military expansion of their territories at the expense of others will understand that the world will not accept any alteration of borders through violence or force of arms. Only strict adherence to this principle can restore the national sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Pepublic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and put an end to the mti;sive and forcible expulsion of innocent civilians from their homes. The Republic of Azerbaijan is confident that one of the key elements of a comprehensive approach to the settlement of this conflict is the fundamental principle of territorial integrity. The Republic of Azerbaijan aeds its voice to previous appeals to all partierr to the conflict to respect the territorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and does not intend to recognize any national territorial formations that might be proclaimed unilaterally, nor any mechanisms that might be iqosed in violation of the territorial integrity of that State os of any other State. The Republic of Azerbaijan fully supports the call for an immediate end to any interference from outside the borders of Bosnia and Herzegovina, including infiltration into that couatry by irregular armed units and forces. In conclusion, our delegation appeals to the Security Council to take all necessary steps, under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, to achieve a complete cessation of hostilities in that region; full restoration of the State soveseignty anA territorial integrity of the Republic of Boenia and Herzegovina; a complete halt to the inhuman practice of "ethnic cleansing", which contravenes all norm8 of human conduct: and a condemnation of the acts of the Sorbian separatists - citiaens of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina - seeking to dismember that State, on the understanding that the international community will never tolerate the policy of fait regarding the Pp factp divirion of the country OS any attempts forcibly to alter internationally recognized boundaries. The Council should alao give comprehensive asridtance to the refugees and displaced persona and help them to return to their homes. Tha (interpretation from French): I thank the repreaentstive of Aaerbsijan for his kind words addressed to me. The next speaker 1s the representative of Kuwait. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. . Mt. (Kuwait) (interpretation from Arabic): I should like to congratulate you, Sir. on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for this month. We are quite confident that your outstanding qualities will guarantee the success of our work. You represent Rungary, a friendly country that has the closest ties with my country, Kuwait. I should like alao to pay tribute to your predecessor. our friend Ambassador clean-Bernard Mdrimho, the Permanent Representative of France, for bin wisdom and ability in conducting the work of the Council last month. Although Security Council resolutions 770 (1992) and 771 (1992) were adopted a long time ago and the London Conferonce on the settlement of the guestion of the former Yugoslavia concluded its work more t.han seventy day8 ago, no aignifieent progress has been made in implementing the Security Council resolutions on Bosnia and Herzegovina or the recommendations of the London Conference. The pe>ple of Bosnia and Herzegovina still face a war of extermination at the hands of Serbian forces and the forces backed by Serbia and Montenegro. As a result, thousands of innocent people have been killed and great numbers have been displaced from their homeland and forced to abandon their properties. The Special Rapporteur of the United Nations High Connnissioaer for Refugees (UNBCR) and the Rapporteur of the Economic and Social Council have prepared a detailed report on the grave violations of human rights in the former Yugoslavia. I quote from the report submitted to us in document S/24766, dated 6 November, 1992: "The military conflict in Bosnia and Hersegovinar which is aimed at achieving 'ethnic clesneing', remains a matter of particular and most urgent concern. Consequently, and in accordance with resolution 1992/S-l/1 of the Commission on Human Rights, the Special Rapporteur haa decided to prepare the present periodic report fn order to draw the attention of the commission on Human Rights, as well as the Security Council, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and all Governments and concerned international OrganiZatiOn8, to the most compelling problems associated with the policy of ethnic cleansingfig. (6124766,) The international community seems to believe that the "ethnic cleansing" now being purauea in Bosnia asd Hersegoviaa by the Serbian forces is not a result of the war but is rather one of its objectivea. In actual fact, the Muslims of Bosnia and Herzegovina are threatened by extermination unless the international community takes specific measures to rescue them. The Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina is a State Member of the United Nations. The Security Council has adopted more than one resolution emphasizing the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Bosnia and Hersegovina. In an attempt to limit the fighting, the Council has adopted a number of resolutions whose provisions include banning military flights over Bosnia and Herzegovina, the placing of heavy artillery and weapons under international control, the release of all prisoners and detainees, the closing down of concentration camps and the halting of the policy of "ethnic cleansing". Regrettably, however, these resolutions have not been implement&. What we have seen is the violation of the ban on military flights, and the consequent prevention of the arrival of the vital humanitarian assistance to the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina. All this constitutes a flagrant violation of the principles and provisions of international law, the Fourth Geneva Convention, and the United Nations Charter. The tragic situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina is a matter of deep concern to us, as are the Belgrade Government's reneging on the commitments it made at tne London Conference dnd the absence of a permanent follow-up mechanism to those commitments. We believe that the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina is not a civil war but rather a w&r of extermination perpetrated against the people of an independent State and a brazen occupation of its territories, Wo therefore call upon the Security Council to take all the necessary maasurea provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter to implement its resolutions which imposed a ban on military flights by the warplanes of Serbia and Montenegro in the airspace of Bosnia and Herzegovina the latest of which was resolution 766 (X992), and to ensure the withdrawal of the Serbian regular and irregular troops from those territories. We call upon the international community to provide all necessary material, military and moral support to enable the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina to exercise its legitimate right of self-defence. Tbis requires that the embargo on weapons supplies to the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, should be lifted especially in the absence of a collective defence. Kuwait hopes that the meeting of the Council will lead to the adoption of a resolution that would lift this embargo on weapons supplies. We also believe that those who have committed serious breaches of the Fourth Geneva Convention should be pursued and put on trial, in accordance with Security Council resolution 791 (1992) and other relevant resolutions. We support the right of the people and Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina to ask Serbia and Montenagso for just compensations for damage and loss of life and property. The tragic situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina call5 for emergency measures. Priority should be given to the protection of the right of man to life and to the protection of human beings. In view of the tragic nature of the situation in Bosnia anil Herzegovina, it is incumbent on the international community to increase humanitarian assistance and to give priority to opening up routes for humanitarian relief to all the beseiged parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina. All these measures constitute immediate and urgent measures to halt the Serbian aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina and to implement the Council's resolutions and the conclusions of the London Conference. The Security Council has had marked success in establishing a foundaeion for peace in various parts of the world, especially through shaping the concept of collective security, which imparts credibility to the Council, through the enforcement of its resolutions. We hope that the Security Council's resolutions on Bosnia and Herzegovina will be implemented and complied with so that that people may enjoy its human right to life in its own homeland in peace and stability. ThsPRESIDENT (interpretation from French): I thank the representative of Kuwait for his kind words addressed to my country and to me. The next speaker is the representative of Afghanistan. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. Mr. (Afghanistan): At the outset, Sir, ma>’ I congratulate you on your assumption of the presidency of the Council for the month of November. We wish you a successful presidency, especially when a very important matter, namely the grave situation in the territory of Bosnia and Hersegoviaa, is under consideration. We also commend the outstanding leadership the Permanent Representative of France provided the Council during the month of October. Having listened carefully to the presentations of the Co-Chairmen of the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia, Mr. Cyrus Vance and Lord David Owen, as well as the insightful remarks of the Special Rapporteur of the Commission on Human Rights, Mr. Mazowiecki, and the information provided by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, Mrs. Ogata, it is obvious that a clear line divides the oppressor from the oppressed. Bosnia has lost three quarters of its territory to the Serbian aggression, and its population is being systematically "cleansed" on the basis of their ethnicity. As is evident from Mr. Masowiecki's report contained in document S/24766, widespread human rights violations are taking place in Bosnia and Herzegovina concurrently with the negotiations and commitments taking place in Geneva. The report specifies: “A8 a result of those violations, a great number of people are suffering and have lost their lives, Thousands more find their lives threatened and their human dignity violated. Unless immediate action is taken, many of them will not survive the coming winter. As indicated in the first report, the Muslim population are the principal victims and are virtually threatened with extermination." ($124766, oara, 5) While my delegation welcomes the heroic and exhausting work of the United Nations Protection Force, the fnternational Committee of the Red Cross, the Office of the United Nations High Cominissioner for Refugees, and the aforementioned individuals, we strongly believe that more and immediate action must be takea before it is too late for the people of Bosnia. Afghanistan, having itself experienced a terrible war of aggression not too long ago, shares and understands the pain, frustration ana suffering of the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We know how it feels when a foreign aggressor, equipped with modern weapons of death and destruction, invades one's territory and subjects an innocent nation to untold sufferings and inhuman atrocities. Our opposition to the aqgreasion against national sovereignty, territorial integrity, fundamental human tights and the national unity of Bosnia and Herzegovina is not only on the basis of Islamic solidarity. To the Islamic State of Afghanistan it is a matter of principle to stand in defence of the oppressed against the oppressor and aggressor. It matters not whether the oppressed is a Muslim or non-Muslim nation. The situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina is a clear case of conflict between justice and injustice, between right and wrong, and between respect for and disregard of fundamental human rights. That is why we consider it out moral duty to stand firm for the principles for which the Orqanization ham fought for decades. Certainly, the United Nations, through the Council, has made commendable contributions to the maintenance of international peace and aocurity and has indeed prevented thousands of innocent people from perishing in hotbeds of tension around the globe. In the case of Bosnia and Hetzeqovfna, however, the Otqaniaation has been the source of some disappointment for all those who believe in international justice and those who have placei thefr hope and trust in the Orqanizatfon. This may be particularly true for those who question the validity and justifinbility of the arms embargo against the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which seriously hamper their just and inherent right to self-defence. Let us examine the rationale of such a claim. Security Council resolution 713 (1991) provides ample, sufficient and conclusive proof that the Council ha5 not imposed an embargo on Bosnia and Herzegovina. In fact, re5olution 713 (1991) dealt with the conflict between two parties, Croatia and Serbia and Montenegro, at a time when Bosnia and Herzegovina was not ev8n an issue. Indeed, in no legs1 or technical sense does Security Council resolution 713 (1991) pertain to Bosnis and Herzegovina, for the resolution was adopted in September 1991 , while the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina aro2e in April of 1992. The nearest that Security Council resolution COIRBS to being applicable to the Republic of Bosnia and Heraegovina is its operative paragraph 6, whicf state5 that the Security Council "Decides, under Chepter VII of the Charter of the United Nations, that all State8 shall, for the purpooes of establishing peace and stability in Yugoslavia, inrmedfately implement a geaeral and complete embargo on all deZiverfes of ueapoua cud military equipment to Yugo8lavia until the Security Council decides otherwise following consultation5 between the Secretary-General and the Government of Yugoslavia.