S/PV.4552Resumption1 Security Council
▶ This meeting at a glance
48
Speeches
0
Countries
0
Resolutions
Topics
Israeli–Palestinian conflict
Security Council deliberations
Peace processes and negotiations
War and military aggression
UN procedural rules
Global economic relations
Middle East
The President (spoke in Arabic): I should like to
inform the Council that I have received a letter from
the representative of Saudi Arabia, in which he
requests to be invited to participate in the discussion of
the item on the Council's agenda. In conformity with
the usual practice, I propose, with the consent of the
Council, to invite that representative to participate in
the discussion, without the right to vote, in accordance
with the relevant provisions of the Charter and rule 37
ofthe Council's provisional rules of procedure.
There being no objection, it is so decided.
At the invitation of the President, Mr. Shobokshi
(Saudi Arabia) took the seat reserved for him at
the side ofthe Council Chamber.
Mr. Ryan (Ireland): My delegation fully
associates itself with the statement to be made shortly
by the representative of Spain on behalf of the
European Union.
The ever-deepening cycle of repression and
violence in the Middle East makes it more than ever
necessary to make rapid progress in the renewed efforts
to reach a just, peaceful and comprehensive settlement.
The situation in the Middle East is, as the Secretary-
General has often said, one of the world's truly
dangerous fault lines. Manifest injustice, instability,
insecurity, a frozen political landscape: these pose an
unacceptable and continuous threat to the region and to
international peace and security. The international
community has a clear responsibility and duty to move
beyond rhetoric and language. Not to act now would be
a dereliction of duty to the people of the region and to
the cause of international peace and security.
We and others have said many times in this
Chamber that no solution will be found through
terrorism or any other form of violence or through
military action. Ireland, for this reason, calls once
again for an immediate end to Israeli military
occupation; for the full implementation of resolutions
1402 (2002) and 1403 (2002); for an end to all forms of
terrorism; for full support for efforts by the Palestinian
Authority to institute reforms; for an end to the
harassment of the presidential compound in Ramallah;
for the early convening of an international conference;
and for support for the ongoing efforts of the "quartet"
and regional actors towards a peaceful solution.
Acts of terrorism are not only deeply wrong in
themselves; they bring great suffering on the
Palestinian people, and do not bring forward by one
day the achievement of their legitimate aspirations.
Ireland condemns all such acts.
The Government of Israel has every right to
defend its citizens against terrorism. It must do so,
however, through measures that are in accord with
international humanitarian law. Repression and the
ongoing occupation of Palestinian territories will
inevitably breed more of the hatred and resentment
upon which terrorism feeds.
The violence and destruction carried out by the
Israeli Defence Force at the Palestinian presidential
compound in Ramallah are deeply reprehensible and,
furthermore, are counterproductive. These attacks place
in grave danger the physical security of Chairman
Arafat, who is the elected leader of the Palestinian
people, and therefore an essential partner in the peace
process. They also militate against the efforts currently
under way to achieve reform in the Palestinian
Authority.
It makes no sense to call on the Palestinian
Authority to take measures to combat terrorism, while
at the same time destroying the means necessary to
implement such measures and refusing the political
perspective necessary to support them.
The present Government of Israel must be
brought by its friends to a realization that its present
reliance on close security control of the entire
Palestinian people will not bring the Israeli people the
security that they deserve. It failed in the past and it
will fail again. The only way to peace is through an
agreement that meets the legitimate national aspirations
on all sides.
It is vitally important to put in place a framework
for the long-delayed achievement by the Palestinian
people of their legitimate rights and for the conclusion
of a just and peaceful settlement between the Israeli
and Palestinian peoples, who are fated to live side by
side, and between Israel and all its neighbours.
It is absolutely clear that the parties cannot now
reach a settlement on their own. Current efforts on the
part of the international community to help them find a
way forward must be vigorously and urgently pursued.
This is profoundly in the interest of both the Israeli and
Palestinian peoples.
