S/PV.4357Resumption1 Security Council
▶ This meeting at a glance
41
Speeches
0
Countries
0
Resolutions
Topics
Security Council deliberations
Israeli–Palestinian conflict
Peace processes and negotiations
War and military aggression
Middle East and regional tensions
Arab political groupings
Middle East
The President (spoke in Spanish): I should like
to inform the Council that I have received letters from
the representatives of Cuba, Cyprus, Lebanon and
Namibia in which they request to be invited to
participate in the discussion of the item on the
Council's agenda. In conformity with the usual
practice, I propose, with the consent of the Council, to
invite those representatives to participate in the
discussion, Without the right to vote, in accordance
with the relevant provisions of the Charter and rule 37
of the Council's provisional rules of procedure.
There being no objection, it is so decided.
At the invitation ofthe President, Mr. Rodriguez
Parrilla (Cuba), Mr. Kasoulides (Cyprus),
Mr. Tadmoury (Lebanon) and Mr. Andjaba
(Namibia) took the seats reserved for them at the
side ofthe Council Chamber.
The President (spoke in Spanish): I should like
to inform the Council that I have received a letter dated
20 August 2001 from the Charge d'affaires of the
Permanent Mission of Tunisia to the United Nations
addressed to the President of the Security Council,
which reads as follows:
"I have the honour to request the Security
Council to extend an invitation, under rule 39 of
its provisional rules of procedure, to Mr. Ali A.
Abbas, Deputy Permanent Observer for the
League of Arab States to the United Nations, to
participate in the meeting of the Security Council
to be held on Monday, 20 August 2001, on the
situation in the occupied Palestinian territory,
including Jerusalem."
This letter will be issued as a document of the Security
Council under symbol S/2001/801.
If I hear no objection, I shall take it that the
Security Council agrees to extend an invitation, under
rule 39 of its provisional rules of procedure, to
Mr. Abbas.
There being no objection, it is so decided.
The next speaker inscribed on my list is the
representative of Jordan. I invite him to take a seat at
the Council table and to make his statement.
Mr. Goussous (Jordan) (spoke in Arabic): I
should like to thank you very much, Mr. President, for
convening this emergency meeting at the request of the
States members of the Organization of the Islamic
Conference. I should also like to congratulate you
wholeheartedly on your assumption of the presidency
of the Council for this month. I am profoundly
convinced that, thanks to your experience and skill, the
work of the Council will be successful.
I should also like to thank your predecessor, His
Excellency Mr. Wang Yingfan, for having conducted
the business of the Council with such brilliance during
the course of the previous month.
My country, Jordan, greatly appreciates the
laudable efforts by the Secretary-General, Kofi Annan.
We thank him for his wise guidance and for always
trying to seek to implement the purposes and principles
of the United Nations. We thank him for the tireless
efforts he has made in the service of international
peace and security.
My delegation is highly concerned about the
serious developments in the occupied Palestinian
territories resulting from continued acts of aggression
by Israel against the Palestinian people. These acts are
now posing a very grave threat. My delegation
condemns Israel for waging an increasing military
campaign against the Palestinian people, for using
collective punishment against the Palestinians and for
using combat aircraft and tanks to destroy Palestinian
villages and institutions. This has led to a high number
of casualties among innocent civilians. The policy of
assassination that is under way, the demolition of
houses and the economic and security siege of
Palestine towns and villages are flagrant violations of
international agreements and of relevant international
laws and norms.
We once again condemn the Israeli policy and
Israel's invasion and occupation of areas that are under
full Palestinian authority. The two sides had agreed to
consider the issue of Jerusalem during the final-status
negotiations. The occupation of houses is a flagrant
violation of international law and of the relevant
resolutions of the Security Council, inter alia, 252
(1969) and 672 (1990), which consider Israel's
occupation and annexation of Jerusalem null and void.
Jordan firmly believes that the policy being
pursued by the Israeli Government cannot provide
security to the Israeli people. On the contrary, this
policy will lead to more violence and to more victims.
Rather than leading to regional peace and security, it
will threaten the future of the peace process. The
regrettable recent attack in Jerusalem that caused many
victims, including civilians, shows that security
measures, however robust, cannot deter extremist
groups from committing acts of aggression. Therefore,
the only way to provide security is to deal with the
problems facing the fact that the peace process and to
resume negotiations between the Palestinian and the
Israeli sides.
We are fully aware of the fact that the military
option is not a solution to the crisis and that to deal
with this crisis only from a security point of view will
not resolve it and will only increase violence. This
could ignite the entire region. Therefore Jordan
believes that a political solution is the only way to
resolve the crisis.
In this context, we appeal to the Israeli
Government to respond favourably to international
efforts to put an end to the acts of aggression and siege
against the Palestinians. We encourage the Israeli
Government to return to the negotiating table on the
basis of the agreements that provided the foundations
for the peace process.
We believe that the report of the Mitchell Fact-
Finding Committee and the recommendations
contained in it provide a way to resolve this crisis, to
restore trust between the two parties through the
implementation of all the commitments undertaken and
by resuming negotiations where they were left off. The
objective here is to reach a final agreement, put an end
to occupation, restore rights and enable all to live in
peace and security in accordance with the international
resolutions that form the basis for the peace process.
My delegation once again reiterates its appeal to
the Security Council to shoulder its responsibilities
under the Charter by sending international observers to
the occupied Palestinian territories, in accordance with
the recommendations of the G-8 in Genoa, Italy, and
the recommendations of the Mitchell Committee. The
objective here is to ensure the protection of the
Palestinian people in accordance with the 1949 Fourth
Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of
Civilian Persons in Time of War and in accordance
with the relevant Security Council resolutions.
We also appeal to the Security Council to urge
Israel to implement international resolutions, in
particular resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973),
which formed the basis for the peace process. Israel
should also be urged to recognize the legitimate rights
of the Palestinian people, including their right to create
their own independent State, with Jerusalem as its
capital.
In conclusion, my delegation reaffirms the
solidarity of our King, our Government and our people
with the Palestinian people. We want to see to it that
the Palestinian people enjoy their legitimate rights, and
that they meet all their legitimate demands to create an
independent State comprising all of their national
territory, with Al-Quds Al-Sharif as its capital.
The President (spoke in Spanish): The next
speaker is the representative of the Sudan. I invite him
to take a seat at the Council table and to make his
statement.
Mr. Erwa (Sudan) (spoke in Arabic): It is a
pleasure for me to speak today on behalf of the Group
of Arab States, which is headed by the Sudan this
month, and to convey to you, Sir, our congratulations
on your succession to the presidency of the Security
Council. I would like once again to convey my
congratulations to the Chinese delegation for the
masterful way in which it conducted the Council's
deliberations last month.
Barely a few months have elapsed since the
Security Council last met to review the situation in the
occupied Palestinian territories. Since that time the
situation has worsened in a most disturbing manner.
We had hoped that the international community
represented in the Security Council would have been
able to halt the organized murder of Palestinians by
Israel by providing urgent, international protection
from the war crimes being committed against civilians
as part of an official Israeli policy. However, the
Security Council has stood idly by while television
screens around the world showed us the spectacle of an
occupying Power persisting in using military force and
perpetrating systematic acts of killing against innocent,
defenceless civilians.
The Israelis have increased the isolation of
Palestinian towns and villages by besieging them with
tanks and heavy war machinery. The occupying Power
has used combat aircraft against defenceless
Palestinian people. In an unequal battle it has destroyed
their institutions and infrastructure, as well as the
premises of the Palestinian Authority. The latest
expression of Israeli aggression and brutal force was
the occupation of Orient House, in contravention of all
previously signed agreements and commitments.
The Security Council has not succeeded in the
past in adopting a draft resolution that might provide
protection to the Palestinian people against the daily
aggression to which it is subjected, just as it has not
succeeded in halting the deterioration of the situation
in the region, as called for by its responsibility for the
maintenance of international peace and security. This
Council is invested with a special responsibility to
deter Israel, which has exceeded all possible limits in
its aggression. Israel has assumed the right to defy the
resolutions of the international community and the
Security Council and the rules of international law, in
particular humanitarian law, and the Fourth Geneva
Conventions relative to the Protection of Civilian
Persons in Time of War.
Accordingly, the United Nations is now faced
with a major responsibility and challenge, particularly
this Council, which must prove itself equal to the
responsibilities incumbent on it. It must adopt
immediate and urgent measures to bring an end to this
violence that targets innocent, defenceless Palestinian
civilians and provide them with the necessary
protection.
Should the Council fail in its duty - the duty to
provide protection to innocent civilians in Palestine
from daily Israeli arbitrary measures - it will have
failed in the duty assigned to it by the Charter. It is
high time that Israel understand that violence cannot
bring it the security that it desires. That security and
peace cannot be achieved as long as its expansionist
policy continues, a policy based on repression,
aggression and the Judaization of Jerusalem.
The only way to peace in the Middle East
necessarily means an end to Israeli occupation and a
firm commitment by Israel to implement the
resolutions of the international community and the
Security Council, in particular resolutions 242 (1967)
and 338 (1973), so as to enable the Palestinian people
to establish its independent State, with Jerusalem as its
capital.
Israel's persistence in conducting its bloody
campaign against the Palestinian people will lead to an
explosion of the situation in the entire region; an
explosion with unforeseeable consequences that could
very well threaten international peace and security, as
well as the interests of all parties in the region. That is
why the Arab Group calls upon the Security Council to
act quickly and urgently to protect the Palestinian
people. It is no longer possible to wait and allow the
situation to deteriorate further. The Arab States wish to
express their unfailing support to the Palestinian
people, Who are faced with day-to-day arbitrary acts on
the part of the occupation forces. We hail the legitimate
fight of the Palestinian people, who are struggling to
achieve self-determination - a legitimate right
recognized by international law, the United Nations
Charter and the Declaration of Human Rights. The
Palestinian people are not alone in their fight against
Israeli policy. The Arab nation as a whole stands by
their side.
In conclusion, the Arab States call upon the
Security Council and the States sponsoring the peace
process in the Middle East, as well as the European
Union, to act as quickly as possible in order to halt the
horrible deterioration of the situation in the region due
to Israel's policy of aggression. Israel must be brought
to respect international law, the international
community and the resolutions of this Council and to
halt its daily aggression against the Palestinian people.
The President (spoke in Spanish): I thank the
representative of Sudan for his kind words addressed to
me.
The next speaker inscribed on my list is the
representative of Saudi Arabia. I invite him to take a
seat at the Council table and to make his statement.
Mr. Shobokshi (Saudi Arabia) (spoke in Arabic):
Allow me to congratulate you, Mr. President, on your
presiding over the Security Council this month. I am
confident that, with your well-known experience and
wisdom, you will lead the work of the Council to the
ends that we all desire. Allow me also to express my
thanks and appreciation to your predecessor, the
Permanent Representative of China, for his excellent
leadership of the Council last month.
The Security Council is meeting once more to
discuss the deteriorating and dangerous situation in the
occupied Palestinian territories. This comes as a result
of the continuation of the bloody and unjust military
campaign of the Israeli military forces against the
Palestinian people in the occupied Palestinian
territories, including Jerusalem; a campaign that is
spreading terror and fear among the unarmed
population and that is increasing the pain and agony of
the Palestinian people, who are experiencing punitive
and inhumane actions and violations of their human
rights. A few months ago, hundreds were killed,
thousands were wounded, property was demolished,
infrastructure was destroyed, farms were destroyed and
the Palestinian economy has been damaged in order to
make the Palestinians submit.
It would have been possible to save the people
who were killed during the Israeli occupation. It would
have been possible to save the victims and those
wounded as a result of Israeli aggression. It would have
been possible to put an end to the demolition and the
violation of human rights. It would have been possible
to put an end to violence and to calm the situation, if
the Security Council had assumed its responsibilities
and had maintained peace and security, which is its
primary responsibility, and indeed the raison d'etre of
the United Nations.
A country that assassinates a people, usurps land,
chases children, besieges the elderly, quashes values
and violates rights is a State that is fond of terrorism
and practises it. Yet, the Security Council is watching
helplessly, instead of confronting the aggression, while
others in the international community try to find
illogical justification for the Israeli aggression.
Principles of international legitimacy are ignored.
Human rights are discarded, and the right to self-
determination and all norms and laws attached to it are
swept under the carpet.
The fact that the Security Council did not take
necessary and effective measures to end Israel's
transgressions and efforts to starve the Palestinian
people and render it homeless, or to protect its
legitimate rights, has increased that country's
determination to pursue a policy of terrorism against
the Palestinian people. The Palestinian people therefore
believe that Israel is the only country that, with
enormous and rather strange daring, does not recognize
human rights and in fact disdains moral principles and
disregards international public opinion. They also
believe that the current Israeli Government's official
course of action includes kidnapping, assassination,
eroding the authority of the Palestinian Authority and
eliminating its leaders and demolishing houses.
It is indeed regrettable that the Security Council
continues to be a spectator while the forces of the
Israeli occupation pursue their daily acts of aggression
and indulge their addiction to violating human rights
and to perpetrating crimes against the unarmed people
of Palestine. Does not the Council see in the policies
and practices of the Israeli occupation forces a need to
apply international law? Does it not see in the violation
of the rights of Palestinian human beings a need to
intervene or call for the application of the Fourth
Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of
Civilian Persons in Time of War? Does the Council not
see in the bloodshed and the growing number of
demolitions a reason to intervene to preserve peace and
security? Do not the aerial bombardment, artillery
shelling, demolitions and burning undertaken by Israeli
occupation forces give the Council reason to be
concerned and, therefore, reason to involve itself?
The serious developments taking place in the area
call for the Security Council to stop being a neutral
party and to take measures that can put an end to
Israel's aggression and to the way it deals with the
Palestinians. It is unacceptable and irrational to have
neutrality between the aggressor and the aggressed.