*' It may be clear from that text that the Security Council resolution imposed atinctioas on what w&a called Yugoslavia in September 1991, when Serbia and Montenegro was at war with Croatia. One thing is obvious, and that is that in November of 1992 the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina is uot the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia of 1991. From the leg&l stancipoint it seems rrenseiess to conteuii &at iii6 sovereign State of Bosnia and Heraegovina should be subject to an arms embargo and ssnctions because it w%s once part of the Socialist Federel Republic of Yugoslavia. Furthermore, the Republic of Bosnia and Heroegovina, after democratically electing its Government in early 1992, declared its independence in February 1992 and wa8 subsequently recognised by the international community aa a sovereign State, being admitted to the United Nations upon recognition of the legitimacy of its Government. Acceptance of the notion that the sovereign State of Bosnia and Herregovina is subject to political dictates that affect the former Yugoslavia may contradict our own announcement of recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a sovereign State. It is even more painful to note that the embargo on arm8 shipments benefits the Serbian side, which has the active support of the former Yugoslav armed forcea, while placing the Bosnian side at a great disadvantage. Moreover, the sanction8 are not being decisively implemented. The Ambassador of the united States has cited some of the violations in the course of this debate. In our view, every one of the principles set forth on the first page of the Charter of the Orwnixation have been violated with regard to Bosnia and tlersagoviaa, with the resul'. that 70 per cent of the territory of that small, sovereign and indep -#dent member of the world family is illegally occupied and held captive and hundreds of thouaanda of the country'8 innocent Muslim8 and Croats have been expelled from their homes and subjected to the abhorrent policy of "ethnic cleansing". which has subjected the Muslim population of the country to untold suffering and threatens them with extermination. We hear some express fears that the lifting of the arms embargo could further escalate the conflict. We would have preferred their suggesting an effective and action-oriented alternative to prebent the extermination and annihilation of a nation and the total destruction of a young Member of this Organisation. (Mr.1 We have entered into a new phase in world relations. We have denounced aggression and have takon a united stand in the fsce of its use against sovereign States. Europe long ago pledged its determination to safeguard and promote peace. The horrifying memories of the holocaust are still with US but, surprieingly, the world comunity has yet to take resolute action in the face of naked aggression against a sovereign State - at the least to remove the unjustifiable arms embargo, thus enabling this victimised nation to defend itself. It in really unfortunate to see the principles of respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-interference in the internal affairs of States, which are the cornerstone of the Organisation and of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries , constantly being violated by Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro), which once, as one of the founders of the Movement, helped to install them as one of its basic elements. Serbia and Montenegro could revivo the spirit of the former Yugoslavia by submitting to justice and to the call of the international community. We believe that the draft resolution to be adopted after the present debate rrhould do @ore than echo the previous reaolutiona adopted by the Council OIL the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina and that it should set out an action-oriented policy aimed at ending the calamity in that country. The draft resolution should clearly end uneguivocally warn the Serbian aggressors and their backero that tbe world will not sit still and that their crimes will not go unpunished, What we need today is not more resolutions similar to those already adopted but, rather, a resolution for positive action, one that will not put the people of Bosnia to further strain and at greater disadvantage. My (Mr.1 delegation, while supporting the idea of creating safe havens for the refugees within the territory of Bosnia and advocating a tougher no-fly aone for military aircraft over Bosnian airspace, also supports the efforts of the united Nations, its various agencies and the non-governmental organisations currently aasirting the Roanian people. Howevet, we feel that there is more to be done to defend the Bosnians and to help them to defend themselves. While we appreciate the peace-keeping efforts of the world body, we believe that, in view of the fact that the embargo has increased the imbalance to the advantage of the aggressors, a unilateral lifting of the embargo is necessary for the Bosnians to exercise their right to self-defence. The (interpretation from French) I 1 thank the representative of hfghanistan for his kind Words addressed to me. The next speaker is the representative of Tunisia. 1 snvite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. Mt. (Tunisia)(interpretation from Prench)t My delegation is particularly pleased to Bee you, Sir, presiding over the Security Council. That a diplomat of your talent, representing a friendly country, Hungary, is guiding our deliberations today is of itself a guarantee of succe8s as well as an assurance that this importaat United Nations body responsible for the maintenance of international peace and security will do its utmost to respond to the hopes vested in it, not only by the people of Bosnia and Heraegovina but by the whole of the international community. As we offer you our congratulations, my delegation *dishes alao to convey to your predecessor, the Permanent Representative of France, Ambassador Jean-Bernard l&rim&e. our warm appreciation for the competent and stylish way in which he presided over the Council last month. My delegation has listened with great interest to the statements by the tuo Co-Chairmen of the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia, Mr. Cyrus Vance and Lord Owen, as well as to the statements by Mr. Mazoweicki, Special Rapporteur of the Commission on Human Rights, and Mrs. Ogata, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. My delegation wishes to express its great appreciation for the work they are doing with such patience and dedication. I also take this opportunity to pay tribute to the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR), which is devotedly carrying out its functions under extremely difficult circumstances, At the meeting of the African Regional Conference, on 2 November 1992, in Tunisia, in preparation for the Vienna International Conbarence scheduled for 1995, His Excellency Mr. Zirne El Abidfne Ben Ali, the President of the Tunisian Republic, made au inaugural statement. He referred to the tragedy ia Bosnia and lieraegovine in tbe following terms: “PO view of our commitment to upholding human rights as an indivisible whole, irrespective of the creed, nationality, identity or culture of any indivic’ual, we express our profound consternation at the forced exodus, explusion and extermination to which the people of Bosnia and Heraegavina are being s.ubjected in contempt of the most elementary Of humanitarian values and principles. Our support for that people and the concern we share about their future stem from our deep-seated faith that (Mr.1 respect for the will of peoples and the preservation of their cultural identity and their free choice is the healthy and appropriate foundation on which to create and maintain a sound human-rights environment in all the latitudes of the planet.” The report of the Special Rapporteur of the Commission on Human Rights dated 6 November 1992 (S/24766) speaks of the extermination of the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina and evokes the same feelings of consternation and indignation. The members of the Council have no doubt noted in that report certain facts reminscent of a bygore period of history. The report states that the wretched victims of the violations are beyond number, and that many have lost their lives. *‘Thousands more find their lives threatrened and their human dignity violated. Unless immediate action is taken, many of them will not survive the coming winter.” (8124766, ~-5) The report goes on to state that the principal objective of the military conflict in Bosnia an8 Herzegovina is the setting up of ethnically homogeneous regions. Tine “ethnic cleansing” does not appear to be the consequence of the war, but rather its goal, L goal that has in part been achieved. The report also speaks of the appalling conditions in the camps, in which people who hoped to flee from “ethnic cleansing” have gathered. It states that Sarajevo, the capital, is a dying city. The population of Eiosnia and reported of people dying of hunger and exhaustion in the streets. Purthermore, the population has lost all confidence in the effectiveness of international assistance. (Mr:.) Given this tragic situation, the report concludes that only an immediate cease-fire can save the population of Sarajevo and that of other besieged towns. The report, then, underscores the word "extermination". And this is more than just a statement of fact. lt is terrifying testimony to what can happen in today's world when, at t..?e same time, the international community is loudly rejoicing in the advent of a new era of promotion of human rights, democracy and fundamental freedoms. We are entitled to ask what these concepts and values can possibly mean to the population of Bosnia and Herzegovina , when 100,000 people have been killed 80 far in the former Yugoslavia; when a million people axe in flight. refugees without refuge; when 400,000 are threatened with death from hunger and cold this coming winter. And this, alas, seems likely to continue given the constantly worsening situation, This is a haroh reality, and full of challanges. And who will be responsible for facing up to such challenges? The people of Bosnia and Herzegovina are committed body and soul to facing these challenges. They lack neither courage nor faith in tho justice of their cause. It is the means of providing fox their protection that are in short supply. Bosnia and Hersegovina has attained the status of being subject to international law as it has acceded to the membership of the United Nations and has become committed to the Organisation's Charter. Thus it is entitled to demand the protection conferred by international law, The statement made by the delegation of Bosnia and Herzegovina last Friday before this Council (Mr.1 proved that the faith of its Government in the principles of the Organisation is firm, but the report froln which I: have just quoted gives the impression that the Bosnian people are beginning to have some doubts about the value of the principles articulated in the United Nations Charter. It is up to us, and today it is up to the Security Council in particular to dispel such disquieting doubts. It is the fate of a people which faces extermination that is now at stake. This is a very grave responsibility that the Security Council has to face up to by adopting resolutions that are cossnensurate with the gravity and urgency of the situation in accordance with the universal principles that guide its actions. It is incumbent upon the Council immediately to put a halt to the hostilities and to ensure respect for the cease-fire on the part of those parties that wish to gain time in order to impose their own denfgns once and for all. Proceeding from this, it is essential, as stated by the Chairman of the Arab Group before the Couucil, to: restore the unity and territorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the &Q.