This is not just a local issue, but one with major
regional and indeed global implications. It is also,
therefore, profoundly in the interest of the entire
international community that a lasting and just
settlement is reached. The time has come to convene an
international conference. The aimlessness and drift that
have taken hold must be shaken loose. Every day that
passes without constructive action magnifies the risk
that further and perhaps far greater violence will be
unleashed.
There is no room for delay or preconditions. The
three problems identified by the Secretary-General -
occupation, violence and economic misery - have to
be addressed, and addressed urgently, in parallel.
The blueprints are there, in abundance. In
addition to resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), we
have the Saudi initiative, endorsed at the Arab League
Summit in Beirut, we have our own resolution 1397
(2002), we have the proposals made recently by the
President of Egypt and we have statements of vision by
regional and international leaders. In effect, a virtual
consensus has emerged in the international community.
We need now to see the leadership and the
statesmanship that would take advantage of this
unprecedented moment in the history of the Middle
East conflict and push it vigorously towards a just and
lasting solution.
Mr. Lavrov (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): Israeli and Palestinian relations continue to
deteriorate. The suicide attacks against Israeli civilians
and the Israeli reprisals against Palestinians, which
have led to the death of people, are only strengthening
the logic of confrontation. This does not help ensure
security for both sides or their legitimate interests.
Furthermore, all this seriously complicates efforts to
achieve a political settlement ofthe crisis.
The most serious concern has been raised by the
humanitarian disaster in the Palestinian territory. As a
sponsor of the peace process and an active participant
of the "quartet" of international mediators, Russia is
undertaking energetic steps to remove Israeli and
Palestinian relations from the vicious circle of
confrontation. To that end, the Russian Government is
in constant contact with the Israeli and Palestinian
representatives and the leaders of the Middle Eastern
States. The special representative of the Minister for
Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation is in the
region almost constantly. The situation was discussed
comprehensively within the framework of the meeting
of the G-8 Foreign Ministers meeting of 12 June, held
in Canada.
During the past month the Security Council has
adopted several decisions that have set out the road
map for overcoming the crisis and for stabilizing the
situation, as well as for moving towards a political
settlement, including the establishment of a Palestinian
State to exist peacefully alongside Israel with
internationally recognized borders. We believe that the
priority task at this stage is the development of
machinery for the parties' compliance with existing
Security Council resolutions. That guides the efforts of
the "quartet".
The coming meeting of the "quartet" on 14 June
in Washington should be an important step in efforts
designed to dissolve the tensions in Palestinian-Israeli
relations and to establish the conditions for moving to a
political settlement, including through holding an
international conference on the Middle East. The
Security Council's task is to help in these efforts in
every way possible and to ensure it the support of the
international community. Attempts to use the Council
Chamber for mutual recrimination and all types of
argumentation is counterproductive. It only makes the
work of the "quartet" and many Arab countries to
achieve compliance with United Nations resolutions
more difficult.
The President (spoke in Arabic): The next
speaker inscribed on my list is the representative of
South Africa. I invite him to take a seat at the Council
table and to make his statement.
Mr. Kumalo (South Africa): It is a tremendous
joy to see you sitting in that chair, conducting this
meeting, Mr. President. I must apologize. I have been
practising my Arabic, but when I came here, I forgot
all of it, so I cannot greet you in Arabic. But it is a
tremendous joy to see you there, Sir. On behalf of our
delegation, we wish to congratulate you on assuming
the presidency for the month of June 2002.
On 2 June 2002, a ministerial delegation of the
Non-Aligned Movement visited Ramallah and met with
President Arafat in an expression of solidarity with the
President and the people of Palestine.
President Arafat briefed the Ministers ofthe Non-
Aligned Movement on the latest developments,
including the implementation of new restrictive
measures against the Palestinian people, which have
effectively resulted in the balkanization ofthe occupied
territory.
The ministerial delegation of the Non-Aligned
Movement reiterated the movement's outrage at the
intensification of the illegal Israeli occupation, the
killing, the vast destruction, the economic strangulation
and other atrocities committed against Palestine and its
people, including the continuation of settlement
activities, especially in and around East Jerusalem.
The ministerial delegation of the Non-Aligned
Movement reiterated the movement's support for the
principle of the right of the Palestinian people to self-
determination and the establishment of their
independent State with East Jerusalem as its capital.