How can there be neutrality between a murderer and
his victim? How can there be neutrality between the
occupier and those who are defending their rights and
calling for their independence?
Israel's ongoing aggression against Palestinians
and their territory is indeed a result of the fact that the
international community does not want to interfere.
This is reflected in the inability of the Council to take
effective measures to end the inhumane acts and
practices that the Israeli occupying forces are pursuing.
That inability has given Israel some cover in its attempt
to alter the balance of power in the region and to create
new colonial facts on the ground before resuming
negotiations on a final settlement. Israel has realized
that the timing of the final settlement does not suit it
and that the road to peace and settlement will not help
it achieve its expansionist goals.
The policy of murder and assassination being
pursued by Israel only confirms the terrorist nature of
the current Israeli Government. It also proves that
Israel does not take seriously the lives and rights of
human beings and that it is violating international law
and international humanitarian law. Those who commit
such crimes must be held responsible. They should be
tried for the crimes they have committed against
humanity. Any reluctance to do so will only lead to
more crimes.
The occupation of Orient House is a clear and
flagrant violation of the Oslo agreements, by which
Israel undertook never to attack Palestinian institutions
in East Jerusalem. Moreover, excessive Israeli
measures, founded on a policy of brute force, will have
very negative and destructive results. They will not
lead to peace or security; they will only serve to take
the situation into chaos and destruction.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia condemns these
arbitrary and inhumane actions and holds Israel
responsible for the consequences of its actions and
policies. It strongly condemns the serious escalation of
violence against the Palestinian people by the
aggressive Israeli forces. We also condemn the air raids
against civilian residences using every sort of heavy
weapon, and the assassination of Palestinians. All these
inhumane tactics are contrary to civilized behaviour.
They constitute a violation of all the relevant
international instruments aimed at bringing about
peace.
In that context, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia
appeals to all peace-loving countries to do all they can
to end the aggression and transgressions against the
people of Palestine. That would contribute to bringing
about peace, security and justice. It will also avoid
double standards. We look forward to the Council's
assumption of its international responsibilities and its
role, as well as its taking a firm stand against this
inhumane aggression by Israel and its marginalization
of all international treaties and agreements.
It is quite clear that the violence taking place in
the occupied Palestinian territories is the result of the
hopelessness and frustration born out of decades of
occupation and the inhumane practices of the
occupying Power, foremost among which are the
building and expansion of Israeli settlements, the lack
of any Israeli will to fulfil its commitments and the
procrastination of that State to implement the
agreements it has entered into. It is quite clear to the
Security Council and to the international community at
large that the genocide that Israel is perpetrating
against the Palestinian people through its brutal forces
and numerous actions is intended to uproot all the
hopes of the Palestinians. Although genocide cannot be
quantified, it is nevertheless quite clear in Israel's
policies of assassination, destruction and burning. It is
also quite clear that Israel is seeking to enslave the
Palestinian people and deprive them of their legitimate
rights to a decent life.
Policies of collective punishment - the closure
of roads, checkpoints, land confiscation, restricting the
movement of Palestinians, depriving them of work,
subjecting them to starvation - and the effects of all
this on the Palestinian economy and the growing
number of acts of terrorism and assassinations that the
Israeli authorities are pursuing emphasize the
international character of the problem and, therefore,
the responsibility of the Security Council towards that
problem. The Council is morally, politically and legally
responsible for the Palestinian people, who are seeking
to exercise their inalienable rights. It is incumbent
upon the Council to continue assuming its
responsibility towards the Palestinian question until a
satisfactory solution is found, in conformity with the
relevant Security Council resolutions and international
law and until the rights of the Palestinian people are
fully realized.
The Security Council for a long time has laid the
necessary basis for solving the problem of the
Palestinian question in its resolutions 242 (1967) and
338 (1973). If the Council has given up dealing with
the Palestinian problem and left the issue to the two
parties with the assistance of the mediators and the
Madrid principles to push forward the peace process
and to realize a final settlement, the Council must, after
the deterioration of the situation, intervene and seek to
restore peace and security to the occupied Palestinian
territories. Among the Council's responsibilities is the
preservation of international peace and security.
The peace process has witnessed difficulties and
challenges before. However, the standstill that it is
facing now and the serious deterioration of the
situation may lead to very serious and grave
international consequences. This makes it essential for
the Security Council to reconsider the issue in depth
and seek the help of the parties to settle the problem
and to send an observer mission, which will help to de-
escalate the situation, stop the violence, and to resume
dialogue and negotiations.
The President (spoke in Spanish): I thank the
representative of Saudi Arabia for his kind words
addressed to me.
The next speaker inscribed on my list is the
representative of Djibouti. I invite him to take a seat at
the Council table and to make his statement.
Mr. Olhaye (Djibouti): I wish to congratulate you
most warmly, Mr. President, at the outset, for assuming
the presidency of the Council for this month, in which
you have already displayed your diplomatic and
political acumen. May I also extend our gratitude to
your predecessor, Ambassador Wang Yingfan of China,
for his effective leadership last month.
Against the background of repeated broken
promises, failure to honour previous agreements and a
litany of assurances unfulfilled, the situation in the
Middle East is crying out for urgent help as it inches
towards a conflagration, with both the Palestinians and
the Israelis displaying mounting resolve to make the
sacrifices necessary in the effort to break each other's
will. All forms of contacts have ceased, and relations
between the Palestinians and Israel, the occupying
Power, are almost non-existent. If there is any contact
at all, it is through the barrel of the gun. What a
dreadful scenario, and what an alternative to the joy,
warm handshakes and the high hopes pinned on the
Oslo Declaration of Principles, of 1993, and on the so
many subsequent negotiations, however protracted and
less fruitful than they might have been.
What we are witnessing today is a war of
attrition, which may grow into a regional war unless
there is an immediate intervention by the international
community. The Security Council cannot continue to
stay on the sidelines. The continuous brutal acts of
aggression by Israel - entering and attacking
Palestinian-controlled areas in gross violation of
agreements reached; targeting and destroying police
headquarters, police stations, government facilities and
infrastructures; and occupying the very symbols of
Palestinian nationhood - all indicate to us the
determination of the occupying Power to paralyse
Palestinian institutions and their Authority in order to
create a security vacuum.
The insistence by Israel on a ceasefire from the
Palestinians while offering nothing in return -
tangible or intangible - makes a mockery of its desire
for security and peace. The overwhelming, brazen
show of power by Israel simply highlights the glaring
disparity of the forces. On one side, we have a nuclear
power with the latest cutting-edge technology in air
power, missiles, tanks, a superb navy and state-of-the-
art intelligence. On the other side, we have young
stone-throwers and men with basic weapons - with no
armour, no artillery, no navy or any air defences.
Obviously, this large-scale military campaign by
Israel is intended to coerce the Palestinians into
submission and into accepting impossible conditions,
or else face prolonged siege, expulsions or even the
crippling of the Palestinian Authority. Anything is
possible under the current climate. Such a policy is at
best counterproductive, and at worst simply misguided,
fuelling sentiments of distrust, hatred, despair and
anger
Relying on repressive measures alone -
brutality, collective punishment, assassinations,
demolitions and denial, and including unrealistic
demands - cannot bring enhanced security to Israel. It
has the right to security and to live in peace.
Unfortunately, Israel has trapped itself in a vicious
cycle of violence, leaving no room for diplomacy. This
is a grave political blunder that requires serious
rethinking.
The economic effects of the Israeli blockade, now
almost a year old, in the occupied West Bank and the
Gaza Strip are alarming, with rising unemployment and
falling incomes as people grapple with perhaps the
most severe movement restrictions imposed on the
Palestinian population and territory since 1967,
according to a United Nations study just released. The
restrictions on movement in and out of Palestinian
areas and between towns and villages are having dire
consequences on all economic activities and on the
livelihood of the people.
The self-sustaining claim that Israel is the only
democracy in the Middle East is fast becoming a myth.
For it is inconceivable that a nation that professes to
respect universal values and norms is the one that at the
same time pursues, as a matter of policy, cruel and
discriminatory practices against the Palestinians,
administering the notions of democracy and human
rights as they relate to Palestinians as an option and not
as an inalienable right as we know it. The lack,
therefore, of any legal or moral basis for the continued
colonization of the Palestinian people in this age and
era, coupled with the phenomenal growth in illegal
settlements, place Israel outside the self-proclaimed
democratic and ethical norms at the centre of its
foundation and continued existence. Israel cannot have
one set of democratic principles and human rights
standards for its own citizens and none at all extended
to the Palestinian population under its occupation. It is
a charade, to say the least.
We condemn all acts of violence and killings
directed against innocent civilian populations on both
sides. As we all know, our attention is directed to the
ever worsening situation through the day-to-day
reports. We tend to focus on the disturbing accounts of
the moment, often forgetting that this is yet one more
side effect of a lingering, pervasive and much larger
problem, namely, occupation - perhaps one of the
longest, if not the longest, foreign occupation of a
people in modern history.
Israel's 34-year-old occupation of Palestinian
territory has long been condemned by the international
community and by the Security Council as illegal and
as a serious obstruction to a comprehensive, just and
lasting peace. In total disregard of repeated
international demands, however, Israel has been
vigorously pursuing the policy of extensive illegal
settlements throughout the occupied territories. Those
territories are today punctuated by Jewish settlements.
The territory has been balkanized into about five dozen
"bantustans" completely encircled by Israel. They are
separated, with no territorial contiguity, no borders and
no airspace. And travel between one bantustan and
another is through Israeli checkpoints. The question is
whether Israel will ever contemplate dismantling and
relinquishing the illegal settlements to pave the way for
a lasting peace with the Palestinians?
As one would expect, the current Prime Minister
of Israel, in an interview last April, ruled out the
removal of Jewish settlements, claiming that they
provided "essential strategic depth to protect Israel's
existence". And, in another interview in the same
month, he said he was "willing to accept the
establishment of a Palestinian State on 42 per cent of
the West Bank".
So, in the context of that grim prospect, coupled
with the failure of the peace process and the siege
making life intolerable, the current widespread unrest
was not unexpected. Now an escalation of rage and
bitterness reigns. The more Israel employs the
excessive power of repression, destruction and
incursion, the more radical the Palestinian response
becomes. There is no immediate end in sight under this
scenario. And there is no alternative except mutually
assured destruction.
Against the backdrop of such an explosive
situation, the Council needs to be proactive and, in
accordance with its mandate under the Charter and with
relevant resolutions, to take steps necessary to de-
escalate the violence that has already claimed hundreds
of lives and has caused thousands of casualties and
senseless destruction. Among the immediate measures
that are deemed urgent are: to call for an immediate
cessation of hostilities, including provocation,
assassination and destruction, and for the lifting of the
siege; to demand that Israel relinquish Orient House
and the other Palestinian offices in and around
Jerusalem; to urge the urgent resumption of the peace
talks; to approve a monitoring mechanism to oversee
the implementation of the proposals set out in the
Mitchell Committee's report; and to demand that Israel
relieve the economic pressure inflicted upon the
Palestinian people, including releasing the hundreds of
millions of dollars in tax money owed to the
Palestinian Authority.
Finally, the Council is called upon to heed and to
exercise its Charter responsibility by ending the
occupation which is the root cause of the persistent
mayhem and suffering. It must also commit itself to
restoring dignity, respect and sovereignty to the
Palestinian people. Like all other peoples everywhere,
they have the right to live in peace and to have a secure
existence.
The President (spoke in Spanish): I thank the
representative of Djibouti for the kind words he
addressed to the presidency.
The next speaker is the representative of South
Africa. I invite him to take a seat at the Council table
and to make his statement.
Mr. Maitland (South Africa): I would like to
congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the
presidency of the Security Council for the month of
August. On behalf of the Non-Aligned Movement, I
would like to express our sincere appreciation to you
for convening this important discussion in the Security
Council. The situation in the occupied Palestinian
territories, including Jerusalem, has deteriorated so
dramatically since the last open debate that it has
become essential for the Council, as custodian of
international peace and security, to reassess its efforts
to bring peace to that region.
The occupation of Orient House and other
symbols of Palestinian national identity constitutes a
flagrant violation of the formal commitments made by
Israel in the context of the Oslo process. The Israeli
guarantee to respect the inviolability of official
Palestinian institutions was one of the fundamental
building blocks of the ensuing peace process. Israel's
recent provocative actions threaten the very basis on
which the parties have pursued their search for peace
over the past eight years.
The Non-Aligned Movement once again confirms
that the Palestinian question remains the permanent
responsibility of the United Nations until it is
effectively resolved in all its aspects. It is the Security
Council's duty to ensure that the Palestinian flag flies
once again over East Jerusalem.
The Non-Aligned Movement has repeatedly
drawn the Council's attention to the dangerously high
levels of frustration and violence that are being
fomented by Israel's policies of closures, blockades
and restrictions on the movement of people, goods and
resources. Palestinian civilians are still being prevented
from reaching their places of work and worship, and
the humanitarian situation continues to deteriorate
because essential supplies and funds for basic services
are being withheld. As members of this Council well
know, the Fourth Geneva Convention relative to the
Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12
August 1949, expressly prohibits the collective
punishment of a civilian population.
The Non-Aligned Movement once more reiterates
its call on Israel to respect international humanitarian
law and to cease its acts of military aggression against
the civilian population of Palestine. Security Council
resolution 1322 (2000) calls on Israel to abide
scrupulously by its legal obligations with respect to the
Fourth Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of
Civilian Persons in Time of War. The present situation
necessitates the reconvening of the Conference of the
High Contracting Parties on measures to enforce the
Convention in the occupied Palestinian territories,
including Jerusalem, as called for at the tenth
emergency special session of the General Assembly.