&M uuo ante; put an end to the reprehensible practice of "ethnic cleansing", which, we thought, had become a thing of the past; enable all the displaced and deported persons to return to their homes; implement the relevant United Nations resolutions and in particular Security Council resolutions 771 (1992) and 781 (1992), in a context of respect for international legality, see to it that the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) secures effective control over all heavy weapons; and to ensure that all paramilitary forces withdraw from Sarajevo and that the other demilitarised towns are placed under the protection of the United Nations. What is at stake in actual fact, is the restoring of international peace and security through their imposition on the ground, in accordance with the mandate entrusted to the Security Council by the Cinarter of the United Nations. What we need to do here is to send a firm and solemn message from this Council, a message that will say: "Enough is enough!", a message that will once again recall to all of us the pertinent provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter and in particular those of Article 42 and of Article 51 relating to the inherent right of self-defence. s (il.terpretation from French): I thank the representative of Tunisia for the kind words he addressed to me. In accordance with the decision taken at the 3135th meeting of the Security Council, I invite His Excellency Mr. Ilija Djukib, Minister for Foreign Affairs, to tako a place at the Council table and to make his statement. DJUW: As the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, I have been entrusted by my Government with the tsak of sddressing today's Security Council meeting. The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia is fully committed to bringing about, and in making every effort and using all its influence to bring about, the end of wur in Bosnia and Herzegovina. It has fully accepted all the decisions anil principles of the London Conference and considers that their consistent implementation is the only way to stop this senseless and bloody war. In that context, wo should like to point out in particular the importance of abiding by the following principles, which the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia has fully and consistently complied with: the reaching of a comprehensive eolution to the Yugoslsv crisis by peaceful means with the arsistance of the uBft5d Nations, the European Community and the Conference on SOCUrity and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE)t with respect to Bosnia and Keraegovba, the aeerch for 8 peaceful solution on the basis of full agreement between its tbrre constituent peoples - Muslims, Serbs and Croats; the inviolability of the existing borders between former Republic8 of tire Socialfnt Federal Republic of Yugoslavia , with the exception of tho changes brougbt about by peaceful arrangementat the observance of internationally recognised human-rights and fundamental-freedoms stsndardn; the condemnation exid cessation of the practice of "ethnic cleenaing" by whoever it is connnitted and wherever it occur81 the provision and unhampered urgent delivery of humanitarian areirtancet and, last but certainly not least, compliance with all relevant ret..lutions of the United Nations Secur9ty Council. Our basic and primary goal is to achieve lasting peace. The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia offer6 its good offices in order to bring an end to the war and bloodshed in this former Yugoslav Republic. In this respect, we have already taken the following steps2 The Government of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia is strongly and persistently pursuing efforts aimed at helping end the military operations in Bosnia and Kerzegovina. It has invested great efforts in. and made a considerable contribution too lifting the siege of Sarajevo under the supervision of the United Rations Protection Force (URPROFOR). It supported the decision that Q mfxed military uorking group be in permanent oession. It fully supported the statement of the Co-Chairmen of the Geneva Conference on Yugoslavia of 13 October 1992. During the recent talks between President Cosi6 and Prime Miaister Panic vitb the Co-Chairmen, Mr. Vance and Lord Gwen, in Belgrade, Yugoslavia mtroogly supported the gro\*nding of all military planes and other aircraft of the Serbian side in Bosnia and Heraegovina at the Banja Luka sirffetd, also under URPROFOR supervloion. To dispel any allegetions of it8 involvement in any military operations Ln thm war in Bosnia and Iierxegoviaa, tha yederal Republic of Yugoslavia has inrtstsd since last July that United Nations monitors be placed at all airfields of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and along the border between the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, aa well aa between Bosnia and fierzegovina and Croatia. Regrettably, this has not yet been accegtstf. The PodorrE Republic of Yugoslavia has exerted all its influence to bring about an agreement between the Bosnian Serbs and UNPROFOR on deploying United Nations observers at 11 locations arouud Sarajevo in order to place the heavy artillery of the Rosniaa Serbs under UNPROFOR supervision. The last member of the Yugoalav Army was withdrawn in May 1992. This has been confirmed in the Secretary-Goneral's report and by the European Community. The President of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Federal Government have issued orders with the effect of fully preventing the creation of paramilitary forces and their movement from the territory of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia to Bosnia and Herzegovina. Within his action for peace, Prime Minister Panic visited Bosnia and Herzegovina (Sarajevo) twice; he made public appeals for an end to the conflict and explicitly stated that he is oppoaed to any change of borders by force. The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia has no territorial claim8 again& Bosnia and Heraegovina. That was clearly stated in the Declaration of the Yugoalav Federal A8ssmbly of 27 April 1992 and An the joint statement of 19 October 1992 by Presidents Cosic and Izetbegovic reaffirming their commitments on the inviolability of the existing border8, except for changes reached by peaceful agreement. Moreover, they reaffirmed that a comprehensive political solution iti Bosnia and Herzegovina must be found between the three constituent peoples within the International Conference at Geneva. The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia has strongly condemned the concept and practice of "ethnic cleansing", committed by any side, as a crime against humanity. Throughout the Yugoslav crisis and the ensuing war* "ethnic cleansing" perpetrated against one side ha8 invariably triggered "ethnic cleansing" against the other. We are opposed to each and every act of "ethnic cleansing" by any side. (-Mfaister We have been witness to horrible crimes committed by all warring parties. There is plenty of evidence of flagrant violations of human righte sad breaches of humanitarian law. I take this opportunity to point out only some of the drastic examples of the crimes committed against Serbs. because they have largely been ignored. Particularly appalling are the well-known massacres of Serbs on the Mount Kupres Plateau in the village of Milici, Bratunac. Brutal “ethnic cleansing” was carried out in the Neretva Valley and in western Herzegovina, which is now virtually %leanaed’* of Serbs. The very same has occurred on the territory of the Republic of Croatia controlled by the Government in Zagreb. As for Bosnia. there are distressing examples of the i,nhuman condition8 of civilians, mostly of Serb origin, in Iletention camps in the Bradina tunnel, Tomislavgrad, Sarajevo, Konjic and Aostar. Historical monuments representing the landmarks of Serb&an civilisation there have been razed to the ground throughout Bosnia and HerZegOVina. We should like to extend our full support to the Cormnission of Experts established pursuant to Security Council resolution 780 (1992). The relevant report of the Government of Yugoslavia has already been submitted to the Secretary-General on the violation of humanitarian law in the territory of the former Yugorlavia. By distorting and ignoring the facts, a false picture ha$, unfortunately, been projected to the international public, which does not help the t+solution of thi, r;oiifffct. Taze we ---- -=ll fnr thm condomnation of only ono sije assume an enormous reapoasibility. What we need, instead, is the unequivocal support of 821 three parties to the conflict for the efforts made by the Co-Chairmen and by al.1 the participants in the Geneva Conference to find a lasting and just solution acceptable to all. Yugoslavia is making great efforts to alleviate the suffering of the innocent population affected by war, irrespective of their national, religious or other origin. Even under a total and unjust blockade imposed on ua, it is doing its utmost to ensure the necessary conditions for a large number of refugees and displaced persons. More than half a million refugees, mainly from Bosnia and Herzegovina, 40,000 of them Muslims, have found refuge in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. We continuously deliver humanitarian relief, consisting of foodstuffs and medical supplies, to the entire population of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We have opened humanitarian corridors from Belgrade to Sarajevo, and other corridors are also being used. We consider, however, that all that has been accomplished thus far cannot lead to an early achievement of the desired goal of establishing peace in the territory of Bosnia and Rersegovina if account is not taken of some basic facts. The heart of the matter is that the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina is an ethnic, religious and civil war. Three sides within Bosnia and Heraegovina are taking part in it. The Federel Republic of YUgO8laVia cannot be rebponsible for either it8 outbreak or its continuation. The aggressor in Bosnia and Heraegovina can only %- the Republic of Croatia. Its regular and well-ermed forces, numbering betwaen 40,000 and 60,000 troopa, are at present fighting in the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is therefore imperative that all of us condemn such behaviour, which 1s a breach of the fundamental norma of internatioaal law and the Charter of the United Nations. Great responsibility .-:I the ongoing bloodsC?d hao been borne, no doubt, by the leaders who were determined to create a national State at any coat. Mr. Alija Iaetbegovic, the leader of the Party of Democratic Action, ha8 done all he could to create a unitary State dominated bp the Muslim6, who represent (Forsian_Miniater) 41 per cent of the population. Aa early as 1990, when he had already become President of the Preoidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, he made this goal public once again by publishing his book The in Sarajwo. Let me quote only one paragraph from it: "Firat and foremost of these conclusione is certainly the incompatibility of Islam with non-Islamic systems. There can be neither peace nor coexistence between the Islamic religion and noa-Islamic social and political iustitutiona.” In view of the content and the practice envisaged in the Declaration, his statements that Bosnfa and Herzegovina, aa a unitary State, would be a democratic, civic State fully guaranteeing human rights to the non-Mumlim. that is, Christian, population constituting the majority in Bornia and Hernegoviaa are simply untenable. That was tha reason why, in their plebiscite, the Serb poop10 of Eornia end Herzegovina overwhelmingly opted against forceful seceoaion from Yugo8lavia. The immediate cause for this decision was a drastic and flagrant violation of the Constitution of Bosnia and Her~rgovioa by a part of ita leadership that did not include representativea of the Serb& a8 mguirad by the current Constitution. Xt is ironic that the vary ame Conatitutioo wau adopted immediately after Mr. Ixetbegovic became Dead of State of a08nfa and Herzegovina and was directiq its affairdl. Had due account been taken of the Constitution of Bornia and Hetsogovina E+w r+_(?l &a farce, which provides that no decibioa of vital importance to Bosnia and Hersogoviaa may be takan without the corwsent of all three peoples - Serbs accounting for about 32 per cent of the population, Murlimr about 41 per cent and Croats about 17 or 18 per cent - we would not have such a bloody war in Europe today. The only goal that Mr. faetbegovic publicly subscribes to is military victory, with overt calls for the international community to intervene militarily on the side of the Muslims. The international community has been given plenty of opportunities to see for itself. The premature recognition of Bosnia and Herzegcvina by the European Community, which has been publicly admitted by many, including Lord Carrington and Cyrus Vance, only deepened the crisis and war and dramatically increased the suffering of the people and the number of victims in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The present phase of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina has been further aggravated by the foreign mercenaries from a number of Islamic countries. Their engagement may have unforeseeable consequence8 for Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Balkans as a whole. Let me remind the Council of the talks between President Cosic and President Iretbegovic on 19 October 1992 at Geneva, where Mr. 12etbegovic committed himself to eliminating all paramilitary groups, criminals and mercenaries, no matter where they came from. However, the most important question now is how to get out of this nightmare. My Government firmly believes that a peaceful settlement in the only true solution to the problem of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We are convince& that through concerted effort6 by all of ~8, as we have stated on many occasions, the three parties to the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina should teach a mutually acceptable solution within the framework of the Conference on the Former Yugoslavia. My Government stands ready to honour and support fully me.. r..rlr rr,..e(. CL- "-, I.