They reaffirmed the need for Israel to withdraw to the
1967 borders.
The delegation of Ministers congratulated
President Arafat on the signing of the Basic Law of
Palestine, which is an important step towards the
establishment of a constitutional law of Palestine.
The ministerial delegation of the Non-Aligned
Movement also expressed its support for all
international efforts aimed at achieving a just,
comprehensive and lasting solution.
In that context, the Movement unequivocally
affirmed its support for the Arab peace initiative and
for the effort of the "quartet". The Non-Aligned
Movement delegation of ministers noted that those
efforts by the international community should form the
basis of an international conference aimed at the
establishment of a road map for the attainment of a
lasting peace and on the basis of Security Council
resolutions 242 (1967), 338 (1973) and 425 (1978) and
of the Madrid Conference terms of reference on land-
for-peace principles. The Non-Aligned Movement
delegation of ministers concluded the visit by wishing
President Arafat and the people of Palestine success in
their endeavours to find a peaceful solution to this
long-standing conflict.
Now that the Non-Aligned Movement has
actually visited Palestine and has seen for itself the
situation on the ground, its sense of urgency is even
greater. The Non-Aligned Movement remains
convinced that something will have to be done about
restarting peace negotiations in the Middle East, or the
world will risk a regional conflagration with potentially
devastating consequences.
As the Council is aware, the Israeli Army has
once again attacked the headquarters of the Palestinian
Authority in Ramallah, directly endangering the life of
President Arafat in the process. The fact that the Israeli
Army enters and leaves Palestinian cities and refugee
camps should be an even greater cause for alarm. The
reason is that the Israeli Army believes that by
maintaining a quiet siege of the Palestinian territories,
it can fool the international community into believing
that the situation is actually improving. In actual
practice, Israel has long since carved the occupied
territories into a series of bantustans, has forced the
closure of offices of foreign representatives in
Ramallah, and has barred diplomats and journalists
from access to a number of sites in the West Bank and
the Gaza Strip.
The ongoing military incursions, curfews and
blockades serve only to deepen the humanitarian crisis
and to paralyse the already devastated Palestinian
economy. Those violent actions, therefore, inevitably
generate further frustration, desperation and violence.
The time has come for Israel, the occupying Power, to
acknowledge that the legitimate aspirations of the
Palestinian people for self-determination cannot be
thwarted by military might or by attacks on their
legitimately elected leader.
We fail to see how the Palestinian Authority can
be expected to implement effective reforms and to
establish conditions of common security if the Security
Council does nothing to prevent the wholesale
destruction of the Palestinian Government's
institutions. We therefore call on the Council to take
action immediately to ensure full compliance with its
resolutions, particularly resolutions 1402 (2002) and
1403 (2003).
Perhaps even more importantly, the Council
should seriously consider visiting Palestine, as the
Non-Aligned Movement has already done. The Council
should speak to people on the ground and assess the
situation for itself, as the Movement has done.
Otherwise, the world will always conclude that the
Council will remain idle while Israel pursues the
hopeless task of trying to guarantee security by
perpetrating illegal acts of collective punishment
against a civilian population. All acts of violence
against innocent civilians, whether they are Israeli or
Palestinian civilians, should be condemned, regardless
of who perpetrates them.
The Non-Aligned Movement wishes to reaffirm
once more its principal position that Israel's security
and peace in the Middle East will not be achieved until
the people of Palestine have a State of their own with
East Jerusalem as its capital.
The President (spoke in Arabic): I thank the
representative of South Africa for his kind words
addressed to me.
The next speaker inscribed on my list is the
representative of Tunisia. I invite him to take a seat at
the Council table and to make his statement.
Mr. Mejdoub (Tunisia) (spoke in Arabic): I
should like to congratulate you, Sir, and sisterly Syria
on assuming the presidency of the Security Council.
We have every confidence in your abilities and in the
success of your presidency.
There was every reason to call for the convening
of this open Security Council meeting on the question
of Palestine to follow the development of events and
incidents in the Palestinian territories, which we
believe must be perceived primarily as an issue of
occupation. Addressing that issue requires, on the one
hand, a political vision and, on the other, the dispatch
of a neutral international third party.