The Non-Aligned Movement has long affirmed
that the question of Palestine constitutes the core of the
Middle East conflict. The attainment of the inalienable
right of the Palestinian people to self-determination
and to an independent State with East Jerusalem as its
capital is pivotal to the achievement of a sustainable
and comprehensive peace in the Middle East. The
principle of land for peace, as articulated in Security
Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973),
remains valid today.
The Movement believes that peaceful negotiation
is the only means of ensuring lasting peace, security
and stability in the region. We urge the parties to take
the required steps to ensure the cessation of hostilities,
to restore calm and to adopt measures to re-establish
mutual trust.
The framework for the resumption of negotiations
between Israel and Palestine already exists in the form
of the Egyptian-Jordanian proposals, the
recommendations of the Mitchell report and the
understandings regarding a ceasefire facilitated by the
United States. What is lacking is a credible
multinational presence on the ground to monitor any
ceasefire that may be called by the parties and to serve
as a visible symbol of the international community's
concern for the safety and human rights of the peoples
of Palestine and of Israel.
The Security Council must demonstrate its
commitment to upholding international peace and
security by acting expeditiously to set up a credible
multinational monitoring mechanism to verify the
implementation of agreements. The fate of the people
of Palestine and Israel can no longer be left in the
hands of extremists on both sides.
The President (spoke in Spanish): The next
speaker inscribed on my list is the representative of the
Islamic Republic of Iran. I invite him to take a seat at
the Council table and to make his statement.
Mr. Nejad-Hosseinian (Islamic Republic of Iran): I wish to extend, Sir, my congratulations on your
assumption of the presidency of the Security Council
for the month of August. We have full confidence that
under your wise guidance, the Council will make
progress in dealing with the issues on its agenda. I
should also like to thank you for convening this
important and timely meeting of the Security Council
at this critical time for the Palestinian people.
I would like to express the grave concern of the
Iranian people and Government over a further
escalation by the Israeli regime in its inhumane
practice of repression against the Palestinian people.
The Israeli regime, in pursuit of its bloody campaign
and racist and aggressive policy against the defenceless
Palestinians, is employing more vicious measures. The
assault against and seizure of Orient House, along with
other Palestinian offices in the city of Al-Quds Al-
Sharif is in line with the iniquitous Israeli policy of
negating the Palestinian national rights and distorting
the Islamic character of the city. As such, it pertains
directly to the sensitive issue of the status of Al-Quds
Al-Sharif and must be addressed by the international
community, including the Islamic world.
The Israeli campaign of extrajudicial killings of
Palestinians on the basis of hit lists is a flagrant
violation of key tenets of natural justice and of
provisions of international humanitarian law. The deeds
and words of Israeli leadership now make it obvious
that extrajudicial executions have become part of the
regime's policy. This amounts to organized acts of
terrorism by a Government, and the international
community should not turn a blind eye to it.
Moreover, the incursions by heavily armed Israeli
forces into Palestinian areas constitute yet another
heavy-handed criminal act carried out by a
Government armed to the teeth against a defenceless
population. The destruction and the loss of Palestinian
lives that follow such incursions further exacerbate the
plight of Palestinians and add to instability in the
whole region.
The criminal acts perpetrated by the Israeli
regime further expose its true nature and negate the
Israeli pretence of peaceful intentions or a desire for
pacific coexistence with Muslims and Christians in the
region. Israel's repeated crimes and heavy-handed
approach run counter to all its high-sounding and
empty claims of seeking peace. This regime is the
principal cause of the tension and instability in the
region.
Occupation lies at the very origin of the
Palestinian conflict and overall tension and instability
in the Middle East. The shocking developments over
the past few months have made it more obvious that
unless the principal cause of conflict is effectively
addressed, the crisis could never subside. As to the real
intention of the Israeli regime, it is significant that
Israelis continue to reject the call for a freeze on all
settlement construction activities in the West Bank and
the Gaza Strip.
Not surprisingly, they continued with their Jewish
settlement activity in the 1990s, which contravenes not
only the norms and principles of international law but
even flouts the letter and spirit of the agreements they
signed with Palestinians. The significant increase in the
population and areas under unlawful Jewish settlement
in the West Bank and Gaza Strip over the past eight
years attests to the fact that Israelis have never been
serious about the so-called principle of land for peace.
In other words, it is significant that they continue to
colonize the territory from which they have been
ostensibly negotiating to withdraw.
There should be no doubt about the fact that the
continued occupation with no end in sight led to
disillusionment and, consequently, to the ongoing
Palestinian uprising. Therefore, without putting an end
to the Zionist policy of occupying others' territories,
the crisis in the Middle East cannot be brought to an
end. As all peoples are endowed with the right to resist
foreign occupation, the same right should also be fully
recognized for the Palestinian people, and the
international community should take appropriate
actions in this direction.
In the face of more repressive and arbitrary
measures adopted by Israelis and their open contempt
for the will of the international community embodied
in resolutions of the Security Council and the General
Assembly, we believe that now, more than ever, the
Council needs to meet its responsibility and take the
necessary actions to redress the situation in occupied
Palestine, thus averting unforeseen and incalculable
consequences that may induce the entire area to
devastation and bloodshed.
Recent events have further demonstrated the need
for international intervention, protection and an
observer force to be established by the Council with a
view to protecting defenceless Palestinian civilians
from ever-increasing atrocities at the hands of Israelis.
The veto last December of a draft resolution to
authorize the establishment of a United Nations
observer force proved to be a disservice to the volatile
situation in the area. The presence of such a force on
the ground could have forestalled more violence and
more bloodshed and saved so many precious lives.
Moreover, it is imperative that the heavy-handed
approach by the Israeli army, such as targeted
assassinations, armed incursions, collective
punishment, including tightening blockades and the
closure of Palestinian areas, and the resort to heavy
weapons against Palestinians, which amounts to war
crimes, cannot go with impunity. In this respect, I
would like to echo the appeal by the leaders of States
members of the Organization of the Islamic Conference
at the 9th Islamic Summit held last November in Doha,
calling on the Security Council to set up an
international commission of inquiry to investigate the
massacres perpetrated by Israel, and to constitute an
international criminal tribunal in conformity with
international law in order to prosecute the Israeli war
criminals who have perpetrated those savage
massacres.
Furthermore, outrageous scenes, carried by the
media to the living rooms of people across the globe, in
which tanks, armoured carriers and helicopter gunships
engage stone-throwers in the occupied territories,
indicate that the time is ripe for the international
community to contemplate the possibility of denying
the occupying Power access to sources of armaments
and military equipment.
Never, throughout history, has a colonial Power
been able to terrorize a people into submission forever.
Here, the fundamental question is whether or not the
international community, represented by this Council,
can fulfil its responsibility of limiting the extent of
Palestinian blood and life lost and homelessness and
agony imposed before the occupiers and aggressors are
tamed and the fundamental rights of Palestinians to
self-determination in their own land are realized.
The President (spoke in Spanish): I thank the
representative of the Islamic Republic of Iran for his
kind words addressed to me.
The next speaker is the representative of Pakistan.
I invite him to take a seat at the Council table and to
make his statement.
Mr. Ahmad (Pakistan): We are always
encouraged, Mr. President, to see your great country at
the forefront of international efforts to support the
cause of peace and security, whether in Palestine or
elsewhere in the world. Speaking personally, I should
like to say that it is always good to see you taking your
job very seriously - you are presiding over this
meeting with a very constructive approach -
reflecting the commitment of your country to
facilitating the resolution of problems such as that of
Palestine.
I should also like to avail myself of this
opportunity to compliment Ambassador Wang Yingfan
of the People's Republic of China for providing very
effective and constructive stewardship of the Council
during the preceding month.
It has been five months since we last discussed
the situation in Palestine in a public meeting in this
Chamber. It has been twice that long since this body
passed a resolution on the matter before us. During that
period, we have seen the situation in the occupied
territories deteriorate day by day. The already alarming
conditions on the ground have become explosive.
Violence has escalated with the intensification of
coercive measures against the Palestinian people.
The international community is rapidly running
out of time and options. This meeting comes at an
appropriate moment. But the question is: What do we
expect from this meeting? Where do we go from here?
Would another resolution make any difference? Has the
Security Council implemented its earlier resolutions?
What is the fate of resolutions 242 (1967) and 338
(1973)? Is the Council ready to genuinely play the role
assigned to it by the Charter?
As we seek answers to these questions, there is no
end to the tragedy in Palestine. Many innocent lives
have been lost in the past 15 days alone. The symbols
of Palestinian sovereignty and nationhood have been
blatantly violated and seized. In stark disregard of all
humanitarian and legal norms, further targeted
assassinations have been threatened. These methods
are, indeed, typical of all those situations where a
people living under foreign occupation are not only
denied their inalienable rights but also subjected to
repression and coercion through military force. While
provocation and repressive tactics multiply, any
attempt at resistance is branded as terrorism.
When oppressed people struggle for their rights,
an effort is made to describe their just struggle as
terrorism - that is a story that we have heard before.
But when occupying States use massive force and
violence to deny a people their inalienable rights and
indulge in State terrorism, the world watches silently.
What other name could be given to the repression of
the peoples living under foreign occupation? How can
we deny the legitimacy and glory of subjugated
people's struggles for freedom and against injustice?
We are all aware that the fire in Palestine has the
potential to engulf the whole region. The psychological
impact of violent coercion is even more far-reaching,
and freedom struggles have shown that oppression only
strengthens the resolve of the oppressed. History has
taught us that peace cannot be established through
subjugation. It can be achieved only through the
realization of the legitimate, inalienable right of self-
determination. No attempt can crush the will of a
people, whether in Palestine or elsewhere, struggling in
such conditions against occupation and repression.
The volatile situation in Palestine warrants urgent
measures. The international community must take
immediate steps not only to facilitate resumption of the
peace process but also to bring an immediate end to the
violence, heavy-handedness and coercion in the
occupied territories. Such provocative measures
constitute serious breaches of the Oslo peace accord.
They are also contrary to the assurances given to the
brokers of Middle East peace in 1993 not to hamper the
activities of the Palestinian institutions.
A durable peace cannot be established by binding
a weaker party to agreements while allowing the
stronger one a free hand. The disproportionate use of
force against the Palestinian people and the unabated
settlement activities undermine the prospects of peace.
The present situation in Palestine demands active
intervention on the part of the international community
to reverse this dangerous trend and oversee the
implementation of the commitments made and
agreements signed.
As in the case of other people under foreign
occupation, Pakistan has been a firm supporter of the
just struggle of the Palestinian people for their
inalienable rights. We reaffirm our solidarity with
them. We respect and honour their wishes, reflected in
the draft resolution presented to this Council. We
support the full implementation of the
recommendations of the Mitchell report. The Security
Council could also deploy a United Nations protection
observer force in the occupied Palestinian territory,
including Jerusalem. Such a measure would help to
cool down the situation and facilitate the resumption of
the peace process. The international community must
also ensure full respect for the Fourth Geneva
Convention with regard to the occupied territories.
The status of Al-Quds Al-Sharif remains central
to any comprehensive settlement of the Arab-Israeli
conflict. No lasting peace in the region will be possible
without the realization of the legitimate rights of the
Palestinian people. These include their right to
establish their independent State with Jerusalem as its
capital and the exercise of full sovereignty over Al-
Haram Al-Sharif.
This time last year, you will recall, Sir, we stood
close to realizing the dream of peace in the Middle
East. Although the peace process has been derailed, we
must not lose hope or the will to put it back on track.
What is required is political will rather than political
expediency, complete rather than selective
implementation of Security Council resolutions and
decisions, and concerted action rather than empty
debate.
We have seen the end of one century and the
beginning of another. Unfortunately, some of the
chapters of the last century that were written in the
blood of innocent people have yet to be closed. It is
time now for the international community to enable
this Council to uphold its moral and legal obligations
under the Charter. Those who have the power and the
responsibility to maintain international peace must act
now to revive the process of negotiations and the hopes
of peace in the Middle East.
The President (spoke in Spanish): I thank the
representative of Pakistan for his statement and for his
kind words addressed to me.
The next speaker inscribed on my list is the
representative of Bahrain. I invite him to take a seat at
the Council table and to make his statement.
Mr. Buallay (Bahrain) (spoke in Arabic): Allow
me to start by congratulating you, Sir, on assuming the
presidency of the Security Council for this month. I
also want to express our appreciation of the work of
your predecessor, the Permanent Representative of
China, who ably chaired the Council during the past
month.
I would like to state that my delegation fully
supports the statement delivered by His Excellency the
Permanent Representative of the Sudan on behalf of the
Arab Group at the United Nations. We greatly
appreciate your prompt response, Sir, in convening this
meeting to consider the deteriorating situation in
Palestine, a situation that poses a threat to international
peace and security, which is the primary responsibility
of the Security Council. The bloody events that are
taking place in the occupied Palestinian territory will
soon enter their second year. Meanwhile, the situation
is worsening and becoming increasingly exacerbated
by the policies of oppression and escalation that are
being pursued by the Israelis. It has become quite clear
that the Israeli leaders are pushing the situation and the
region towards dire consequences.
At this meeting we do not want to dwell on the
war crimes that Israel is committing against the
Palestinian people. These crimes include the killing of
infants and children, the demolition of houses, the
burning of fields, the destruction of the environment,
the siege of the Palestinian territories in order to starve
the people, and the targeting of the institutions of the
Palestinian National Authority. We do not want to talk
about these aggressive Israeli policies because a since
the media show horrific examples of them day and
night - they are quite well known to everyone here. I
believe we have all gotten used to seeing Palestinian
infants and children torn apart as a result of ongoing
Israeli terrorism against unarmed Palestinian civilians.