-V.. ~"1"~~"... We are, at the same time, increasingly alarmed at the repeated requests for international military intervention. It 1s cnly too obvious that Bosnia and Herzegovina is replete with arms. Those who advocate additional arms Supp1fes for any side in Bosnia and Herzegovina are pouring oil on the flamea. Wo cannot but warn, with profound concern, of the unforeseeable harmful effects of the contrnued sending of mercenaries, violations of the arms embargo and the ever mora evident prospects of this conflict turAing into 4 full-scale religious war. As for my Government, it haa already transmitted to the Secretary-General and the Security Council the memorandum on violations of the arms embargo imposed under Security Council resolution 713 (1991). The Government of Yugoslavia has fully complied with the commitments made at the London Conferonce, and has withdrawn its army from the territory around Dubrovnik and from and around the Prevlaka peninsula. Immediately after the withdrawal of the YUgOSlaV army the Croatian army launched large-scale oporations against Serbs in Herzegovina, pkirticularly around Trebinje. The President of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Prime Minister, in their recent letters to the Secretary-General, have warned of the serious conseguences of these operations for the maintenance of peace and security in the region. Alongside these breaches of the agreement, Presidents Tudjman and Iaetbegovic proceeded to activate their military alliance directed against the Serbian people in Bosnia and Reraegovina. They even went so far as to inform the United Nations Security Council of this on 2 November this year. This is a moment when deci8ions are to be taken that have a bearing on peace, and not only in Bosnia and Heraegovina. All peoples of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia have suffered enough in this war. What is now needed is both efficiency and wisdom, as 'well as resolve anQ responsibility. We must not allow ourselves to be guidled by one-sided attitudes and emotions. We must think twice before passing judgement and be peacemakers. The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia has been subjected to harsh smctiona, which we deeply believe to be one-sided and unjust. Sanctions have never been known to solve problems. ‘d’hey can hardly stop the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Sanctions are hitting the moat vulnerable strata of the population. In such circumstances, about half a million refugees accepted in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia have also been punished, including 300,000 refugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina. By lifting sanctions against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, the United Nations would prove that juatfcn and humanity can prevail. That would al80 oerve to encourage the efforts of the Government of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia towards historical and democratic changes. In concluding my statement, I would like to stress once again the readiness of my Government to do its utmost to help bring about peace to our region, because it is in our vital interest too. We are profoundly ctlnvinced that the military option is not the solution. But we clearly cannot re-establish peace singlehandedly. We therefore rely on the United Nations, and we have no doubt that the Security Council has not only the power, but alao the wiedom, the obligation and the political sense to find the right solutions on the basis of truth and justice. Also, there io no doubt that the Secretary&eneral, Mr. Boutroa Boutroa-Ghali, and the Co-Chairmen of the Conference on the Former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Mr. Cyrus Vance and Lord Owen, have a major role to play, which we certainly support and will continue to support. EIr. StjQK&Z (Morocco) (interpretation from PrenchIc Allow me first, Sit. to congratulate you or. your accession to the presidency of the Council and to wish you every succeaa. We would also like to say how appreciative the Council was of the presidency of Amhaasador tirim6e. whose level-headedness, ffrmneas, courtesy and wisdom wan the admiration of all. We are near the end of a long and difficult debate, in which we have lirtened with a great deal of emotion and sadness to representatives of States Members of the United Nations and high officials of our Organization. Representatives l.&ve deplored the same crimes, cruelty and behaviour. Thfiy have all condemned tke violations of human rights, the torture and tke human tragedy experienced by millions of people - already more than 2 million - who are on the roads without food and without transport. We were disturbed by what Mrs. Ogata said about them on Friday, when she spoke with great restraint about the thousand3 of problems experienced daily by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UDHCR) in carrying out its mission. Its staff and trucks have also become a target of the Serbs, because they are carrying aid ta processions of thousanda of displaced persons. High officials have confirmed that massacres of Muslims have taken place and are continuing. We wore oven told that at this rate the Muslims are threatened with extermination. Deportations are still in full swing and arms are pouring in - more so than ovor. Somo 20 resolutions havo been adopted to date. They should in principle have provented any further exce8se8, but to our very unpleasant surprise they have almost remained a deat letter. A daily challenge is thus posed to our values, principles and decisions. In this hall of fire, blood and horror, humanitarian organisations are continuing tirelessly to carry out their noble task, putting at risk the lives of men and women who are transporting and distributing aid and convoying refugees and the Hounded. The United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR), UNRCR, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and certain private organisationa deserve our admiration for the spirit of self-sacrifice with which they are carrying out their missions. Regrettably, this remarkable work will be made more difficulwith the winter that is already setting in. We had hoped that the London Conference would put an end to the tragedy suffered by the people of Bosnia. Unfortunately, we have ao far received only confirmation of the obstinacy of tbs other party, which is gaining time and is at111 addiug to the list of dead and other victims. Successive speakers hava confirmed our apprehensions, underlining the fact that “ethnic cleanafng” is continuing its Crimea, that some concentration camps are still in operation, that there have been countless violations of human rights and that the increasingly serious problem of refugees requires an urgent aolution. They must be protected in the places to which they are brought, or, rather, where they are condemned to be concentrated. It is no accident that everyone has spoken of the right to self-defencet the most delicate and sensitive aspect of the whole discussion is the right of thm %ornians to defend themselves. Thm tragedy visited upon the village of Satche, the most recent such occurrence, has given us an even clearer idea - if that were needed - of the oxtent of the savagery ana obstinacy of a country coldly carrying out a plan. That village fell because the powerless Croatian forces withdrew their alsisicane6, becwze no one defended it and because, no matter what is said, no one 1055 able to provide it with weapons and ammunition to defend its children, aid p00pie and YO~OQ. Yet another village came under the yoke of Serbia, increasing the areas it controls. Sixty per cent of Bosnian territory is now in Serbian hands. Yn current circumstances the idea of safe areas is simply a stopgap temporary meaaute. Like many others, my Government, as a last resort, supported this course, without regarding it as an end in itself. We have clearly realised the danger, which has been described to US, of facilitating more “ethuic ~leansiag” as now practised. If the members of the Organization of the Islamic Conference insisted on this point, it was to attend to the most urgent matter8 ffrlt and to SOM rxtant meat the Poncornm of the URHCR and the ICRC. Clearly, w8 would like to have LOWI thoaa hundreds sf thoumandx of people protactod against the inhuman hordes invading their homes and land. Of course, ue vould have liked the international cornunity to have had soms means of thvarting and deterring them. Some hava said already that ve have known hov to stop other invadera, so why not these7 The latest draft resolution before uo today estsblishes nev principles which ought to act as warnings and safeguards. If it prevent5 nev entities being created at the expense of Bosnia and Hersegovina, it should in principle deter this headlang breakout of the Serb5 and theit frensied desire to massacre Wuslims so as to build on the ruins of their Vilhge8. If it makes a clear reference to Belgrade’s forcea, it is to ensure that responsibilities are once and for all fully shouldered and established. The draft resolution 8hOvs - if such were necessary - that the Council is fully avare of the violation5 of all resolutions and embargoes. It will, in any case, have sought by every means to put an effective brake on them. The embers of the Islamic Conference. of which ve are one, wished to alert the international community, and its head, the Security Council, once again. They have underlined the confidence they are continuing to place in these bodies to resolve the serious problems being erperienced by the Muslim conununity in one of its members. Is it not terrifying to see all these genocides. slaughters and concentration camps justified, a-, by so-called Muslim ideologies and parties that have never seen the light of dsy? The time has come to say that it is vital for these would-be dictators to be deterred at all costs. It is also urgent for those who have been calling on us for help for more than a year to be protected. The cry of despair of the Islamic community is sincere, and its message is clear. There are other Bosnia and Porsegovina situations appearing on the horiaon. We must be on our guard if we want to continue to give cause for hope and to show that we are still capable of resolving problems and not letting things CJO beyond the point of no return. The: I thank the representative of Morocco for his kind words addressed to me. The next speaker is the representative of Ukraine. I invite him to take a seat at the Council table and to make his statement. m. m (Ukraine): At the outset, I should like to congratulate you, Mr. President, on your exemplary performance of your high responsibilities as President of the Security Council during the month of Uovember , and express my conviction that , un%er your able leadership, the Security Council will be successful in dealing with the issues before it. Our delegation is grateful to you for providing us with this opportunity to take part in the Council’s discussion of one of the most urgent and acute problems among those of which the Security Counctl is seized. The delegation of Ukraine finds that the deliberations have been very much assisted and lent substance by the extremely informative introductory statements made before the Council last Friday by Mr. Cyrus Vanoe and Lord Oxen, the Co-Chairmen of the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia, and by those of Mr. Tadeusa Maaowiecki, the Special Rapporteur of the Commission on Human Rights, and Mrs. Ogata, the United Natioris High Commissioner for refugees. In addressing the present situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as in other parts of the former Yugoslavia, the delegation of Ukraine expresses once more itr profound anxiety and concern about the ongoing military conflic in the area. We appreciate the efforts of the international community aimed at extinguishing the fires of war* the cessation of the bloodshed and at a peaceful settlement in the former Yugoslavia. The steps taken in this connection within the framework of the recent London Conference and during its Geneva stage are especially noteworthy. Undoubtedly, the decisions by the United Nations and it8 Security Council are continuing to play a key role iu all these entleevoura. Ukraine fully supports all these decisions and is doing its utmost to ensure their implementation. From various quarters, we have often been asked the rame questiona what is to be done in order to untie the Yugoalav knot of violence and the suffering it cauaea? It seems that all tho oizai1er8 have already buen found: they are contained in the appropriate resolutions and actions of the Security Council and the Conference on Security and Co-operation ia Europe. If the long-awaited peace and concord do not reappear in thin part of Europa, it will be only becauee the mea8urea provided for by the Security Council and tbe relevant agreement8 between the parties involved in their implementation - a8 in the case of turning over all heavy weapons to the effective control of the United Nation8 Protection Force - are not carried out by a phrty to the conflict. The fulfilment of the provisione of the Security Council rerolutions i8 of paramount importance to the 8ucce88 of the United Nations efforts in the former Yugoslavia. Compliance with those provi8ions by all 8ides should be encouraged by eetting definite deadlines for their implementation. Territorial gains resulting from military aggre88iOn or lrom "ethnic cleansing" are completely unaccaptsble in today's Europe guided by the United Nations Charter and the principles of the Helsinki Final Act. The Ukrainian delegation is convinced that a peaceful and just resolution of this conflict will be conditional upon strict observance of the United Nations Charter, the provisions of international law and the guiding principles of the CSCE. First and foremost, this implies safeguarding the territorial integrity of States and ensuring the inviolability of borders, the settlement of disputes by peaceful, political means and respect for human rights and the rights of minoritier. The latter needs special emphasis. Ukraine, like all other States, is alarmed by the situation in this regard. The horrible practice of "ethnic cleansing" is inadmissible. We have learned, with revulsion and anxiety, of acts of violence and arbitrariness. including against the Ukrainian national minority in Yugoslavia, and of brutal violations of basic human rights and freedoms. The Ukrainian delegation condemns all these atrocities and strongly favours the urgent rect;fication of the existing situation. We expect the Security Council to take all the step8 needed to enlure the proper protection of the national minorities in Boania and Sferaejovina. Until peace and civil order are restorsd in the area, the efforto of the international community in providing humanitarian assistance will be of extreme importance. The unhindered and uninterrupted flow of humanitarian assistance will be especially necessary during the forthcoming winter cold, which will aggravate many times over the hardships of the psople who are the involuntary victims of this conflict. Ukraiao ir making itr contribution to the concerted action by tbo iatmrn8tionrl coluaunity. It8 battalion ir ttying to help 8olve the humanitarian problem by pwticipating in the Uuited #ations Protection Force (UHPROF~R) ia uu sar~je~0 80ctor. The decision of the Parliamnt of Ukraine to dispatch to Boon18 and Rer8egovirrs a volunteer contingent of it8 armed forces at tbe requ88t of the Security Council we8 dictated by a sincere desire to 888i8t in the quicke8t po88ible rerolutioo of tihe conflict, vhich barn cl8iaetl #a live8 of 8COYa8 of thou8Md8 of the people of tibia once-peaceful 1Md. uts&mr l xtrm condftioo8, the UIJPROIWR unit8 are doing everything po88ible to gu8r8ntes the aacurlty of Suajovo airport in order to enable 8bCtdt CaSq'iq humanitarian -8f8tWe to be uOlOado& aad t& a88i8tW2CO t0 bo 8afO1y dirtributod. While performing this humanitarian mission iu. Bosnia and Heroegovina the soldiers in blue helmets sometime8 have to pay too high a price. The representative of France, Ambassador tirimie, reminded us that nine Prench servicemen perished in the former Yugoslavia in this action. Three servicemen from the smaller Ukrainian forcea in Sarajevo were also killed, and 15 person8 uere wounded. Other UNPROFOR battalion8 also suffered losses. Vie believe that the Security Council will u8e all its authority to prevent the recurrence of hostile acts against the United Nations peace-keepers, whose fate irr Sarajevo sometime8 resyrnbles that of hostages. The latest developments in the political life of the former Yugoslavia testify to the fact that those who try to frustrate the peaceful settlement of the conflict in this region have not abandoned their designs. The Council's decision must therefore be strong in order to be effective. It should envisage all the necemssry steps to strengthen the effectiveness of the arm8 embargo and other sanction8 imposed by the Council. In this connection, the Ukrainian delegation considers that the draft resolution to be a&opted by the Security Council will serve the purpose of having a tangible political impact on the war-minded circles involved in the bloody Bornian conflict. If those concerned treat the draft resolut4on properly, it might mean the immediate cessation of hostilities in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the full implementation of the Council's previous resolutions on this matter. Curtailing the period involved in executing Council resolutions and agreements sponsored by the parties involveA_ ia the c:anf::ct would result in shortening the sufferings of the peoples in the former Yugoslavia. In conclusion, I express our hope that conm~on sense will provail this time and that within a limited time-frame, through concerted actions, peace will be restored in Bosnia and Herzegovina ao that the extreme measures available to the Security Council under the Charter will not be reuorted to. m (interpretation from French): I thank the representative of the Ukraine for the kind words he addressed to me. The next speaker is the representative of the United Arab Emirates. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make him statement. Mt. (United Arab Emirates) (interpretation from Arabic): It is a pleasure for me to congratulate you, Mr. President, on behalf of the United Arab Emirates on your a8sumption of the presidency of the Security Council for thir month. We are completely convinced that your competence in international affair8 will contribute to the strengthening of the work of the Council mo that it may achieve positive results. May I express my appreciation to your predecessor, His Excellency the Amb6usador of France, for his effort8 it guiding the work of the Security Council laot month. May I also expresr sincere thanks to Hr. Cyrus tance, Lord David Owen. the Special Rapporteur Mr. Mazowiecki and the United #ationr High Comm).ssioner for Refugees, Mrs. Ogata, for their statements which reflect the reality of the tragic situation in the Republic of Bosnia and Heraegovina. The Security Council meets to consider one of the questions of which it ha@ been sieved tor a Zong time aow, namely the situation in Bosnia and . ---- ----*-- nrrauyvvriro. -*- -----a*-- --al.--- hr..- krrr l *l*m4-,.. 4e .crr**ikh m.c yrobvaki.r‘y "&..""z."." W&a." -WV.. Be.,.*.- . .._-- --- ----~- ~-a gravity of the situation in that republic and in highlighting its political, economic, social and human consequences which arise from the occupation and the acts perpetrated by the armed forces of Serbia and Montenegro against the people and the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Over the past few months, the world was severely shocked by the atrociousness of the measures and abominable practices which have resulted in horrendous human and material losses. Thousands of innocent civilians of the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina, including women, children and the elderly. have been kflled because of their ethnic identity or religious affiliation. In addition, there has been massive arbitrary destruction of historic, religious and archaeological sites regardless of the enormous international effotta made and the role of the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR). Eventa over the past few decade8 have demonstrated that the use of force and aggress&on for political gain are doomed to failure. The Articlea of the Charter prohibit the use of force and man%ate the Security Council to deter aggression and prevent the aggressor from profiting from its acts of aggression. It is therefore up to the Security Council fully to assume its responsibility for the maintenance of the independence and territorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina , which is a Member State of the United Nations. The Council must oppose the plan of genocide and extermination that the Serbfan forces are trying to carry out through their continued aggression. Events have shown that the resolutions and the measures that have been adopted were not sufficient to %eter the aggressor from occupying further territory in Bosnia an% Herzegovina or from perpetrating further massacres an% acts of expulsion from their territory against the population. The Security Council muat aasumo th!.a basic reaponzibility if it iu to maintaiL it8 credibility. Oth~r~iao, amllor and woeker Staton will be haunted by doubta. They will wonder what guarantooa are thoro that furthor aggraosion will bo detorrad in futuro. Today’s world, which, we had hopod, was going to be a world of peace sad 8tability aftor tbm ood of tho cold war, is far from being a vorld of PeaCar justice and aocurity bocauso of the emergence of new forms of conflict and aggroOOiOnr intorforence in the internal affaira of other States, and State policies charecterioed by hegemoniatic designs , ethnic conflicts and new forms of racism and nationalistic fervour. The tragic situation facing the PeOglO of Boaaia and Borzogovina is a aad and painful erample of this now situation. My country has condemned these abominable crimes end has adhersd to the reaolutiona of the Socurfty Council. It ha8 providod to the people of Bosnia a11 poaaiblo material and moral assistance. The President of the Republic of Bosnia labt month visited my country and wea welcomed by His Highnoaa tbo Praeident of State. In this way, we expressed our position and our faith ill the justice of their cauao. My country has established a number Of aid central and our Rod Creacont has played e basic role in providing humanitarian s88iatMce in 8uppott of the Boonian pooplo. While tke international Comunity ha8 condemned Serbian aggrearion and the abominable practice Of %thniC Clea3lsing" and has called for ar, immediate end to all breaches of the ptinCiple8 Of ?.nternational law, the suffering in Bornia and Her%egovina goes on and is even worrenirqt arreatn continue1 binding resolutions adopted by the Security Council are not yet fully implemented~ thousands of refugees are driven out of their homea and face an uncertain futures and famine and direase threaten thore who live in the ruin8 of cities which, as ia evidenced by archaeological monwnent~, used to be proaperour and civilised. or winter approaches, the need to ensure safety and shelter for the population becomes more urgent than ever. A special mission from my country visited a number of regions of Bosnia and Herlegovina and saw at first hand the suffering of the SobBiM people and the inhuman treatment to which they are daily subjected through acts that run counter to the very fundamental rule8 of international conduct. The Secretary-General'8 report on the human-rightr situation in the former Yugoslavia - document S/24766, dated 6 Uovember 1992 - and the information and evidence provided by regional and international organizationa further confirm the perpetration of atrocities by the Serbs. My delegation welcomer the Securdty Council reeolutfon aimed at ertablirhing a group of experts to consider and report on huaaxx-rights violations in ~oenie. IO this context, the people rrho ere responsible for these Crimes nurt be brought to 2.--L* -- ,UDC'.'-. It is also important that the concentration camps be dismantled and that safety zozen be created in order to ensure that those who have been deported and those who are without shelter cam return to their howac. The Security Coucil hu Mopted amy rorolutiour l iaud at putting mn l xu3 to Sarbiur cylgrer8Pon and at protzrctinp the in&e~n&mce an0 maintaining the t8rritorlal ht8grlty of tha 808nhn Stat8. All the report8 ohow t..t these r8molutionr lmv* not beon fully iIapleJnontod and that they hove mot IMan ruffiaient to detw aggrarrion by Serbia anU Mfsntmagro. Wo thorrforo believe that it It necsesary to take aea8ure8 under Chapter VII of tha Cbartor - in particular, under article8 41 and 42 - to put an 0114 tf3 thi8 aggre88ion. We ask is particular that rafoty momem w&or thm protection of United kiatlone forcmr be establirhed in Rcenia an4 Eara8goviw. The United MatiOn forces rhmld ba undrted to tab all ~UCOBYBI waauros to prevent the Serb8 fran violating t&a no-fly restriatioar. TN Sacurlty CounciX e&mrgo was aimb at the agqresror - in other wordrr Serbia and Montemgro. That State i8 the qgrorrot and contiawa to be the aggressor to thir veq Qay. It refwos to implwnt the resolution8 that have bran mUopt in thi8 uontext. Thorefor*, vo are rurprirod thaL thm State which ir tha victim of aggrorsion - Bornia - in being trerted in the 8am way a0 th6 iqgrormnr Siatr. Orcra the otandpoiet of jueticb urd equality, a policy that uould prwent Bo8ni8 ffaa~ obteining 8Iffitbrp Sb6istCUICO to ~RsblS it t0 e%archB it% legitbte right to l elf48fenca in uuteooble. It ie up to ue all, including thtb Security Council, to ensure that 888irt8nce of all typor - ailltary or material - ie provided to Eoonia no that it can dofsnti itoelf agrrinrt aggreask9a. aho rolutions that w advocate are in accordanco with intarnatioaal law and the Waited lstiow Cbartor en& are ta keeping with the roveiraiqmty bm4fl territoria1 intc;grity of Stste8. Wa rejmt th6 notfor, of aggrerrion an0 the acqu5sition 0:. isrrftory by force. Tbtofore ys, ruppeat Vw rta9mmnt of t&a Secretary-General corrtained in tbe report that is before the Council, and we attach epecial importance to the constitutional arrangements stemming from the International Conference on Yugorlavia, on the ba8is of the rejection of paxrition of the Republic of Bosnia and Haroegovina and of reopect for its tsrritorial integrity. I should like, in conclusion, to assure the Council that, on the baris of our faith in the role of tbe United Ration8 - a faith that stems from our confidence in our oun policy, which is based on the settlersent of disputer by peaceful means and through Uialogue, with due re8pect for the rpirit and letter of the United Rations Charter and the fundamsntsl principle8 governing international law - we believe that the maintenance of international peace and socusity and rtability ir a collective rerpossibility end that the Security Council play8 a principal role in this re8wct, particularly with regard to the situation in Bosnia aad Iierregoviaa. The (interpretation from French): I thank the representative of the United Arab Emirate8 for hi8 kind word8 addroroea to me. The nert speaker on tsy li8t is tie representative of Greece. I invite him to take a seat at the Council table and to make hi8 8tatement. Mt. (Greece) t It give8 ma plearure to congratulate you, Sir, the Permsuent Representative of liungary, oa your arotmption of the presidancy of the Security Council fcrr this month. We are confident that under your wise an3 experienced guidsuce the Council will succo88fully carry out its re8ponnibilitiea. The mama w+rag gsf rnnroaIr*inn a*0 rr*onAnA .n --..--------- --- -------- -- iunbaascdor b&i&e of Prance foe the valuable work he accomplirhed during October. (Mr,) I should aleo lika to join other representatives in tbankiug the High Comisoionor for Refugeea, Nrs. Sedako Ogata, the Special Repporteur of the Coasrission on Human Rights, Hr. Haaouiecki, Secretary Cyrus Vaace and Lord Owen, Co-Chairmen of the Steering Comittee of the International COPferenCe on the Former Yugoslavia, for setting the appropriate framcruork for our debate. I want to e8press ay Governnwnt’a gratitude and full aupport for t&e excellent end skilful nay ia which Secretory Vance and Lord Owen carry out their delicate, difficult and principled tank. Greece will spare no effort in mpporting crud Prssisting #ma in their mdoavours. Zt 18 now tipU for the international cornunity to stand firm and put an on8 to violonce, bloodahad, the indiscriminate killing of innocent civilinns, including children, elderly people and worn, the shelling of hospitals, the exirtmct of detention camps, the forced expulsions aimed at the establishnmat of ethnically bomogenrous area8 , and the deatructioa of houoe~, L.ilsgues and ahutches. The l ufforing, agony and Boopair of all the people6 in the foraer Yugoslavia i8 iawearurable. Tbore is 00 alternative to peacOr Greece unquivocally condemns the practice8 of 'Wbnic cleansing*, wherever they occur, the serious breaches of humanitarian law and the Geneva COnVsntiOn8, the forced oxodoer of refugees, tb8 alt@ratiOn Of denmgrapbic Cmpo8itiOa, the 88iaure of t8rritory by force and tbo urn0 of force against the territorial integrity of any State, including the uL)e of fWX4 in 8ettliag dirpputes, from ‘;ne rejection of flnits sad frolv, our long-standing policy of seeking negotiated solutions of disputes on the basis of international law. We fully support the strong call contained in the dr8ft torolutiox4 to be rdoptad to&y that W tarritoriti intmgrity of Bosnia anQ xerrqJovilla be rerpMm. wr ala0 fully l lpport tbo affinwbtioa that w errtitiar unilmtarally doal8raQ in contravention of relovmt Security Council re8olution8 will not be aacaptmd. Tin mlkaw have a long and bitter hictory of confliatt. l'ha intorrutional couunity mut a& 8wiftly to stop Uam war beforo it im too late, for the tlangarm of rpill-ovmr are roal. Wi@bouriag countriw have a prinsry remponribility to avert ~13 escalation of tJm confliot. Greece ntrongly and solemnly appeals to all ita Balkan neighbours to display restraint and work collectively so that our region may become a zone of peace in Europe. We also endorse ant3 support the demand included in the draft reaolution that all forms of external