These aggressive Israeli practices are illegitimate
and cannot but lead the Security Council to discuss the
situation, particularly since these practices reflect an
organized policy aimed at the total erosion of all the
agreements that Israel has concluded with the
Palestinian side since the Madrid Conference. This
policy is an attempt by the Israelis to shed the
commitments it made under these treaties and
agreements.
This Council held a special session dedicated to
serious efforts to protect civilians in situations of
conflict. We all remember the meetings that were held
and the statements that were made. Today, however, we
are confronted with a special situation - indeed a
dangerous one 4 which requires the international
community and the Security Council in particular to
assume the responsibility vested in it by the Charter of
the United Nations. This responsibility is simply to
maintain international peace and security.
In this context, we hope that the Security Council
will fulfil its obligations and its duty as set forth in
Article 24 of the Charter. We also hope that the Council
will take the necessary measures to fulfil its role as
clearly defined in Articles 41 and 42 of the Charter.
We do not expect miracles from the Security
Council. All we want is for the Security Council to be
an impartial judge. We want it to assume the role
stipulated for it in the Charter, so that history will
record that the Council is an impartial body - a body
that has credibility and that fulfils its duties and
obligations fully without indulging in double standards.
It is our hope that the Council will regain its
credibility, that the Council will play its role and shake
off the hesitation and inertia that have characterized it
for many years.
To put it simply, the Security Council is the
author of the two celebrated resolutions regarding the
situation in the Middle East: 242 (1967) and 338
(1973) and the achievement of a peaceful, just and
lasting settlement. The Council was also asked to fully
implement these two resolutions. The peace process,
which was dealt a severe blow by the policies of the
present Israeli Government, cannot be reactivated
without the full implementation of these two important
resolutions, the acceptance of the principle of land for
peace, and adherence to the references of the Madrid
Conference.
Finally, we must reiterate that the problem of
Palestine is not simply a problem of human rights,
crimes against humanity, war crimes and so forth. It is
a problem of the occupation of a land and a people by
force. It is a problem of a threat to international peace
and security. We therefore hope, first, that the Council
will adopt a resolution by which international
protection will be provided to the Palestinian people.
This request has become an international one that
gained the unanimous support of the Group of 8 during
its summit meeting held in Genoa, Italy, last month. It
is our hope that this international request will be
translated into a resolution that will be adopted by the
Security Council under Chapter VII of the Charter,
which will put an end to the bloodbath that is currently
taking place in the occupied Palestinian territories.
Secondly, the Council must seek to put an end to
the ongoing Israeli occupation and to the suffering of
the Palestinian people. We expect that this Council will
take practical and tangible measures to contain an
explosive situation, and not become a free forum for
political rhetoric. The Palestinian people will continue
their struggle and resistance against the Israeli
occupation until they recover all their inalienable
rights, particularly their right to establish their
independent State on their land - and as Chairman
Arafat says and repeats and we agree with him - with
Jerusalem as its capital.
Consequently, we make an urgent appeal in this
forum to the Security Council, the co-sponsors of the
peace process and the international community to
intervene promptly to put an end to Israeli aggression
and oppressive, arbitrary measures that run contrary to
all international laws and norms, to provide
international protection to the Palestinian people and to
restore the Palestinian institutions in Jerusalem to the
status quo ante so that they will continue to play the
role agreed upon within the context of the peace
process, and thereby put the peace process back on
track.
The President (spoke in Spanish): I thank the
representative of Bahrain for his remarks to the
presidency.
The next speaker inscribed on my list is
Ambassador Bruno Rodriguez Parrilla, Acting
Chairman of the Committee on the Exercise of the
Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People. I invite
him to take a seat at the Council table and to make his
statement.
Mr. Rodriguez Parrilla (spoke in Spanish):
First, I wish to congratulate you warmly, Mr. President,
on your assumption of the presidency of the Security
Council for the month of August. I am confident that
under your able leadership, the work of the Council
will be carried out in a constructive and an efficient
manner. I also take this opportunity to congratulate
your predecessor, Ambassador Wang Yingfan,
Permanent Representative of the People's Republic of
China to the United Nations, on the exemplary manner
in which he steered the work of the Council during the
month of July.
I am grateful to you, Mr. President, as well as to
other members of the Council, for having given me the
opportunity in my capacity as Acting Chairman of the
Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of
the Palestinian People to participate in this important
debate on the critical escalation of violence in the
occupied Palestinian territory, including Jerusalem.
The Committee is extremely worried by the latest
dramatic escalation of tensions and violence in and
around East Jerusalem and in areas under full
Palestinian control. From what we have witnessed in
the past several days, it appears that Israel has no
intentions of abiding by agreements signed with the
Palestinian side and has firmly decided on wide-scale
military operations in the occupied Palestinian
territory, including East Jerusalem, as well as in areas
under full control of the Palestinian Authority. The
latest and most striking incidents include the takeover
of Orient House and other Palestinian institutions in
East Jerusalem and Abu Dis.
Besides being a blatant provocation, the Israeli
flag triumphantly hoisted on the roof of this Palestinian
institution was a vivid example of this policy. Three
days later, in a massive offensive-like operation
involving tanks, armoured personnel carriers and
bulldozers, supported by helicopter gunships, the
Israeli Defence Forces invaded the West Bank town of
Jenin and is now apparently set to do the same in Beit
Jalla and Bethlehem - all "A" areas under full
Palestinian control.
Israel continues to use sophisticated weapons,
such as missiles and helicopter gunships, in the
extrajudicial killing of suspected Palestinian militants.
The death toll is rising - now totalling more than 700
people, some 550 of them Palestinian. The Palestinian
economy is decimated and the infrastructure of the
occupied Palestinian territory has been further eroded.
What we hear as an excuse, obviously
unacceptable, is that these measures are taken in
response to the continuing violence on the part of the
Palestinians, including suicide bombings in Israeli
cities. We are certainly strongly opposed to any actions
resulting in the loss of life - Israeli or Palestinian.
After 34 years of occupation and with no prospect for a
better future, with promises for a peace settlement
shattered, the Palestinian people are left completely
defenceless and vulnerable to arbitrary and excessively
harsh actions by the Israeli military.
Only a couple of months ago, the
recommendations made by the Mitchell Committee
seemed to offer a way out of the impasse. However, the
unrealistic proposition that all violence cease before
the cooling-off period starts and negotiations resume
has brought us to the current critical situation. The
recent violations by Israel of international law and
provisions of its agreements with the Palestinian side
prove again that it has not been able to embrace fully
and unequivocally the fundamental principle of "land
for peace" and apply in practice the commitments and
obligations it made at Madrid and Oslo.
For some time, we have been discussing ways of
helping the parties out of the maze of the present crisis.
Obviously, the two sides - already left to their own
devices for too long - cannot achieve a breakthrough
now. They need the assistance of the international
community and this Council, which has been given the
primary responsibility in the area of international peace
and security.
Although all the elements are present, the Council
has on numerous occasions failed to take any tangible
action. We believe that the Mitchell Committee report
and its recommendations should be implemented in
their entirety. A framework for their implementation
should be established within a reasonable time span
and with international community monitoring the
compliance of both parties. Negotiations on security, as
well as consideration of the interim and permanent
status issues, should be revived as a matter of urgency.
The Committee is of the view that a permanent-status
agreement, long overdue, should be finally reached on
the basis of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967)
and 338 (1973). Only once there is a sovereign
Palestinian State, with guaranteed and safe borders,
will there be peace. Only then will the two
neighbouring peoples - the Israelis and the
Palestinians - be able to enjoy security and prosperity
and embark on building their relationship for the
future.
For over a quarter of a century now, our
Committee has been reiterating that the core of the
problem has been the continuing illegal occupation by
Israel of the Palestinian territory. Today, we call again
upon the Government of Israel to respect and live up to
the principles of the Geneva Convention relative to the
Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12
August 1949, and the provisions of all relevant
Security Council and General Assembly resolutions.
The Committee has repeatedly put forward its
position with respect to the situation on the ground and
the threat it poses to international peace and security,
and with respect to the stalemate in the peace
negotiations, the deteriorating humanitarian situation
and the deplorable state of the Palestinian economy. I
would like to conclude by urging the members of the
Council to face the challenges before us and come up
swiftly with concrete and decisive steps aimed at
addressing the present crisis in the Middle East.
The President (spoke in Spanish): I thank the
Acting Chairman of the Committee on the Exercise of
the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People for his
kind remarks addressed to the presidency.
The next speaker inscribed on my list is the
representative of Morocco. I invite him to take a seat at
the Council table and to make his statement.
Mr. Loulichki (Morocco) (spoke in Arabic): I
would like at the outset to congratulate you warmly,
Mr. President, on your assumption of the presidency of
the Council for this month. We hope that under your
presidency the Council will take practical steps to give
a glimmer of hope to the peoples of the region so that
dialogue and coexistence can be resumed and the logic
of peace and cooperation will prevail over the logic of
confrontation and vengeance. I would also like to thank
you for having responded favourably to the request
submitted by the member countries of the Organization
of the Islamic Conference (OIC) to convene a special
meeting of the Council to take up the tragic situation in
the Palestinian territories. Finally, I would like warmly
to congratulate your predecessor, the Permanent
Representative of the People's Republic of China, for
his wisdom and clear-sightedness in guiding the work
of the Council last month.
Just a few months ago, the world looked forward
with optimism to the negotiations between the
Palestinians and the Israelis. At the time, there was
hope for possible progress as a first step towards
restoring real, just peace to the Middle East - a peace
that would enable all peoples in the region to finally be
able to enjoy their legitimate rights, security and
tranquillity. Commendable efforts were made at that
time, in particular by the two sponsors of the peace
process, as well as by the European Union and the
Arab States, to encourage the two parties - Israel and
the Palestinians - to move forward and resolve all
difficulties. That breakthrough, to which we had so
looked forward, was not forthcoming.
Thereafter the region found itself in a spiral of
violence. Israeli forces adopted a policy of
escalation - a policy of killing children and civilians,
restricting the freedom of movement of Palestinians,
reinforcing the economic blockade, confiscating land,
destroying houses, consolidating the settlements policy,
and balkanizing and desecrating Palestinian territory.
Because of the international community's hesitation to
put an end to these violations with sufficient
promptness and determination, the Israeli forces
continued to pursue their repressive policies with a
vengeance. They also continued their policy of
assassination, targeting Palestinian leaders and
threatening to kill the relatives and families of those
whom they suspected of participating in resisting the
occupation.
Israeli forces invaded the premises of Palestinian
institutions, in particular Orient House in Al-Quds Al-
Sharif. The Israeli Government itself had previously
recognized the legal status of Orient House. For over
three decades it had agreed to respect that status and
not attack it. It was then that the Chairman of the Al-
Quds Committee, His Majesty Mohammed VI, King of
Morocco, issued a statement condemning the
occupation of Orient House by Israeli forces. His
Majesty condemned all forms of violence and counter-
violence and called upon the sponsors of the peace
process - the United States and the Russian
Federation - and the United Nations to take the
necessary steps to halt the policy of occupation and of
violation of the Holy Places and of Palestinian and
Islamic institutions in Al-Quds Al-Sharif. The
Chairman of the Committee appealed to the Security
Council, the Secretary-General and international and
regional organizations active on the question of peace
to act swiftly to apply the ceasefire agreement and
relaunch peace negotiations.
A people, like the Israelis, that wants to live in
security with its neighbours cannot allow its leaders to
humiliate and kill those who are its partners today and
who will be its partners in the future. The international
community and the Security Council cannot remain
bystanders in the light of the violations committed by
Israel. They cannot deny human values and ignore the
international conscience. They cannot allow the region
to become caught up in the cycle of attack and counter-
attack. If things continue as they are, the situation will
continue to get worse and the crisis will become
evermore acute. That will only feed feelings of hatred.
This policy cannot bring about any success in the
efforts to achieve a ceasefire, to say nothing of the
negotiations themselves. Nor can it lead to a just and
comprehensive peace in the Middle East.
We are absolutely convinced that things would
not have reached this dangerous point and that this
crisis would not have arisen had the Security Council
adopted a resolution in March to send international
observers to determine responsibility and to prevent
acts of violence. We express the hope today that the
Council will be able to live up to the aspirations of the
peoples of the region, as well as those of the
international community, by changing its policy and
ensuring that the situation does not get any worse. My
delegation appeals to the Council and to the Secretary-
General to act robustly and responsibly in the light of
the seriousness of the situation.
Measures must be adopted making it possible to
implement the recommendations contained in the
Mitchell report, to urge Israel to comply with its
commitments and with international humanitarian law,
in particular the Fourth Geneva Convention. We hope
that the Security Council will do everything possible to
provide the necessary international protection for the
Palestinian people, and that it will exert all necessary
pressure to break the vicious cycle of violence and to
encourage the Israeli Government to give up the policy
that it has been conducting for the last few months and
to agree to resume negotiations where they had been
left off.
My delegation asks the Security Council to
shoulder its responsibilities pursuant to the Charter. We
are convinced that peace and security in the Middle
East will continue to depend on the implementation of
Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338
(1973), within the context of the principle of land for
peace, so that the Palestinians can enjoy all their rights,
particularly their legitimate right to create their own
State, with Jerusalem as its capital, and so that Israel
will withdraw from the rest of the occupied Arab
territories, including the Golan Heights and the
Lebanese occupied territories.
The President (spoke in Spanish): I thank the
representative of Morocco for the kind words he
addressed to the presidency.
The next speaker on my list is the representative
of Belgium. I invite him to take a seat at the Council
table and to make his statement.
Mr. De Ruyt (Belgium) (spoke in French): I have
the honour of speaking on behalf of the European
Union. The countries of Central Europe and Eastern
Europe associated with the European Union -
Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary,
Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and
Slovenia - and the associated countries Cyprus, Malta
and Turkey as well as the countries of the European
Free Trade Association that are members of the
European Economic Area, Iceland and Liechtenstein,
associate themselves with this statement.
The European Union once again today expresses
its great concern at the violent events that have taken
place in the Middle East in recent months and, in
particular, in recent weeks. It rejects as unjustifiable
violence in any form, which only exacerbates an
already disquieting situation in the Middle East and
renders ineffective the international community's
efforts to relaunch a political process.
The parties must replace the logic of
confrontation and violence without delay with that of
dialogue and negotiation. It is high time that the parties
reconsidered, turned resolutely towards the future and
worked together to restore the climate of mutual trust
that is necessary to break the vicious cycle of violence
and retaliation. The European Union reminds the
Israeli and Palestinian authorities that it is their
responsibility to do everything possible to avoid any
action that might claim new victims. We are convinced
that there is no alternative to a political solution.
The escalation of violence, which has intensified
dramatically in recent days, is intolerable. The
European Union most vehemently condemns the latest
suicide bombings. These acts, particularly the ones that
target Israeli civilians, are hateful and repugnant in the
extreme. Terrorism is a serious threat to the stability of
the region. It must be resisted with the utmost rigour.
The European Union also condemns all assistance to
organizations that practise terrorism, whether in the
form of financial aid or of providing weapons or
training. The European Union calls upon the
Palestinian Authority to do everything possible to bring
the violence to an end, particularly by arresting and
bringing to justice the perpetrators, instigators and
sponsors of acts of terror.
Israel's decision to close Orient House and other
institutions in Jerusalem does not serve the interests of
peace and can only weaken the Palestinian leadership
at a time when it is called upon to show firm resolve in
the fight against extremism. It runs counter to the
declared objective, which must remain the restoration
of security for all. Unilateral acts can do nothing to
alter the international community's long-standing
position on the status of the occupied territories,
including East Jerusalem. The European Union would
like to see the closure reversed at the earliest date, and
the archives returned, and would like to see Israel
demonstrate maximal restraint by avoiding any act that
could be considered as provocative.
The European Union believes that extrajudicial
executions are not only illegal and unacceptable but are
also obstacles to peace and are therefore damaging to
both parties. The European Union calls on Israel to
show the utmost restraint in the use of military force.
The European Union reaffirms its view that the
basis of negotiations, and of a just and lasting peace,
must be Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and
338 (1973) and other relevant resolutions, including the
rejection of the acquisition of territory by war, the need
for every State in the region to be able to live in
security, and the principle of land for peace. We
reaffirm our belief that the only way to restore security
for all is to return to the route mapped out by the
Madrid Conference, the Oslo Accords and the
recommendations of the Mitchell report, in accordance
with the relevant United Nations resolutions.
The Mitchell Committee's recommendations must
be immediately and fully implemented. Any further
delay or conditions placed on the implementation of
those recommendations would play into the hands of
extremists and would perpetuate the violence. An
impartial monitoring mechanism is needed to overcome
the obstacles that could impede the implementation of
the recommendations. The European Union is
convinced that this mechanism would serve the
interests of both parties.
The European Union urges the two sides to open
a sustained political dialogue without delay in order to
break the deadlock, and it expresses its support for the
initiatives along these lines, including the one taken by
Mr. Shimon Peres, the Deputy Prime Minister and
Minister for Foreign Affairs of Israel. It expresses the
hope that such dialogue will open the way for a
political approach to resolving the conflict.
The European Union remains willing to play its
role, in close cooperation with the United States as well
as with the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, and all
other partners committed to the quest for peace in the
Middle East.
The European Union expects the Security Council
to provide constructive, useful support in order to make
this effort effective and in order to contribute to the
implementation of the Mitchell Committee
recommendations and to the resumption of dialogue
between the parties.
The President (spoke in Spanish): The next
speaker on my list is the representative of Yemen. I
invite him to take a seat at the Council table and to
make his statement.
Mr. Al-Ashtal (Yemen) (spoke in Arabic): It is
my pleasure to thank you, Sir, and to congratulate you
on your assumption of the presidency of the Security
Council for this month. I also wish to commend your
predecessor, the Permanent Representative of China,
who ably conducted the work of the Council last
month.
We wish also to place on record our appreciation
to you, Sir, for promptly convening this meeting,
especially since the Council has recently displayed
great reluctance to act on requests for a meeting to
consider the situation in the occupied Palestinian
territories.
Since September 2000 - and more specifically,
since the Sharon Government took power - the
occupying Power, Israel, has continued its multifaceted
military campaign against the Palestinian people, as
well as its policy to impose closures, isolation and
siege against Palestinian towns. It has escalated and
intensified its aggression against the Palestinian people
by using heavy weapons, including artillery, tanks and
air forces, and by carrying out incursions into
Palestinian territory. It has also attacked Lebanon and
bombarded Syrian targets in Lebanon.
More recently, Israeli security forces occupied
Orient House and nine other East Jerusalem offices of
the Palestinian Authority, attacking and arresting
Palestinian guards and confiscating important
documents and archives, including maps and titles of
ownership of Palestinian land. It has forcibly altered the
situation in the village of Abu Dis, near East
Jerusalem.
It is clear that Israel is implementing a carefully
devised plan to destroy the peace process and to shed
all its obligations and responsibilities under
international law, including those deriving from
Security Council resolutions on the Middle East, which
provide a framework for a lasting peace. Events in the
Palestinian territories since September 2000 clearly
reveal the Zionist plan: Israel has escalated its
violence, pursuing a policy of incremental escalation in
both the political and the military spheres. It is
reflected also in Israel's recourse to excessive force
and in the extension of its military operations to
include the assassination of civilians, the destruction of
Palestinian Authority infrastructure and incursions into
Palestinian Authority territory.
But more important, Israel continues to persist in
its settlement activities, which is the core problem in
Palestine. In press interviews, Sharon has claimed that
the Palestinian territories occupied by Israel since 1967
are "contested" land, not occupied land as the
international community has declared them.
The Security Council bears a special
responsibility to put an end to the murder and
displacement of the Palestinian people. It also bears the
responsibility to bring about peace in accordance with
its own long-standing resolutions. It is regrettable that
the Council has failed to adopt a resolution that would
protect the Palestinian people. This only encourages
Israel's intransigence and its aggression against the
Palestinian people.
What seems to call the Security Council's
credibility into question is that the Council has asserted
its authority in other parts of the world, while it is a
mere spectator on issues relating to Israel and to
Israel's violations of international law, including the
Fourth Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of
Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12 August 1949.
The prevailing impression among the Arab public is
thus that the Security Council is selective and adopts a
double standard.
The peace process that began in the 19905 was
supposed to promote the implementation of Security
Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) through
the participation of the major Powers, especially the
United States of America, in the search for an
acceptable formula for the implementation of those
resolutions. Great efforts were made to that effect, but,
sadly, the peace process is at a near standstill. Indeed,
there is a danger that the situation in the Middle East
could deteriorate into all-out war.
All these factors bring the issue back to the
Security Council. The Council must attach due
importance to the situation in the occupied Palestinian
territories.
The Republic of Yemen hails the struggle of the
Palestinian people and its steadfastness in confronting
Zionist arrogance and the continued intensification and
escalation. Israeli practices and crimes against the
Palestinians - such as aggression, bloodshed, blockades,
the desecration of holy places, the confiscation of land and
the demolition of property - demand that the Security
Council shoulder its responsibility to provide the
Palestinian people with international protection and to force
Israel to comply with resolutions of international
legitimacy.
Israel's occupation of Orient House and other
Palestinian institutions in holy Jerusalem constitutes
yet another dangerous escalation. It is in flagrant
violation of all international instruments and
agreements to which Israel is party. Here again, this
situation demands that the Security Council take a firm
stand to reverse all the measures taken by Israel to
occupy Orient House and other Palestinian institutions
and to stop the demolition of houses, the confiscation
of land, isolation and starvation, and to make Israel
return to the negotiating table in accordance with
signed agreements that the dispute should be settled on
the basis of Security Council resolutions, the principle
of land for peace, and the recommendations of the
Mitchell report.
All of this should ultimately enable the Palestinian
people to regain its rights and to establish an
independent State of its own on its national territory,
with Jerusalem as its capital.
The President (spoke in Spanish): I thank the
representative of Yemen for the kind words he
addressed to the presidency.
The next speaker is the representative of Japan. I
invite him to take a seat at the Council table and to
make his statement.
Mr. Akasaka (Japan): Let me first of all
congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the
presidency of the Security Council for the month of
August. My delegation would like to express its
appreciation to you for providing us with the
opportunity to present Japan's views on the grave
situation we face in the Middle East.
Japan is deeply concerned that the situation in the
occupied territories has been witnessing the worst
crisis of the current peace process, which started in
1993. We are alarmed by the rising death toll there,
mostly among civilians, including innocent children.
We express our deepest condolences to the bereaved
families, and our heartfelt sympathy to the injured. A
vicious cycle of violence and hatred can do nothing but
bring about more tragedy and decrease opportunities
for a just, lasting and comprehensive peace, which can
be brought about only by negotiations based on mutual
trust.
Japan calls upon all the parties concerned to put
an immediate end to acts of violence, provocation and
retaliation, and to any other actions that could further
aggravate the situation. We urge all the parties to exert
maximum self-restraint.
In this context, Japan urges the Israeli
Government to put an end to the excessive use of force,
entries into the areas under the control of the
Palestinian Authority, and the seizure of Orient House
and other properties belonging to Palestinian
institutions in East Jerusalem. Japan also urges the
Palestinian Authority to exert its utmost efforts to
prevent the recurrence of terrorist attacks, which
cannot be justified for any reason.
Japan would also like to stress that the
recommendations of the Mitchell report should be fully
implemented at the earliest possible time. In this
connection, we would like to recall the G-8 Genoa
Summit statement on the Middle East, issued on 21
July, which states that "third-party monitoring,
accepted by both parties, would serve their interests in
implementing the Mitchell report".
Mr. Seiken Sugiura, Japan's Senior Vice Minister
for Foreign Affairs, conveyed these views of Japan to
the countries of the region during his trip to the Middle
East earlier this month, when he met with political
leaders of Egypt, Israel, the Palestinian Authority,
Jordan, Syria and Lebanon.
As Japan has stated on various occasions, the
serious deterioration of the Palestinian economy is a
matter of grave concern to us. Economic difficulties
have a direct and serious impact on the real life of the
Palestinians and no doubt have a negative effect on the
peace process. Here again, we must avoid the vicious
circle of the deterioration of the economy and the
escalation of hatred and violence. In this context, the
economic closure imposed on the Palestinians must be
lifted and the tax transfer to the Palestinian Authority
must be resumed. My delegation would like to add, in
this regard, that Japan has extended contributions to the
Palestinians amounting to $21 million since the end of
last September, when the current state of violence
broke out.
The crisis can be resolved only through serious
efforts by both parties based on self-restraint and
mutual trust. The international community must stand
by such efforts. I would like to assure you,
Mr. President, that Japan remains ready to extend every
possible support, both political and economic, for the
resolution of the current crisis, in cooperation and
coordination with the international community.
The President (spoke in Spanish): I thank the
representative of Japan for his kind words addressed to
me.
The next speaker inscribed on my list is the
representative of Kuwait. I invite him to take a seat at
the Council table and to make his statement.
Mr. Al-Otaibi (Kuwait) (spoke in Arabic): Allow
me, Mr. President, to congratulate you on assuming the
presidency of the Security Council for this month and
to commend the remarkable efforts of the Permanent
Representative of China, who chaired the Council last
month.
The prompt response of the Council to the request
of the Organization of the Islamic Conference to hold
this important meeting to discuss the dangerous and
deteriorating situation in the occupied Palestinian
territories only proves the Council's conviction that it
must take steps to stop this deterioration by reason of
the Council's responsibility to international peace and
security, as stated in the United Nations Charter. In
fact, the international community's standing idly by
while the Palestinian people suffer since September last
daily aggressions by the Israelis has encouraged the
Israeli Government to intensify and escalate its
aggression against the Palestinian people, with a view
to imposing a status quo policy and to forcing the
Palestinians to renounce their legitimate rights.
The situation in the occupied territories is very
grave and poses a real threat to peace and stability in
the region because of the insistence of the Israeli
Government on its aggression and on its rejection of all
international commitments and resolutions. From time
to time, the Israeli authorities launch full-scale
aggression against Palestinians in the West Bank and
Gaza, thereby violating the Fourth Geneva Convention
of 1949, using all forms of oppression and all forms of
weapons. This has led to the death of hundreds and the
injuring of thousands. Israel has been closing
Palestinian areas in order to intensify the economic
siege, which has exacerbated the suffering of the
Palestinian people and has led to great deterioration in
their standard of living. The Israeli Government is also
pursuing policies of assassinations, arrests and
demolition of houses, ignoring all the appeals of the
international community to desist from such
abominable practices, which violate basic human
rights.
A few days ago, the occupation forces occupied
Orient House and nine other offices of the Palestinian
Authority in East Jerusalem, again violating the
agreements signed with the Palestinian Authority
within the framework of the peace process. In this
context, we affirm our adherence to all the Security
Council resolutions on Jerusalem, which declare null
and void all the measures undertaken by Israel to
change the features of this Holy City.
The Israeli Government is clearly trying to shake
off its responsibilities in the agreements signed with
the Palestinian Authority. It is flouting the basic
principles agreed to in these agreements and more
specifically, resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973),
and the principle of land for peace.
Israel's aggressive policies will continue unless
the Security Council and the international community
assume their responsibilities and take firm measures to
put an end to the crimes perpetrated against the
Palestinian people and to try their perpetrators, and to
send international observers as soon as possible to
protect the Palestinians from the oppression of the
occupying force. In this respect, we call on the co-
sponsors of the peace process, the European Union, and
all peace-loving countries and organizations to exercise
maximum pressure on Israel to respect the bilateral
agreements it signed with the Palestinians and to
implement the recommendations in the Mitchell report
in order to pave the way for the resumption of
negotiations within the context of the peace process
and to reach a final settlement that includes all issues
and that will give the Palestinian people all their
legitimate rights.