interference in Bosnia and Herzegovina cease inmediately. The Greek Government believes that the efforts of the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia to achieve a negotiated solution to all aspectm of the crisis should bo iatenaified. It. also firmly believes that the principles to which all Yugoslav parties have been committed, and which have been endorsed by all participant8 in the London Conference, including the principle of non-recognition of the alteration of borders by force and of faite, must constitute the cornerstone to the solution. The situation prevailing in Rosovo gives rise to serious concern. There is a great danger that8 if the conflict should also spread to this part of the former Yugoslavia, it will be very difficult to contain it and to avoid a spill-over to other area8 of the former Yugoalavis as well ae to aeighbcuring countries. Greece supports the Co-Chairmen of the Geneva follow-up of the London Confersace in their afforts to achieve through dialogue a solution to the problems of this area. The principles contained in the Jtatement endorsed by t.Be London Conference, including the rejection v f the alteration of borders by forces apply in this case too. Iiiegardiag our neighbour, the former Yagoelav Republic of Macedonia, let me recall that Greece and its European Community partners have considered its bot&era aa inviolable an8 gwronba?d. ‘She Declaration on the former Yugoslavia -ahich was adopted by the European Comawdty an8 its member Statsa at tha European sunenit meeting held iul Lisbon on 26 and 27 -June 11992, was circulated a8 Security Council document S/24200 of 29 June 1992, at the regueat of Belgium, France and the United Kingdom. In this Declaratiorr “The European Council reiterates the position t&ken by the Community and it8 member State8 in Guimaraes on the reguest of the former Yugoslev Republic of Macedonia to be recognised ati an independent State. Xt expresses itu readiness to recognise that republic within its existing borders according to their Declaration on 16 December 1991 under a name which doer not include the term Macedonia, It furthermore considers the borders of thir republic es inviolable and guaranteed in accordance with the principle8 of the Charter of the United Nation8 and the Charter of Perie.” (WOO. 0. 3J Greece, guided by the sincere will to live together in peace with others es good neighboura, in accordance with the United Nations Chartet, au well as by its earnest dealre for the maintenance of peace, security and stability in our region. Res recently proposed that all countries contiguous to the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia - that is, Albania, Sezbie and Bulgaria - guarantee the inviolability of that Pepublic’s frontiers. PurthermorOL in an official etatement issued at Athens on 10 %ove;&er 1992, we reconfirmad theta “Guided by the principles of good neigbourliness and the desire for ensuring peace and stability in our region, as well as the territorial integrity of this former Yugoslav %epublic, Greece considers its borders to the latter ao inviolahlo and guaranteed, in accordance with the principles of the United Nations Charter and the Charter of Paris." This initiative was welcomed by the Governments of Albania, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and Bulgaria. For its part, the Greek Government stands ready to extend formal recognition to Gkopje and to help support and assist that neighbouring Republic, provided that it abides by the Lisbon declaration and the declaration on Yugoslavia adopted by the European Community in Prusaelo on 16 December 1991. Let me now come to the ccses which the Permanent Representative of the United States deemed it necessary to mention during his statement last Friday regarding the alleged involvement of Greek shipping companies in violating the oil embargo - allegations made without taking the normal channel of the Sanctions Committee referred to in Security Council resolution 757 (1992). First, aa regards tha Maltese-flagged ThftaTrftQB, an investigation by the competent Greek authorities has so far resulted in establishfng the following facts. The said vessel sailed into the port of Piraeus, Greece, from England on 8 July 1992. It sailed from - -raeus in ballast - that is, empty - on 18 October 1992, for Aghioi Theodoroi near Corinth, where it was loaded as follows: on 20 October, with 25 million litres of diesel in bulk, as well as with 99 million litres of diesel in barrels; on 20 October - the same day - with 19 million litres of gasoline originating from Romania; on 2 November, with 20 million litres of fuel oil; on 2 November - the same day - with 4.5 million litres of gas oil; and again on 2 November, with 14 million litres of gas oil (transshipment) originating from RurPsia. From the relevant shipping documents, it appears that the declared deatination of the said cargoes was Austria via Trieate. If, instead of its declared destinatian the said vessel sailed into the port of Bar, the responsibility rests, according to the internationally accepted norms , with the country of the flag. Secondly, an regards the tanker Thita Volcen~, an investigation by the competent Greek acthorities has so far established the following facts. The vessel sailed from Augusta, Sicily, on 10 October 1992, loaded with 1,596 metric tons of soda caustic and destined for Place/Bar, Yugoslavia. According to th. relevant ahipping documents, the suppliers are Metmar Trading and Shipping Ltd. and the receivers are D.P.Birac, a company in Bonnie and Herssgovina, where the cargo waa to be transported in transit from Bar. It appear8 from all this that the glare of publicity reserved for these car08 was, to say the least , unwarranted and that any criticism against Greece prior to any inquiry through the Sanction8 Committee is unacceptable. Allow me to recall that the Sanctiona Conrnittee has repeatedly commended the Greek authorities for their vigilance, alertneaa and prompt reaponsea in investigating alleged violations. Furthermore, I wish to remind the Council that on 21 August 1992, Greece unilaterally ar.spended all exports of oil product8 through the northern borders of the country, in spite of the heavy toll it bad already paid because of its full compliance with the sanctiona. 1Jevertheteas. let everyone be assured that my authorities are atill thoroughly investigating there case8 and that prompt legal action will be taken against any iadividual or company should it be proved that it bears responsibility in violating the aanctiona. In concluding, I wish to reiterate in the moat emphatic way my Govarnawnt*a commitment to the strict implementation of the sanctiona against Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) and its full adherence to the relevant Security Council resolutions. Ths (interpretation from French): I thank the representative of Greece for his kind words addressed to me. The nezt apaaker is the representative of Malta. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make hia statement. -CAMltLERE (Malta)r My delegation welcomes thie opportunity to address the Security Council on the tragic events in the region of the former xuqorlavfe, and espeCi811y in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Under your able presidency, Sir. we have every confidence that the Council will find the necessary courage 8nd wisdom to accomplish the heavy duties which lie before it. OR this occasion my delegation wirhss also to recall the impresrivo manner in which the Council's work was managed under your predecessor, Ambrrssador Jean-Bernard E&ride of France. The statementa already made in this debate uuderline the determination of the international community to persevere in its efforts to bring sanity and legality back to the tragically troubled region of former Yugoslavia. The Goverument of Walta is fully cou&nitted to making it8 fullest contribution to that endeavour. The Ctwncil has heard from the Co-Chairmen of the Stooring Committee of the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia and from other l peakerr of the diplomatic efforts that have been and continue to be undertaken in the search for a peaceful solution. We share the sentiment expressed by the Permanent Representative of the United Kingdom that the mituation would be much worse today were it not for the United Uations peace-keeping efforts through the United #ationr Protection Force fURPROPOR), the United Wations humanitarian effort led by the Office of the United W&ions High Cosmnfrrioner for Refugees (UNWCR) end other international efforts, in particular those of the European CoRgnunity. In this tiine of trial we salute all those uho, at great persoils risk, are in the forefront of intemai:Z.anal action to hrfnq relief to the suffariq people of Bosnia and Hercegcvina. We have also taken wrote of the cautious *ptimism of Mr. Vsnce and oti.cr;i about the cease-fire declared recently, on 10 Uov~mber. under thu ausyrces of ,NmBfiPI\O b c(u mt,acrru rrurrarrr. CL- &S.--A u--‘-e --m&Z-- am---1 -.~- "..I L.-l "') -1 _..I "'"---"a~ -"**-..LUIw*" "a 7+Aacv c=z.ari_> "08, L 51 y yc.. L. -30 d.is oo‘s,a'". (EIr.Csmillari. We have also heard, however, the disturbing reports of Mrs. Oqata and Mt. Maaowiecki . Mrs. Oqato tells us that rarely have the violation8 of human tight8 and humanitarian law, the violence and the destruction reached the levels v8 are currently witnesainq in former Yugoslavia. Mr. Mazowiecki 8tresses that the violation of the rfqht to life and other fundamental hLman rights is ~883.~8 and grave and that it stems from the practice of "ethnic cleansing", which i8 errentially not a comseguonce but aa objective of this var. Hot only are no reminded that 8uffariag and the flouting of humanitarian law are still OCCUrring in Bounia and Ueraeqovinar we are also warned of the posaibflity of an 8nlarqefaent of the conflict. Mr. Vsace apeaks of the hiqhly charged situation in Korovo md the featerinq ritualzion in Macedonia, and of the friqhtenlnq pro8pectr of neiqhbourinq countriea becominq engulfed in the conflict. Thfe ici therefore a time that test8 to the limit the recently generated international resolve for collective action in the defence and promotion of the ersential principle8 of the United Rations Charter. That resolve must find l xpre88ion primarily in the international corwnity'r unswerving Uet8rmfnatfoa to exerciro all options open to it under the United Nations Charter, with the objective of brinqinq the aggression in Bosnia end IT8r88qOVfna to a halt 8s the first 8tep towards r8achfnq a perrcc3ful settlement. That determhat~oa mwt continue to be backed by a clear message to t&8 psrpstrstore of criiiS9 eq&irt hz%anttttfa:: 5:~~ CA orpacially those tesponsiblo for the unacceptable policy and practices of "ethnic cleansing**, that, both individually and collectively, they will be held accountable for their sctioa5. Xn this context, the Government of Malta strongly shares the view that a strengthening of the sanctions regime is a primary objective at this tlage. We are as outraged as others at report8 of violationa of the sanctions regime, erpecially through the abuse of transshipment exemptions, and we are fully committed to all efforts aimed at bringing these violations to an immediate end. On Friday tbo rsprosentative of the United Statos made assertions in this regard that concern air? ships carrying the Maltere flag. Xy Government was infonnod of these aasertiono only last week. The United States Goverrrrrunt was informed that the alleged abuse8 were being roferrod to tho competent maritime authoritier for investigation and appropriate action. In our view, the statement an Priday by the reprsaantativo of tho United States would thus havo boon more factually complete and objective if it had acknowledged those facts instead of limiting itself to the basic allegations, The Maltese authorities, in fact, reacted immediately to the information that -08 provided and prior to lant Friday had officially notified the owner8 of the vessels lo question that they would recommend the clorure of the ve6solu' regietry should the allegations that had been made Provo to be correct. Thor0 ncticer uoro also brought to the attention of the registered mortgagees. ualta's adhorenco to the decision8 of the Secutity Council has been consistoat and unequivocal throughout. Malta is determined to continue its (Mr.) support and cooperation in the implementatron of met~suros taken by the Security Council to bring an end, it is hoped, to the mtiny violations of tbc right to life and other PundamenCal human rights that the international cozxaunity it? witnessing in Bosnia and Herzegovina. v (interpretation from French): I thank 3 representative of blta for the kind words he addressed to me. The next speaker is the repreeentative of Algeria. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. Mr (Algeria) (interpretation from French)8 It is my great pleasure to extend to you, Sir, the sincere congratulations of the Algetim delegation on your asaumptiion of the pre5idency of the Security Council. YOUr outstanding personal qualities end your long diplomatic expetience are uure guarantees thnt you will effectively guide the work of the Council. We alsd congratulate your predecessor, His Ercellency Aarbassador M&tie of FranCON on the 8kilful manner in which he guided the Council's work last month. She initiative of the Organization of the Islamic Conference that led to this debate was important and timely. In hi5 moving ata+:ement, the Permanent Representative of Boards and Herzegovina, Ambczavdor Sacirbey, described objectively, with testrafat and without 5raggeratioa +ne full ecope of thr, current tragedy of the people Of Bosnia and Kerzegovina. Assembly to adckesh the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the situation has greatly deteriorate&, and nou constitutes a challenge to the United Nations and, above all, to the Security Council in their mandate to maintain international peace and security. The situation in the political, military, humanitarian and human rights spheres is unacceptable. Algeria, which since last April has been informing the Security Council of the gravity of the situation and the possible risk of escalation, is following with emotion and indignation the painful events in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which grow worse daily. We have come to the inevitable conclusion that the measures the Security Council has taken thus far has tempered neither the clear aggression and unspeakable suffering imposed upon the people of thnt republic nor the mistreatment and serious human-rights violations, particularly the intoletable practice of %thnic cleansing". (Mr.) The agreements and cease-fires which were no painstakingly negotiated by the European Community and the United Nations have been ignored. Even humanitarian aid has been deliberately impeded* which, with the Onset Of winter, may well exacerbate the already catastrophic situation of the people of Bosnia. Without wishing in any way to minimire the complexity of the situation or the importance of the decisions already taken by the Security Council, it i8 clear that further, even more decisive steps, are required if we intend to pur an end to the battles which have already caused thousands of deaths as well a8 the displacement of populations to an extent already affecting 40 per cent of the inhabitants of Bosnia and heraegovina. Not only the Organisation of the Islamic Conference but also world public opinion expect the Security Council to provide effective support for the people of Bosnia and Heraegovina in their resistance to aggression and in l nmuring that an end is put to the odious crimes which have been perpetrotod there. Similarly, the Council haa the duty of rejecting anything which has been gained by aggression and to guarantee respect for the territorial integrity of Bosnia and Heraegovina and the sovereignty of this State Member of the United Nations. In the light of the fearful tragedy of the people of Eoania, it i8 also essential that every step be taken to meet the challenge of providing and transporting essential basic products. The draft resolution submitted by the States members of the Organisation of the Islamic Conference cover most of theso elements and should be given favourable consideration. It is now up to the Security Council to take all necersary steps to end the tragedy of the people of Bosnia and to avert the threats to peace and security in the region. The (interpretation from French)% I thank the representative of Algeria for his kind words addressed to me. The next speaker is the representative of Bangladesh. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. Mr. gBBLB (BangladeshIt I have pleasure in expressing warm felicitations to you, Sir. on your aaaumption of the office of President of the Security Council for the month of November. I also take this opportunity to express our appreciation to Ambassador Jean-Bernard M&im&e of France for his commendable conduct of the work of the Security Council in October. We appreciate the endeavourn of Mr. Cyrus Vance and Lord Owen, co-Chairmen of the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia in discharging 80 well their onerous responsibility. We alan welcome the report of Mr. Tadsuet Mazowiecki, Special Rapporteur of the Commission on Human Rights , which atforth UI a clear picture of the factual atate of human rights in Bosnia and Heroegovina. From the time of the brutal aggression of Serbia against Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, we have witnessed the Security Council initiate measures to restore peace in tbe region and ameliorate the sufferings of the victims of the conflict. We shall be remiss if we do not acknowledge the selfless devotion of the personnel of the Unitad Nations Protection Force and the dedicated humanitarian service rendered by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees aad the International Committee of the Red Cross. It io obvious, however, that much mote needs to be done to bring an end to this cruel conflict. (Mr.1 The report of the Special Rapporteur reveals that a peaceful resolution of the crisis does not seem imminent and, in his words, the principal objective of the military conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina is the establishment of ethnically homogenous regions, "Ethnic cleansing" appaars to be not the consequence of the war but rather its goal. This goal, to a large extent, has already been achieved thtJugh killing, torture, rape and other forma of atrocities. Conservative estimates indicate that over 100,000 people have been killed in Sarbian attacks and that nearly half a million are likely to perish from exposure and starvation during the coming winter. If this were to happen, we need to ponder seriously over the recent comment of the Foreign Minister of Roania and Hersegovina, Mr, Haris Silajdaie, in Germany that; "Bosnia and Xetsegovina is the beginning of the end of peace and order in post-war Europe”. The need has become even more imperative in the face of Serbia’s brazen violation of the resolutions of the security Council and the London Peace Accords on the former Yugoslavia. In his letter of 4 November 1992 to the President of the Security Council, the Permanent Representative of Bosnia an& Hersayovina pointed out that the Serbian violation of their commitments, their intensification of "ethnic cleansing", particularly of Muslims, their maintenance of concentration camp8, the retention and application of heavy weapons for inflicting civilian casualties on civilian townships, the increasing number of air attacks, the deliberate disruptions of heating, gas, electricity, and supply lines, and the intersification of efforts for the conquest of Bosnia and Herzegovina, with a view to completing their abhorrent plan of “ethnic cleansing” before a negotiated and constitut;onal arrangement is concluded (Mr.) under international pressure. According to Lord Owen. some vested interests were using the "gaping holes" in the present embargo to supply Serbia with petroleum products down the Danube, across the Romanian, Bulgarian and Macedonian border, or from the Adriatic Coast. We are now facing a situation whereby, through the brutal use of force and the despicable policy of "ethnic cleansing" and other atrocities, Serbia has acquired over 70 per cent of the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It would be regrettable if the Security Council remained a silent spectator while Serbia continue3 to flout the Council's decision by persisting in its policies of aggrandizement and genocide. Bangladesh firmly believes that the Council must Lisplay political determination to enforce its decision to reverse Serbian aggression by taking appropriate measures under Chapter VII of the Charter. Bangladesh cannot accept any seizure of territory by force. The solution to the crisis must ensure the sovereignty, independenca and territorial integrity of Bosnia and Heraegovina. So great has been the anguish and disappointment in the worsening tragic situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, that the people of Bangladesh have expressed profound indignation at the unacceptable turn of events in that tragic country. In view of the sensitivity of public opinion in my country on the issue, the Bangladesh Parliament discussed it at length recently and condemned the aggression against Bosnia. in a resolution the Parliament urged the Security Council to adopt appropriate measures to end Serbian atrocities against the men, women and children of Bosnia. The sanctions already imposed muat, of course, be strictlv enfosccd so that a clear message is sent to Serbia that the international community wishes to see an end to its abominable policies, The loopholes in the sanctions rigime must be closed. A strong aignal should be conveyed to the Serbians from this debate that they must release all prisoners and detainees from the concentration camps and abolish all such camps immediately. Serbia must be made to realiae that by pursuing the policy of "ethnic cleansing" it has violated the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide and that it will therefore be held responaible for its crimes againat humanity. My delegation, like other delegations, strongly advocates that the Security Council seriously consider and create safety zones, land corridors anU no-fire aones under United Nations protection in Bosnia and Herzegovina where refugees would be supported with relief assistance and food. The Security Council should also consider expansion of the mandate of the Unitea Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) and an increase in its strength to enable it to protect the personnel of the Office of the United Nations High CO~ii?dOneS for Refugees (UNHCR), the International Committee of ths Red Cross (ICRC) and other relief agencies in the fulfilment of their humanitarian responsibilikies. Successive resolutions by the Council have failed to contain Serbian expansionist designs and its policy of "ethnic cleansing". Although the reaolutian on an armfl embargo against former yuqoslavia was meant for the aggressor, its effect on t% victims of aggression ha8 been disastrous. In the face of the heavily equipped Serbs and their organized means of obtaining arms and ammunition supplies, the Bosnian minorities have remained helpless targets of extermination. To prevent their total extinction they must be permitted to exercise their inherent right of self-defence against their enemy in accordance with Article 51 of the Unit.ed Nations Charter. We therefore share the views of other delegations that have espoused partial and selective lifting of the arms embargo in resolution 713 (1991). That would enable the Bosnians to defend themselves and deter the Serbi.ns from pursuing a policy of expansionism, and it would also induce the latter to sit down at the negotiating table to find a political settlement. At the same time, if ;he Serbs continue their blatant violation of Security Council resolutions and the London Peace Accords my delegation feels that the Council should consider, sooner rather than later, the inevitability of taking collective enforcement measures to ensure compliance with the Council's decisions. Agreement to take such a decision may be a difficult one to achieve, but once reached, it would be a giant forward step towards deterring expansionism by bigger nations at the expense of weaker and smaller neighbours. Even aa we debate this issue here and now, the Bosnians' miseries continue, not just from the cold and bitter winter but from the tightening of the Serbian stranglehold as well. The events in Bosnia are not merely a sad commentary on our times. The situation there mey become an unhappy reflection of the Security Council'8 capabilities at a time when the world community is putting increasing confidence in it8 ability to be more effective in the cause of peace and security. When in the recent past we 8aw the Council act in unison to uphold order with justice, our hope in the system was raised. We cannot and must not allow it to dissipate. Our faith will surely wither with the mounting sorrows of Bosnia. The Council has no option but to act resolutely and to act now. It. must adopt a strong and effective resolution and implement it with determination. To reinvigorate our trust in the Council, this human tragedy must be brought to a speedy end. The Council has an opportunity to do 80. My delegation has every confidence that the Council will not let it pass. The (interpretation from French): I thank the representative of Bangladesh for the kind words he addressed to me. The next speaker on my list is the representative of Senegal. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement. m. w (Senegal)(interpretacion from French): Sir, your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council is a real source of satisfaction to my delegation, both because of your personal qualities and because of the excellent relations that exist between Hungary and Senegal. I should like to begin, therefore, by extending to you my warmest congratulations and by expressing my appreciation to your predecessor, Ambasaador Jean-Bernard M&in&, Permanent Representative of Prance, for the important work accomplished during the past month. The considerable effort8 exerted by the international community and the numerou8 resolutions adopted by the Security Council on the tragic eituatior in Bosnia and Herzegovina have not prevented it from deteriorating and verging on the intolerable and the unacceptable. For more than six montha that country, a Member of the Organization, has been a victim of outright and unpunished aggression, of all kinds of violationa of its sovereignty and of the most fundamental human rights. Today, we are witnessing the gradual annihilation of tho Bosnian people by killings, imprisonment and the dispersal of refugees wherever they can gain entry. In the name of human aolidarity, respect for intarnational morality and the Charter of our Organioation, the Senegalese delegation expresses its complete solidarity with that abused and battered country. The Bornfan people can no longer be aatiefied with our cocrdolencas and l r]presaionr of compassion while they continue to be the victims of collective killingA, of detention in the conditions we know prevail in the persecution camps and of forced erpulsfoas from their territory. Those sufferings have been compournded by the unacceptable practices of "ethnic cleansing", reminiscent of one of the most calamitous periods in human histary. Purthemre, the people of Bosnia cannot understand - nor can the delegation of Senegal - how the Security Council, the guarantor of internationral peace and security, can fail to provide them with the means to exercise, in accordance with Article 51 of the Charter, their right to Aelf-defoace whea the aggressor, generously and regularly supplied with weapons in violation of the embargo to which it is, in principle, subject, is daily stepping up the destruction of Boenia and Herzegovina aad its dafeneelars populations. IA this coarmsetion it is regrettable that, despite the relevant provision8 of Security Council reaclutioA 781 (19921, the city of Jajce, befieged on 26 aad 27 October 1992, has now been occupied, its inhabitants compelled to abandon their homea and possessioA5 and forced to swell the ranks of i3o8Aiaa refugees now exposed to hunger, cold, disease and misfortune. IA addition, according to t&e most recent