The Israeli Government has to realize that its
oppressive measures and practices will not result in the
security it is seeking as long as it continues occupying
other territories and as long as it ignores its
international obligations and the agreements it signed
with the Palestinian Authority within the peace
process. This violation of agreements will only lead to
an increase in the tension and in the cycle of violence
and wars that has been witnessed in this vital region in
the last four decades, and which has affected all the
resources, potentials and capabilities that could have
been directed to development.
For peace to be permanent, comprehensive and
lasting, it has to be based on international legitimacy,
more specifically, Security Council resolutions 242
(1967) and 338 (1973), the principle of land for peace,
and the withdrawal of Israel from all the Arab land
occupied in 1967, including the Golan Heights and
territories in southern Lebanon.
In conclusion, I would like to reaffirm Kuwait's
support for the struggle of the Palestinian people to
achieve their inalienable rights and to establish an
independent State on their territory, with Al-Quds Al-
Sharif as its capital.
The President (spoke in Spanish): I thank the
representative of Kuwait for his kind words addressed
to me.
The next speaker is the representative of
Mauritania. I invite him to take a seat at the Council
table and to make his statement.
Mr. Ly (Mauritania) (spoke in French): I should
like, before dealing with the item on the agenda
today 4 the situation in the Middle East, including the
Palestinian question - to congratulate you, Sir, on
behalf of my delegation, on your assumption of the
presidency of the Security Council for the month of
August. I am sure that your experience and personal
qualities will help to enhance and enlighten our debate.
I should also like to congratulate the Permanent
Representative of China, Ambassador Wang Yingfan,
for his work as President of the Security Council in the
month of July.
My delegation believes that no just and lasting
peace can be achieved in the Middle East region,
including occupied Palestine, as long as violence
persists and remains a daily fact of life. My delegation
deplores and condemns the recent serious
developments in the situation in the occupied
Palestinian territories, which have led to the illegal and
unacceptable occupation of Orient House, as well as
other buildings, in which several headquarters of
Palestinian institutions are located, in East Jerusalem,
Jenin and, more recently, Khan Younis. This deplorable
situation has, of course, led to a considerable loss of
life, and contravenes the provisions of the Fourth
Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of
Civilian Persons in Time of War of 1949.
In the light of this continuing escalation of
violence, the international community is required, now
more than ever, to play a more positive role in order to
restore peace and security to this region, which has
suffered so much. This Council bears the principal
responsibility for ensuring international peace and
security under the Charter. That is why the dispatch, as
soon as possible, of international observers to provide
protection and security to the Palestinian civilian
population has became an absolute necessity. Only the
Security Council, which you represent here, bears
responsibility for taking this step.
We welcome the recommendations contained in
the Mitchell report, which the international community
broadly supports. The implementation of those
recommendations could help to restore an appropriate
framework for a return to the negotiating table in order
to complete work on agreements already concluded
between the parties in Madrid, Oslo and Sharm el-
Sheikh.
Despite the setbacks and obstacles on the path
towards the settlement of the Palestinian question, my
delegation remains convinced that peace is still
attainable. That is why we reaffirm our commitment to
the peace process that began in Madrid.
In conclusion, I should like to say that only
international legality and legitimacy can ultimately
prevail. We believe that relevant Security Council
resolutions - 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) - as well as
the principle of land for peace, remain the only basis
for a final resolution of the Palestinian question. This
should lead to the establishment of an independent
Palestinian State, with Al-Quds Al-Sharif as its capital.
The President (spoke in Spanish): I thank the
representative of Mauritania for his kind words
addressed to me.
The next speaker is the representative of
Malaysia. I invite him to take a seat at the Council
table and to make his statement.
Mr. Hasmy (Malaysia): Allow me to congratulate
you - and your country, Sir - on your assumption of
the presidency of the Security Council for the month of
August. I would also like to pay tribute to your
predecessor, Ambassador Wang Yingfan of China, for
his outstanding stewardship of the Council last month.
I should like to commend you, Mr. President, for
convening this urgent meeting of the Security Council
to consider the grave situation in the occupied Arab
territories. I should like to thank the other members of
the Council for acceding to the request for this
meeting, jointly made by the Chairman of the Islamic
Group and the Chairman of the follow-up committee of
the ninth Islamic summit conference.
My delegation is grateful to Ambassador Nasser
Al-Kidwa, the Permanent Observer for Palestine, who
briefed the Council this morning on the current grave
situation in the occupied Palestinian territory, including
Jerusalem. Ten months of almost uninterrupted
violence, following the provocation of September last
year, have taken a heavy toll of human life and injuries.
Over 600 people have died, an overwhelming number
of whom are Palestinian. The cycle of violence has
continued unabated and promises to become worse in
the coming days and weeks unless the international
community, particularly this Council, intervenes to put
an end to it. Indeed, if the Council intends to carry out
its responsibility under the Charter, it will have little
choice but to intervene.
The measures taken by the Israeli Government in
the name of security have reached dangerous and
untenable proportions. These include continued
reliance on excessive use of force and the
overwhelming use of military power, the invasion of
Palestinian territory, and a vicious grip on Palestinian
life in the occupied territories through closures and
seizures, the destruction and demolition of Palestinian
properties and other forms of harassment and
intimidation of the Palestinian population in pursuance
of an indiscriminate policy of collective punishment.
The forcible seizure of Orient House in East
Jerusalem strikes at the very basis of the peace process
and further diminishes any hope of reviving it. The
takeover of Orient House and of other Palestinian
institutions, coupled with assassinations of targeted
Palestinian officials, is among the most arrogant and
provocative of these actions by the Israeli authorities.
These latest actions are tantamount to the abrogation of
all the agreements that Israel has entered into with the
Palestinian side since the Oslo Accords. The decision
of the Israeli occupying Power to take these steps,
particularly the closure of Palestinian institutions,
represents a dangerous escalation in the Israeli military
campaign that has been waged against the Palestinian
people since last September. It also represents an
assault on Palestinian national dignity and Palestinian
rights in Jerusalem.
Clearly, these actions are not likely to cow the
Palestinian people as intended. On the contrary, they
are likely to heighten Palestinian anger, frustration and
despair, and will inflame the situation even further,
resulting in even greater tension and polarization
between Israelis and Palestinians.
No peace-loving country, including my own,
condones violence, particularly against innocent
civilians. But violence begets violence. Hence the
importance of abandoning such policies forthwith, in
favour of dialogue and negotiations.
In addressing this issue at this point in time, the
Council cannot but be cognizant of two important facts
or realities which must be addressed: first, the
continued Israeli occupation of Palestine and other
Arab territories; and secondly, the continued violation
of the human rights of the Palestinians and other Arabs
living in the occupied territories. Both must come to an
end, as they are in clear and irrefutable violation of
international law, humanitarian law and the relevant
resolutions of the Security Council. Israel must be
strongly and constantly reminded of its obligations
under international law and the Charter of the United
Nations to withdraw from those territories and to
respect the human rights of their inhabitants. Its
wrongful and illegal actions in those territories should
not be condoned or, least of all, protected. Israel, like
other Members of the Organization, must fulfil its
obligations under the Charter.
Pressures similar to those that have been exerted
by the Council on other errant and non-complying
Members of the Organization in the past must also now
be exerted on Israel. Failure to do so is tantamount to
treating Israel as a special case, a privileged Member of
the Organization, a Member that is somehow exempt
from complying with the requirements of international
law. Yes, Israel is a State, a Member of this
Organization, but beyond that it has no special status in
the community of nations. It should be treated like any
other State and must fulfil all its obligations and
responsibilities without exception. Like other States
that have to grapple with issues of internal peace and
security, it should have to conform, as others do, with
the rules of international and humanitarian law. There
should be no special dispensation for Israel either here
in this Council or in any other international forum.
In the past, the Council was not able to carry out
its responsibility under the Charter on this issue,
because either it was prevented from doing so or it was
unable to implement the resolutions it had passed on
the situation in Palestine. Clearly, in the light of the
grave situation obtaining in the occupied Palestinian
territories, the Council cannot afford to maintain the
same position. Non-action by the Council in the face of
continued provocative actions by Israel in the occupied
territories would be a gross dereliction of the Council's
responsibility for the maintenance of international
peace and security. It would also be condoning the
continued use of force and military power by Israel
over the helpless inhabitants of the occupied territories.
More significantly, it would signal the Council's
ambivalence or lack of support for the peace process -
or, worse still, its indirect support for resolution of the
conflict by non-political means. By not doing anything,
the Council would once again be turning a deaf ear to
the pleas of the Palestinian people living under
occupation and would be demonstrating its lack of will
and its impotence on the issue of Palestine.
The Council will have to seriously ponder its role
regarding the issue of Palestine. For far too long it has
allowed itself to be sidelined on the basis of the
argument of a few that a resolution of the issue should
best be pursued by the parties directly concerned in the
conflict, or that the Council's involvement would only
"complicate" the sensitive negotiations between the
parties. Surely, in the face of recent events those
arguments can no longer be persuasive. They should
not have been persuasive in the first place.
The peace process is for all intents and purposes
dead, thanks - or rather, no thanks - to the policies
and practices of the new Israeli Government. It is
incumbent upon this Council to exert every effort to
revive the process on an urgent basis, especially in the
face of the hesitation or reluctance on the part of other
influential parties to be more directly involved in
jump-starting the process.
We, the international community, must rekindle
the faith among both Palestinians and Israelis in a
peaceful resolution of the conflict and douse any
prospects of a return to war. In that regard we must
give our strong and unqualified support to the report of
the Sharm el-Sheikh Fact-finding Committee, the
Mitchell report. That report provides a good and viable
basis on which to end the cycle of violence, break the
deadlock and build the necessary bridge back to the
negotiating process, which alone guarantees enduring
peace and security for the parties concerned - as
opposed to continuing conflict or warfare between
them.
My delegation considers the draft resolution
being circulated as rather modest in its objectives. But
we support it, as it provides the practical basis for
consensus in the Council, which is important if the
Council is to carry out its duties. The draft resolution,
inter alia, calls for the immediate cessation of all acts
of violence, provocation and destruction, and for the
return to the positions and the regimens that existed
prior to September 2000. It also calls for the speedy
and comprehensive implementation of
recommendations of the Mitchell report, for the
establishment of a monitoring mechanism regarding the
implementation of that report, and for Israel to reverse
all actions taken against Orient House and other
Palestinian institutions in and around East Jerusalem.
Only those and other proposed measures contained in
the draft resolution will constitute a reasonable basis
for a return to negotiations, paving the way for lasting
peace between Palestinians and Israelis - instead of
more intimidation and harassment or further military
action in a vain attempt to break the spirit of the
Palestinian people.
My delegation also believes that the co-sponsors
of the peace process, the United States and the Russian
Federation, as well as the European Union and the
larger international community, must play a more
active role in defusing the current tense situation and in
encouraging the parties, particularly Israel, to return to
negotiations. We once again reiterate our call to the
Security Council to shoulder its responsibility and to
take the necessary action in that regard. We continue to
believe that there is a need to establish an international
observer force for the protection of Palestinian
civilians, as well as to ensure compliance with relevant
Security Council resolutions, international law,
international humanitarian law and existing
Palestinian-Israeli agreements. Any attempt by this
Council to appease the occupying Power will not only
make the situation more dangerous, it will be wrong,
and it will call into question the credibility of the
Council. This must be avoided at all costs. My
delegation therefore appeals to the Council and the
Secretary-General to respond vigorously to diffuse the
current explosive situation and to help relaunch the
peace process as a matter of great urgency. Clearly, the
Council can ill afford to treat the Palestinian issue in its
present circumstances as in the past.
The President (spoke in Spanish): I thank the
representative of Malaysia for his kind words
addressed to me.
The next speaker inscribed on my list is the
representative of Egypt. I invite him to take a seat at
the Council table and to make his statement.
Mr. Bebars (Egypt) (spoke in Arabic): We
congratulate you, Mr. President, on your assumption of
the presidency of the Council for this month. We are
confident that you are capable of conducting the affairs
of this Council, as far as this important issue is
concerned, so that the Council can assume its
responsibility as spelled out in the Charter for
maintaining international peace and security. I also
wish to commend and thank the Permanent
Representative of China, who ably presided over the
Council last month.
We meet today at a time when the international
community is gravely concerned over the serious
developments in the occupied territories, particularly
Jerusalem. The hope for peace indeed faces an acute
crisis. Since last September, the Palestinian people
have been subject to violent and aggressive Israeli
practices that have resulted in hundreds of martyrs and
thousands of wounded. Property of the Palestinian
people has been destroyed and the Palestinian economy
is in shambles. This has led to frustration and despair.
The problems facing the peace process are due
mainly to Israel's reneging on its commitments reached
in bilateral agreements, its ongoing occupation and
settlement activities, and its disregard for international
legitimacy and United Nations resolutions and for the
bases and principles of the peace process, which are
"land for peace", including Holy Jerusalem.
The crux of the problem in the occupied
Palestinian territories today is the Israeli occupation.
The practices of the Israeli occupation in the
Palestinian territories, including Jerusalem, constitute
grave violations of resolutions of international
legitimacy, as represented by the United Nations and
the Fourth Geneva Convention relative to the
Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12
August 1949, in those areas. It is inconceivable and
unacceptable that the United Nations, particularly the
Security Council, should turn a blind eye to these
practices at a time when calls resonate from all
directions for respect for human rights.
Security is a legitimate demand of all peoples of
the Region. No one can deny any people the right to
security. However, the security of one population
cannot be realized at the expense of the security and
rights of its neighbours and the murder and the
assassination of their children, the demolition of their
houses, the burning of their farms, the cutting off of
their livelihoods, and their torture and starvation.
Security can be achieved only in a situation based on
legitimacy, justice and equality.
Consequently, Egypt has been persistent in
calling on the international community to act firmly
and quickly to push the parties to resume the peace
process on a sound basis, and not emphasize the
security aspects alone, without dealing with the crux of
the problem: the need for peace based on justice,
equality and respect for the full legitimate rights of the
Palestinian people.
Egypt has emphasized the need to send observers
to Palestine to help calm the situation within the
framework of implementing the Mitchell
recommendations, in order to reach negotiations on
final status, based on Security Council resolutions 242
(1967) and 338 (1973); the principles and guarantees of
the Madrid Conference, particularly the principle of
"land for peace"; and the agreements concluded
between the two parties and guaranteed by world States
concerned. Egypt also emphasizes that without the
settlement of that dispute, which is the crux of the
Israeli-Arab conflict, in a just and comprehensive
manner, and without Israel's full withdrawal from the
Syrian and Lebanese territories, the Middle East,
strategically important to the whole world, will remain
an area full of tension and instability that will in turn
threaten the legitimate interests of those countries and
all other countries concerned.
The present crisis has been triggered by a
provocation related to a very special area of the
occupied territory - Jerusalem and the Al-Aqsa
Mosque. These are centrally important to the Arab and
Muslim worlds, which do not accept the desecration of
any of their holy places. These places have been
transgressed, contrary to all heavenly and worldly
laws. This represents an insult to the sentiments and
rights of the millions of believers who have been
taught to respect other people's faiths. We must
reaffirm to the whole world, represented by the
Council, the need for Israel to withdraw from all Arab
occupied territories occupied since June 1967,
including Jerusalem, and for Israel to respect the holy
status of that city and to return it to the Palestinians to
faithfully safeguard it.
I wish to emphasize that the recent bloody events
confirm one fact: occupation has no future, however
mighty the occupier, and that a just and balanced peace
is the basis for all stability and security in the region.
Thus, we hope that the Israeli side will commit itself to
the resolutions of international legitimacy and will
work seriously to stop aggressive practices in the
occupied territories, including Jerusalem. We hope it
will stop perpetrating violence against Palestinian
institutions and property in East Jerusalem, particularly
the illegal occupation of Orient House and the
confiscation of its archives, which are an essential part
of the history, heritage and memory of the Palestinian
people.
Egypt still hopes that a peaceful, comprehensive
and just settlement to the Arab-Israeli conflict can be
realized despite the setbacks caused by the Israeli side.
Consequently, Egypt calls for Israeli conduct to be
commensurate to and in conformity with all attempts to
realize our objective: a firm, just and lasting peace. We
hope that Israel will recognize this.
The President (spoke in Spanish): I thank the
representative of Egypt for his kind words addressed to
the presidency.
The next speaker is the representative of Iraq. I
invite him to take a seat at the Council table and to
make his statement.
Mr. Aldouri (Iraq) (spoke in Arabic): I would
like to congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the
presidency of the Security Council for this month. I
wish you every success in your work. I would also like
to thank you for promptly agreeing to the request made
by Palestine and the Organization of the Islamic
Conference to hold this important meeting. I also
cannot fail to take this opportunity to thank the
representative of China, Ambassador Wang Yingfan,
for his efficient and successful conduct of the Council's
meetings last month.
The Council is convened today, for the third time
in less than six months, to discuss the situation in
Palestine in the light of increased Zionist aggression
against the defenceless Palestinian people. The Council
is meeting at a time when the Zionist entity, the
occupying Power, is carrying out daily bombings of
Palestinian towns, villages and refugee camps using the
most sophisticated weapons of destruction supplied by
the United States, in particular F-16 fighter planes,
attack helicopters, depleted uranium shells and toxic
gas.
Against whom, exactly, is this merciless war
machine pitted? The answer is against unarmed
civilians, innocent women and children, throwing
stones at the occupier and getting killed or injured by
the hundreds and thousands. Civilian Palestinian
dwellings are being bombarded and public buildings
are being destroyed. The Palestinians are prevented
from going home. They are driven from their houses.
Evacuations and confiscations take place daily. Human
rights are trampled underfoot. Operations of
assassination and physical liquidation are committed
against them. Moreover, they must face collective
punishment, siege and isolation.
Despite the gravity of these crimes, which are
being committed against the people of Palestine day
after day and hour after hour, and despite the fact that
63 Palestinian letters of protest have been sent to the
Security Council in the course of recent months to
request prompt intervention to end Zionist terrorism,
the Security Council has remained silent and powerless
to intervene to end the suffering of the Palestinian
people. The Council will continue to be powerless
because its power is constrained by a tyrannical,
arrogant and imperialist Power. I am referring to the
United States of America, a country that provides
military, moral and material cover for the crimes that
the Zionist entity is committing against the people of
Palestine and their children.
Unfortunately, the Council's policy of double
standards in dealing with problems affecting the
Islamic world in general and the Arab world in
particular - and the Israeli occupation of Palestine
above all - is a flagrant example of the injustice and
ill-treatment suffered by the people of the third world,
and more particularly by Muslim people. The death of
Palestinian children and civilians and the death
machines used by Israel for physical elimination have
to date not been enough to wrest from the Council even
a single declaration, however timid, condemning
Zionist terrorism and deploring the acts committed by
that neo-Nazi entity.
The President of the United States misses no
opportunity to contact the criminal Zionists to offer
them his condolences when a single Israeli soldier is
killed by a hero of the Palestinian resistance. Yet,
Palestinian children are killed, besieged and starved
with the blessing of the United States, offered without
remorse or morality. The United States loves to give
others lessons in morality. It also claims to be devoted
to human rights, while shamelessly supporting the
criminal Zionist occupying forces and calling on both
parties, including the victims of aggression, to show
the same restraint and moderation in order to save the
peace process. But what peace are we talking about?
What kind of neutral sponsor of peace is the United
States speaking about? What we are saying here is that
the resistance of the people of Palestine is a right that
cannot be taken away. It is the legitimate right to self-
defence, which is enshrined in the Charter of the
United Nations and in principles of international law.
True peace cannot be established by cajoling the
occupier and imposing submissive solutions on
vulnerable, occupied people. Peace can be established
only at the cost of a bitter struggle; it must be torn out
of the hands of the occupier by all means available.
Such peace cannot be achieved through American
mediation, because the United States sides with the
occupier. It is armed struggle and the national intifada
of the Palestinian people that will be able to wrest
Palestinian rights from the aggressor. It is Palestinians
who are daily watering the land of Palestine with their
blood.
Allow me in this Chamber to hail the valiant,
courageous people of Palestine, who are fighting
Zionist and American imperialism every day and every
hour. I pay true and sincere tribute to the Palestinian
martyrs who without hesitation give their lives to
defend their country. I also wish to salute those who
resist in defence of their rights and their homeland.
The crimes committed by the Zionist occupation
forces against defenceless, innocent Palestinian citizens
have exceeded all the crimes previously committed by
occupiers, as the annals of history show. Even the
apartheid regime of South Africa, despite its brutality,
would never have dared to use fighter planes against
innocent, defenceless civilians, as the Israeli Zionists
do when they shell peaceful Palestinian villages and
towns.
The sadism of the Zionist occupiers and the
barbarity of the occupation have succeeded in driving
68 per cent of the inhabitants of occupied Palestine
from their homes since the beginning of the occupation
in 1948. That is why there are 4.5 million Palestinian
refugees waiting to return to their homes. The Zionist
occupier is uprooting more than 150,000 olive trees
from Palestinian land, in addition to confiscating all
water resources from the Palestinians, who own the
land and the water. The occupation forces, in plain
view and with the knowledge of everyone, delight in
detaining old people and sick people for many hours at
inspection and transit points. Media reports tell of sick
people dying at crossing points because of the severity
of the wait and the humiliation and insults to which
they are subjected during long waiting periods.
The international community, represented by
States and Governments and by the United Nations
itself, where we are meeting today, must work to
restore the right of the Palestinian people to the return
of all usurped territory, and the right of refugees to
return to their homes, from which they had been chased
by the Zionist usurpers. The Security Council today
must shoulder its responsibility. It must adopt
appropriate measures under the United Nations Charter
to put an end to Zionist aggression, to make the
occupation forces scrupulously respect the provisions
of the Fourth Geneva Convention relative to the
Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War of 1949.
We believe that the Security Council should respond on
an emergency basis to Iraq's offer to devote not 1
million but 1 billion euros of its oil revenues to
assisting its brothers in occupied Palestine, because
they are in urgent need of economic assistance.
If we all agree that the acts committed by
Zionism have led to the destruction of the economic
infrastructure of Palestine, why then would the Council
not allow Iraq to assist its Palestinian brothers in
rebuilding their economic infrastructure? That would
mean keeping silent in the face of suffering, accepting
it and contributing indirectly to the continuation of this
tragic situation.
In conclusion, I would like to say, so as not to
waste more time in making speeches, that what we
must do is to adopt specific, emergency measures to
protect the Palestinian people from the murders and
massacres that have been committed against it for more
than 50 years and to enable it to regain its due rights. If
that is not done, everyone - and I say everyone -
will bear the responsibility, and regrets will then serve
no purpose.
The President (spoke in Spanish): I thank the
representative of Iraq for the kind words he addressed
to me.
The next speaker on my list is the representative
of Oman. I invite him to take a seat at the Council table
and to make his statement.
Mr. Al-Hassan (Oman) (spoke in Arabic): Allow
me first, Sir, to extend to you and to your friendly
country, Colombia, our sincere congratulations on your
assumption of the presidency of the Council for the
month of August. We are confident that your
diplomatic expertise and your knowledge of
international affairs will crown the Council's work with
success and will assist it in attaining the objectives we
all desire, foremost of which is to preserve
international peace and security.
The Sultanate of Oman welcomes the holding of
this emergency meeting of the Council to consider the
latest developments in the occupied Palestinian
territories. We look forward to the time when the
Council will shoulder its responsibilities under the
United Nations Charter through the adoption of
practical measures that would preserve peace, security
and stability everywhere in the world, without
discrimination, selectivity or double standards when
dealing with the various issues brought before it.
After many previous attempts, the time has come
for the Council to respond positively to the just
demands of the Palestinian people by providing the
necessary international protection to that people, which
is a victim of oppression, isolation, repression and
systematic assassination, all perpetrated against the
elderly, women, children and other civilians, and by
protecting it from the destruction of its institutions and
the offices of the Palestinian Authority 4 something
which the Israeli authorities had promised in 1996 that
they would not do. This is not to mention the
occupation of Orient House, which shows Israel's
readiness to exacerbate the situation by increasing
tension and by using its vast military arsenal, as
everyone in the Council and in the entire international
community knows.
That constitutes a flagrant violation of the
provisions of the Fourth Geneva Convention relative to
the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of
12 August 1949, of the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights, of international humanitarian law and
of other relevant international instruments. This is all
taking place following vigorous attempts by Israel to
prevent Palestinian civilians from benefiting from these
protections. The Security Council must therefore take
immediate effective measures to provide them with
such protections. Such action by the Council would
surely result in the establishment of a machinery that
would be binding on Israel.
Israel's persistent resort to collective punishment,
blockade and killing should make one thing perfectly
clear to the Council: that Israel does not care about
international criticism and that it ignores all the
agreements it has reached with the Palestinian side over
the past decade. Israel has undermined hopes for peace
in the region; therefore, the Council must no longer
stand idly by as these crimes against humanity are
daily committed in full view. We would ask whether
Israel, as a Member of this Organization, is bound by
international agreements, as other Member States are.
Or is Israel exempt from such international
instruments?
The Sultanate of Oman has been in the forefront
of countries that believe in the peace process and that
view it as a natural, civilized way to settle the Middle
East conflict. We continue to believe that there is a
glimmer of hope that it will be possible to return to the
negotiating table. But that can take place only with
manifest political will.
My Government welcomes the Egyptian-
Jordanian proposal as a serious, promising initiative
that ought to be considered. Along with the
recommendations set out in the Mitchell report calling
for a freeze on illegitimate settlements, that initiative
could create a propitious atmosphere and pave the way
for a return to the negotiating table by the Palestinians
and the Israelis.
Today, the Palestinian people is in greater need of
international protection than ever before, in view of its
daily human suffering as a result of the ongoing Israeli
military escalation. That is a legitimate request in line
with the norms and principles of international
legitimacy, and we make that request of the Security
Council today. To allow these Israeli practices to
continue unabated would cause the Middle East to
descend into a cycle of violence and counter-violence.
The President (spoke in Spanish): I thank the
representative of Oman for the kind words he
addressed to me.
The next speaker is the representative of the
Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. I invite him to take a seat at
the Council table and to make his statement.
Mr. Babaa (Libyan Arab Jamahiriya) (spoke in Arabic): I congratulate you most sincerely, Sir, on your
assumption of the presidency of the Security Council
for the month of August. I have every confidence that,
with your wisdom, skill and leadership, you will ably
guide the Council in its consideration of the important
and serious issue before it today with a view to
bringing about peace with justice, for there can be no
peace without justice.
My thanks go also to your predecessor, the
Permanent Representative of China, for his successful
presidency last month.
The Palestinian question and its causes, its
reasons and its consequences are well known to all, and
have been well documented in the United Nations.
There are dozens of relevant United Nations
resolutions, and prominent among them are those
adopted by the Security Council. As long as those
resolutions remain unimplemented - and
implementation includes the return of the Palestinian
people to its land and the establishment of an
independent Palestinian State - the problem will
continue to pose a threat to international peace and
security.