estimAteA of the International Committee of the Red Cross and other international observers, some 400,000 sO5AiaAs could die because of hareh winter weather. As things are going, that estimate could well prove to be optimistic. For its part the European Economic Community has been making important efforts on behalf of Bosnia and Heraegovina, but we are unfortunately forced to acknowledge that the results achieved are not yet commensurate with the gravity of the situation. For all there reasons, and given that tbe aggression against Bosnia and Heraegoviaa continues in utter contempt for resolutions 752 (1992) and 757 (1992), it is the view of the Senegal delegation that the Security Council should urgently take the necessary measures, first, to reaffirm the need for all States strictly to respect the territorial integrity and full sovereignty of the people of Bosnia and Hersegovinat and, secondly, to authorise the Boanisn people to exercise, in accordance with Article 51 of the Charter, its inherent right to self-defence and enable it, through lifting the arms embargo now in effect, to obtain the necessary means to ensure its survival. It is recognised that the Serbs of Bosnia and Herzegovina are receiving all the weaponry they need from outside. To deprive the Boanian people of equal opportunity is tantamount to letting it be annihilated. I amof the opinion that lifting the embargo is a factor that could discourage the aggressors or contain their destructive aeal. I understand those who oppose such a measure. Hone the leas, between the risk of conflicts Spinning 0~;: of control and getting werae and the risk of witnessing the physical disappearance of a country and its people, my preference is for the lesser evil: safeguarding the Boanian people and seeking the means of preventing the lifting of the embargo from broadening the scope of the conflict. In conclusPoo I would reiterate my delegation's appreciation of the consistent attention the Security Council and the Secretary-General are giving the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. At the same time I wish to thank IJUPRO?OR, the specialised agencies of the United Uations and Mr. Cyrus Vance and Lord Oven for their total commitmonC to the restoration of peace in Bosaia and Herzegovina. Peace will come only when all the prisonera and refugees of Bosnia and Kerzegoviaa can return to their homes and see their right0 restored, when "ethnic cleansing" and its conaequeoces have disappeared, and when a Constitution recognising the territorial integrity of that country has been established. The Security Council has a complex task before it. That is why we feel such anguish. s (interpretation from French): I thank the representative of Senegal for the kind words he addressed to me. The next speaker is the representative of Bosnia and Keraegovina. I call upon him. Mt. pIIGIc (Bosnia and Herzeyovina): Allow me, Mr. President, to extend my deep appreciation to you for convening 'these meetings of the Security Council in respect of the horrific situation in my country. Allow me also to express my gratitude to the Contact Oroup of the Organisation of the Islamic Conference for its role in bringing about these meetings. Finally I wish to express my deep appreciation to all delegations, from that of Afghanistan to that of Zimbabwe, that have spoken in our zupport at therre meetings. Let me also say that my delegation was deeply puaoled by the participation of a representative of the so-called governamat of the so-called Federal Republic of Yugoclavia in the work of this body, especLally whan one considers the conclusions of the Security Council in its remolution 777 (1992) ==A cbE!Kel arrae431y resolution M/242. --- There appears to be no legal precedent or procedure that vou.IU atlow the delegation in question to participate in thee6 discunsione, end we believe that this was done by the c'ouncil strictly out of yood will. But it seems to me that good will towards the Belgrade rigime has again failed to pay. Mr. Djokic told this Council what his Government has done so far to contribute to the peaceful resolution of the war in Bosnia. The word "wnr" is an innappropriate notion. It cannot be called a mar when heavily armed forces are fighting barehanded civilians. He has obviously confused notions. He has triad to camouflage terrorism and introduce it as though it were simply a war. That is nothing auprising. In fact Mr. Djokic told the Council what his Government has promised to do. If Mr. Djokic's Government fulfilled its promises, the aggression in Bosnia and Eesaegovina would already be over. In addition, he did not tell the Council anything that his Government has even tried to do. Instead of choosing a conciliatory approacha instead of being an envoy who is a little self-critical who conveys ma8aages of good will if not of good deeds, he has repeated nboat of the old Snsinuationa used by Serbian propagandists and their masters since the onset of the crisis in former Yugoslavia. To blame Bosnian Muslims, Croats and Ebanian leaders, Mr. Djokic has again*elaborated old, unfounded accusations that the Belgrade leaders used as justification of their aggression, abhorrent "ethnic cleansing" and genocide in Bosnia and Hersagovina. Indeed, he has ofEered some new and alas again distorted “facts”, fabricated and signed with the same hand that has left its bloody signature in the Boanian wounds. Allowing Mr. Djokic to address the Security Council today, I am afraid that we in this Chamber all got more than we bargained for. The (interpretation from French): Members vi11 have received copies of a revised text of the draft resolution eponsored t?y Belgium, France, the Russian Federation, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the United States of America, contained in document S/24888/Rev.l. 1 should like to draw the attention of member6 to a changb in C.he text: all reference6 to Bosnia and Herzegovina 6hould be understood to refer to the Republic of Bosnia and Heraegovina. It is my understanding that tbe Council i6 nov reaby to vote on the revised draft resolutior\ before it. UnleS6 X hear any objection, I shall now put the draft rerrolution to the vote. Zt fa 60 decided. I shall now call upon those representative6 who would like to make a statement before the vote. ti. LI Paom (China) (interpretation from Chinese)r With regard to the present situation in Bo6nia and Xerzegovfna, our persistent position is that various partie in Bosnia and Herzegovina must immediately cea6e fire. The conflict in Bosnia aud Her2egovina should be settled peacefully through dialogue and negotiations among all ths parties concerned. We are not in favour of the use of force 50 whatever form. In our view, all the international effort6 should be coaducive to an early negotiated settlement of the differences and di6putes rather than complicating the situation. We are in favour of urging all the parties in Bosnia asd Herzegovina immediately to cease their hostilities and seek a political solution to the conflict through negotiations. Wo support the poaitivu offortr made by tha Intarnational Confaranca on tha Formar Yugoslavia, and arpacially tia Co-Chairman of tha Steering Coamittaa. Wa are also in favour of calling for tha imediata cessation of all forms of interference from outside Bornia and Haraagovina and the ca8aation of -11 violation8 of international humanitarian law. We appreciate and support all the humanitarian relief efforts made by the international community and urge all parties and others concerned to cooperate fully with a view to ensuring the smooth delivery of humanitarian assistance and the safety of United Nations and other personnel engaged in the delivery of humanitarian assistance. Some of the elements included in the draft resolution contained in document S/24808, which will be put to the vote, are in conformity with tha foregoing position of China and are acceptable to us. However, some of the contents of the present draft resolution are aimed at further strengthening the sanctiona against Yugoslavia. It is known to all that on the occasion when Security Council resolution 757 (1992) was adopted, the Chinese delegation pointed out that sanctions would not help solve the problem, that they would, on the contrary, further aggravate the situation in the former Yugoslavia and create serioue consequences affecting the lives of the people in the region and the economy of the neighbouring States. Therefore, ue cannot accept such contenta. It alao needs to be pointed out that it is inappropriate for the draft resolution to refer to the report of the Special Rapporteur on Nunan rights, Xt is not within the purview of the Security Council to handle the human-rights issue. Since the &aft resolution ceatains both elements acceptable to us and :lements unacceptable to UQ, the Chinese delegation will abstain in the voting on this draft resolution. Finally, 3 should like to reiterate once again that the Chinese .-e--q* Coverrunaui. Gi puprrr sttor;gly -a--- -11 *ha nntt-4em q-ncortxd in Bosnia and N--J" ..-- -- R-- ---- h'erzegovina to act in the interest of all the people there, turn swords into ploughshares and replace hatred with reconciliation, and, with the help of the international community, find an appropriate and fair solution to their conflict within the framework of the International Conference. Mr. (Zimbabwe): On 30 May 1992, when this council considered the adoption of resolution 757 (1992), Zimbabwe expressed serious doubts about the validity of the underlying assumptions that led to the adoption of that resolution. Put crudely, the atisumption was that the relationship between the Bosnian Serbs and the Serbian Serbs was that of the puppet and the puppeteer. On this assumption, it was therefore logical that the best way to irauobflise the puppet was to exert pressure on the puppeteer through a tough regime of economic and other sanctions. Those who have worked closely on efforts to resolve the crisis in Bosnia and Hernegovina over the past sin months can testify that the Bosnien Serbs are anything but the puppets of Belgrade. Of course this is not to say that Belgrade is totally devoid of influence. But, then, there is an important distinction between the ability to control and the ability to influence. As we all know, the ability to influence has its limitations. If this Council were to impose punitive sanctions on all countries that are perceived to have influence on one party or the other in the various conflict situations around the globs, we would have a very long list indeod. The irony of the present situation is that the country targeted for punitive measures, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, withdrew its forces from Basaia and Herzegovina some six months ago. Yet, as we consider further measures against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the draft resolution before us, there are thousands of foreign troops in Bosnia and Herzegovina who have repeatedly defied the resolutions of the Council calling for their withdrawal. lo punitive measures are being considered by the Cou11ci.1 in spite of this continuing act of defiance. All that the Council is prepared to do 13 reaffirm its call for elements of the Croatian army to be withdrawn. The evolution of the crisis in Bor.nia and Eiersegovina over the part six months has done nothing to erase our original doubts. In fact, available evidence does not make it possible for my delegation to adopt a position on the draft resolution before us different from the position we took on resolution 757 (1992). My delegation therefore will abstain on this draft resolution. The (interpretation from French): I shall now put to the vote the %raft resolution contained in document 8/24808/Wev.l. as orally revised, in its provisional form. bv aa of w . Znfavourt Austria, Belgium, Cape Verde, Ecuador, Prance, Hungary. India, Japan, Morocco, Russian FederatPoa, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United States of America, Vene2uela Aaainat: None Bbatainfna China, Zimbabwe The (interpretation from French): There were 13 votes in favour, none against and 2 abstentions. The revised draft resolution, as orally revised, in its provisional form, has therefore been adopted a8 resolution 787 (1992). I shall now call on representatives who wish to make a statement following the voting. Mr.w (Austriajt Austria voted in favour of resolution 787 (1992) because it contains a number of necessary elements. One is a reaffirmation of previous deman%s by the Security Council addressed in particular to the Serbian side. Another is the tightening of the sanctions regime. Sanctions are not aimed at the population of Serbia and Montenegro; they are designed to bring about a Change of policy in Belgrade. Toddy ' s decision of the Council skould also contribute to mOre effective implementation of sanctions. The resolution also reflect8 the Austrian proposal to create safe areas in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The rapid establishment of such area8 would be a decisive contribution to alleviating the problem of refugee8 and displaced persons, which has reached such dramatic proportions that it has largely exhausted the capacities of other States to provide even temporary refuge. Once such safe areas are established, they should not only provfde safety for their present inhabitants but al80 encourage others to return to their former homes. Today we have invited the Secretary-General to study the possibility of and the requirements for such areas. Obviously, in the light of the horrendous plight of the population concertled, this cannot be an academsc exercise. Consequently, we hope that the Secretary-General will urgently examine this issue and report to the Security Council as soon as possible in order to enable us to take the oecesaary decisions before it is too late. The Pm (interpretation from FrenchIt There are no further names on the list of speakers. The Security Council has thus concluded the present stage of its consideration of the item on its agenda. The Security Council will remain seized of the matter. mee& rose at 7.40 ~a.
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UN Project. “S/PV.3136.” UN Project, https://un-project.org/meeting/S-PV-3136/. Accessed .