The core of the Palestinian problem is not the
implementation of the Mitchell plan or the Tenet
recommendations. It is the 34 years of continued
occupation that have naturally led to the violence. The
real sources of the violence are: the Zionist military
occupation; the attempts by the forces of occupation to
impose a fait accompli of occupation, settlement-
building, expulsion and annexation and to create new
facts on the ground to provide a rationale for
expanding settlements, building new ones, seizing
more land and expelling and displacing Palestinians;
the refusal of the Tel Aviv regime to honour its
commitments; and that regime's continuous violations
of international law and international humanitarian law.
The problem is that the Palestinian people
continues tenaciously to embrace its land and, in a
variety of ways, to put forth its just demand for
freedom and independence - a demand shared by all
other occupied peoples. The problem is that this
collides with the Zionist ambition to seize all
Palestinian land and create a national homeland for the
Jews in the whole of the promised land. The problem is
that, like any other indigenous people, the Palestinians
have sanctified the land of their forefathers, on which they
have lived for thousands of years; like every other people,
they can be immensely steadfast. There can be no sacrifice
too great for them as they defend what remains of their
land, despite the use of heavy artillery, F-16 aircraft, tanks,
missiles and the latest military technology against unarmed
civilians, towns, villages and other population centres.
Stones thrown by children do not deserve a response by
Apache aircraft and tanks, leading to mass killing which
does not discriminate among women, children and babies.
The result has been more than 600 Palestinians martyred,
100,000 wounded and 10,000 disabled, some of them
blinded because the occupying forces are carefully trained
to shoot their victims in the eyes.
The problem is that, in addition to this arbitrary
killing, the forces of occupation regularly bulldoze
Palestinian houses, farms and factories; seize
Palestinian land and give it to new settlers; prevent
Palestinians from working; and stop food, water and
even medicine from reaching them.
The collective punishment against them is
diversified and deftly implemented. That has led the
Palestinians to resort to throwing stones and staging
peaceful protests, which have been met with bullets,
missiles, tanks and aircraft. Psychiatric hospitals and
centres in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank are filled
with hundreds of Palestinian children suffering
psychiatric disorders because of the Israeli raids,
aggressions and brutalities that they see before them
every day. UNICEF has noted that 1,300,000
Palestinian children are living in a state of terror and
hypertension, suffering from an inability to concentrate
due to their nightly suffering from nightmares and
involuntary urination, because of the daily
bombardment of their houses and their population
centres. All these practices occur daily before the eyes
of the whole world, which does nothing about it. This
records the degree of man's cruelty towards his
brothers.
Another problem is the racist laws implemented
by the Zionist authorities in the occupied Palestinian
land, among which is the right of return, which allows
Jews everywhere in the world to immigrate and to
reside in the occupied territories, while it does not
allow the Palestinians born there, where their
forefathers lived for thousands of years, to reside there.
Such racist policies and practices have compelled them
to emigrate, which has led to the establishment of a
new apartheid regime in the Arab region. But this new
apartheid regime does not just attempt to control the
indigenous population, as was the case in South Africa,
but also seeks to expel the Palestinian people and to
seize their land and their property.
The problem is that the Zionists in Tel Aviv
consider that the Zionist project will not be completed
until a "Greater Israel" has been established on biblical
land reaching from the Nile to the Euphrates, as
symbolized by the two blue lines on the Israeli flag.
Jews are therefore brought from everywhere in the
world, whether they are 100 per cent Jewish or even 1
per cent Jewish. The important thing is to reinforce the
demographic power of the Zionist entity and reinforce
what they call their defences, while, in fact, these
offensive forces carry out the Zionist dream of
expansion.
The problem is that the brutal occupier wants
both peace and land, and he will not be capable of
getting both. Within the context of this horrible plan,
we would like to point out that the Palestinian territory
that was occupied in 1967 was called, in the
terminology of the United Nations, "the occupied
territories". The Jews complained, and it was later
called "the territories". This was part of its campaign in
every part of the world. Now they call this occupied
land the "disputed territories".
One of the problems with respect to this question
is that the Palestinians, the rightful owners, who have a
continuous history of living in this land, are not
allowed to enjoy their rights in a legal manner.
Meanwhile, the usurpers, the Israelis, those who
falsified history and created it through historical myths
with the assistance of the major Powers. At a time
when the international community is trying to bring
war criminals who have committed crimes against
humanity before the courts, we see that the war
criminal of Sabra and Shatila, who is known to all of
you, has returned to become another butcher in Gaza,
Nablus, Hebron, Khan Younis, and many other
Palestinian towns and cities. To justify this, they say he
has changed. He has said to his press that he has not
changed. In fact, he was a war criminal, and he is still a
war criminal, and he will continue to be a war criminal.
The policy of organized assassinations and
liquidations, which is implemented by the occupying
Zionist forces against the symbols of resistance, and
against unarmed civilians, is also a clear violation of
article 32 of the Fourth Geneva Convention. The death
squads sent by the occupying forces to assassinate
those they consider the leaders of the resistance to the
continuous occupation act before the eyes of the world,
in broad daylight and not at night. These are the brutal
practices of the Tel Aviv regime, which considers itself
above international law, while Palestinian prisoners are
treated as guilty and not innocent. All forms of torture
are practised against them clearly and explicitly. This
criminal conduct, this continuous policy of terrorism,
should be condemned by the international community
and by the Security Council.
The occupying force has recently occupied Orient
House and many of the buildings that represent
Palestinian sovereignty in the occupied city. If the
Security Council does not take immediate action
against the occupation of Orient House, it means it is
giving a green light to the occupying force to seize Al-
Aqsa Mosque and the Dome of the Rock, and all the
churches and all quarters of Jerusalem, and to Judaize
them. If the Council does not take any action now, it
will contradict all previous action it has taken, actions
that consider Jerusalem part of the occupied Palestinian
territory, to which the norms of international law and
the provisions of the Fourth Geneva Convention apply.
In addition to the expulsion, the killing, the
starving, the assassination and destruction, the Zionists
have added another element to their racist practices.
This is the racial and ethnic contempt and despite of
Palestinians and Arabs. The British newspaper, The
Independent, on 17 April, reported how Zionist leaders
have described Arabs and Palestinians. Menachem
Begin, the former Prime Minister, described Arabs as
cattle walking on two legs, Rafael Eytan, the former
chief of staff, called them "cockroaches", Barak calls
them "crocodiles", Rehavam Zeevi, the present
Minister of Tourism, calls them "scorpions", Rabbi
Ovadia Yosef, the spiritual leader of the Shas party, and
many other rabbis have provided a religious cover for
Zionist practices and describe Palestinians and Arabs
on one occasion as "snakes and serpents", and on
another as "apes, pigs and ants" that should be
exterminated. The paper pointed out that the racist
regime in South Africa, during the days of apartheid,
did not dare to describe the blacks in South Africa
using racial epithets, but Tel Aviv does it openly and
insolently. All the countries of the world curtailed
relations with the apartheid regime. But the Tel Aviv
regime, which had excellent relations with the
apartheid regime in all spheres and, in particular, the
military sphere, was not called to account owing to
double standards, despite its racist practices and its
continuous violation of the rights of the Palestinian
people, a matter that contradicts the commitments of
the countries of the world to defend human rights and
to suspend relations with any country that continues to
violate those rights.
We have learned from the recent past that if a
Zionist kills 20 Palestinians, he is immediately
declared to be mentally disturbed. And they create a
memorial for him to sanctify him, as occurred in the
case of the criminal Goldstein at Hebron. But if a
Palestinian kills Israelis that have seized his land and
his honour, then he is considered a terrorist. This
Zionist stereotyping is a matter that the Arab world has
had to put up with for a long time, but everybody
should understand that there is no difference between
Arab blood and Jewish blood. Arab blood is not cheap
water and Jewish blood is not expensive plasma. We
are all equal.
The siege, the starvation, the killings, and the
ethnic cleansing that are now taking place in the
occupied Palestinian territories are marketed by the
Zionist campaign as the appropriate response to
Palestinian violence. In fact, what is happening now in
the Palestinian territory is similar to the massacres,
ethnic cleansing and mass expulsions that took place in
Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo, which required
international humanitarian intervention. The failure of
the international community and the Security Council
to intervene in the occupied Palestinian territories and
to provide protection to the Palestinians is a crime
against humanity.
The hesitation of the Security Council, which is
entrusted with the maintenance of international peace
and security, to intervene and protect the Palestinian
people not only rewards the aggressor and enables it to
continue its actions, but will encourage any future
aggressor to violate international law in other parts of
the world. That constitutes a threat to international
peace and security.
Some Zionist writers in the Zionist media try to
justify the heinous crimes against the Palestinian
people. In their articles, which are published regularly,
they use words such as "beating", "expulsion",
"attack", "destruction", "seizure" and "assassination"
in a way that encourages Zionist stereotypes of people
in the occupied Palestinian territories and promotes
ethnic cleansing and the idea of finding a final solution
in the form of extermination, transfer or expulsion.
Such writers continue to fill the media with
strange articles and to tell lies, as if the Palestinians are
the aggressors and the Zionists are the victims. They
continue to defend the inhumane and racist policies
implemented by the occupation forces against the
Palestinian people - the displacement, starvation and
humiliation - with impunity within the international
community.
A brutal Jewish campaign was launched against a
British journalist, Robert Fisk, who exposed Israeli
practices in southern Lebanon and Palestine. Fisk
pointed out that if a journalist in the West wants to
escape criticism he must follow the rules prescribed by
the Israelis - as if Israel is the party that is under
siege and occupied and the Palestinians are the party
engaging in violence and forcing their children to be
killed. Nobody asks why Israeli soldiers kill so many
children and young people. The Zionist organizations
attack anybody who tries to point out what is
happening in the occupied Arab territory.
The International Committee of the Red Cross
was harshly criticized for telling the truth and for
considering the establishment of settlements in the
occupied territories a war crime under international
humanitarian law. Human Rights Watch was likewise
criticized, as well as Amnesty International, which was
planning to introduce a comprehensive report at the
Conference against racism to be held at the end of this
month in Durban, South Africa. That report includes
details about the inhumane racist practices to which the
Palestinian people are subjected by the Zionist
occupying forces on a daily basis in the occupied
territories.
The Vienna-based organization, international
friends of humanity, has condemned the attempts to kill
Palestinian infants and children in cold blood. Even the
French organization, Reporters Without Borders, has
condemned the practices of the occupying forces
against journalists who are trying to cover events and
tragedies during the intifada in the occupied territories.
In its report of last month, it placed responsibility for
injuries to 30 journalists on the Israeli forces and called
on the occupying forces to provide them with
protection.
His Holiness the Pope has pointed out the
importance of returning to the norms of international
law, ending the seizure of land by force and
emphasizing the right of people to self-determination
and respect for the purposes and principles set out in
the articles of the Charter.
On 10 June 2001, an Israeli journalist, Gideon
Levy, wrote an article stating that Palestinian violence
is the result of occupation. He said:
"Who will state that the occupation is an act of
violence, the most terrible of all, that terrorism is
not only suicide bombers ...? ...That depriving a
whole nation of freedom of movement and
placing that nation in a prison is an act of
violence more cruel than any in the past, and stirs
a people to fight using whatever means it has?
That the incitement in the Palestinian media is not
that much worse that the incitement on Israeli
television and radio? That the present war is first
and foremost a war over Netzarim and Yitzhar,
and that if they or all the settlements did not exist
our situation would be immeasurably better? That
the roots of Palestinian terrorism have to be
sought in the Israeli occupation and not in the
Palestinians' genes?"
Israeli journalist Uri Avnery wrote in April this
year:
"The mighty Israeli army has not succeeded in
breaking the backbone of the uprising. It has tried
everything: gunship helicopters, tanks, cannons,
liquidations, destruction of whole
neighbourhoods, closure, siege, demolition of
homes, uprooting of plantations - and the
Palestinians continue to be stand on their feet and
fight."
He continued:
"The Sharon-Peres Government enjoys the
overwhelming support of the United States,
which provides it with arms and money and
exercises its veto in the Security Council on
Israel's behalf a European diplomat has said
that Israel is in practice the fifth permanent
member of the Security Council with the veto
power."
The forces of hegemony in the international
community have given the Zionist entity great powers
and continue to overlook international law; they have
not called it to account. Arab countries are still
subjected to cruel sanctions by the Security Council on
the basis of accusations that have not been proved, yet
the Israeli regime continues for half a century to violate
international law and the principles of the United
Nations Charter.
In an earlier report, the Secretary-General called
for the protection of the weak and the innocent from
the harm that results from armed conflict and for the
development of strategies to achieve those objectives
and to punish all those who violate international law.
The international community responded in the case of
Bosnia, Kosovo and East Timor, but it has done
nothing when faced with the tragedies of the people in
the occupied Palestinian territories. The Security
Council last March should have abided by its
responsibilities under the Charter and intervened to
protect the Palestinian people from the butchers and to
stop the bloodshed. But the only super-Power in the
world, which is supposed to be an honest broker,
stopped it from doing so and has given the occupying
force a green light and a licence to kill children and
other innocent people. If we want to put an end to the
volatile situation in the region, and if the Security
Council wants to maintain its credibility, the
international community and the Security Council must
intervene quickly before it is too late to save the
situation and to save the occupied Palestinian people
from their executioners.
The President (spoke in Spanish): I thank the
representative of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya for his
kind words addressed to me.
I would like to say to the members of the Council
and the other delegations that there are more speakers
on my list. Given the lateness of the hour, at the end of
this long day, with the consent of the members of the
Council I would like to suspend meeting now. It will
resume tomorrow, Tuesday, 21 August, at 3 pm.
The meeting was suspended at 6.55 pm.
▶ Cite this page
UN Project. “S/PV.4357Resumption1.” UN Project, https://un-project.org/meeting/S-PV-4357Resumption1/. Accessed .