First, this question must be considered primarily
as an issue of occupation, with all its attendant
practices, including the suppression of rights. It is the
last remaining situation of occupation faced by the
international community. The reason for that situation
is the occupier's rejection of the international will, of
Security Council resolutions and of all other
international instruments and agreements, in particular
those pertaining to occupation and its practices.
In our view, and in the view of the entire
international community, the most important reason for
this impasse is the Council's inability to deter the
occupier and, by the means provided under the
provisions of the Charter, to compel it to respect the
resolutions of international legitimacy. We have come
up against that fact again and again in the Council. The
occupying Power continues to defy all international
norms, while the Council regrettably remains a
prisoner to a lack of the necessary political will. That,
in turn, has freed Israel from responsibility and
accountability under international norms and the texts
and instruments of the United Nations itself, in
particular those ofthe Council.
Secondly, in the light of the representative of
Israel's statement this morning, we believe that to
consider the question of Palestine from the perspective
of the Palestinian people's reactions to the practices of
occupation on the one hand and the occupying Power's
escalation of those practices in response on the other
distracts us from the core of the question and its
political foundations. The issue is one of occupation,
and all occupations generate legitimate resistance until
they are brought to an end.
In the absence of a political vision for the
resolution of the question of Palestine, how can we not
expect the Palestinian people to reject occupation as a
permanent situation and its practices as natural?
Indeed, no actions to resist occupation took place
following the Madrid and Oslo conferences, because
the Palestinian people had pinned all their hopes and
expectations on peace treaties that they expected would
lead to a just, lasting and comprehensive political
settlement of the question of Palestine.
However, without any light at the end of the
political tunnel, as is the case now, it is pointless for
any political or military authority, however influential,
to wager continually on the security option alone in the
absence of a political vision to resolve the question.
One need only read the op-ed article written by
the head of the Israeli Government that appeared last
Sunday in a United States newspaper to see that the
Israeli Government has no intention of opening up the
political horizon.
Thirdly, the only solution lies in opening up the
political horizon, so that all parties can enjoy their
rights and abide by their obligations. The role of the
international community in this respect is to
internationalize the settlement through an international
peace conference encompassing all positive ideas,
views and initiatives. Such a conference should be
based on previous agreed frameworks, in order to
realize the vision of two independent States coexisting
within secure international borders, in keeping with the
decisions of the international community and the
resolutions ofthe Security Council.
Fourthly, along with a political vision, there must
be a neutral third party on the ground to serve as a
deterrent and as a security guarantee to all parties, in
order to put an end to the cycle of action and reaction.
In this regard, it would be sufficient to follow up
on the proposal made by the Secretary-General to set
up a multinational force to separate the two sides, with
a view to ensuring their security. Indeed, that security
will never be guaranteed by the policy of fragmenting
Palestinian territories - separating Palestinian lands
and isolating them from each other - or by besieging
the Palestinian people, restricting their movement and
stifling their economy.
The situation today requires that we keep an open
mind and deal with the political and humanitarian
realities in all their dimensions, both present and
future, in order to save the entire region from an
unknown and potentially dangerous fate. In the context
of the current delicate international situation, this
requires that all of us be level-headed and that we look
to the future from the perspective not of narrow
interests but of peaceful coexistence among States,
nations and civilizations.
The President (spoke in Arabic): I thank the
representative of Tunisia for the kind words he
addressed to me.
The next speaker on my list is Mr. Papa Louis
Fall, Chairman ofthe Committee on the Exercise ofthe
Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People, to whom
the Security Council addressed an invitation under rule
39 of its provisional rules of procedure. I invite him to
take a seat at the Council table and to make his
statement.
Mr. Fall (Senegal), Chairman of the Committee
on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the
Palestinian People: First of all, Mr. President, allow me
to congratulate you warmly on your assumption of the
presidency of the Security Council for the month of
June. I am confident that under your able leadership the
work of the Council will be carried out in a
constructive and efficient manner. I also wish to take
this opportunity to congratulate your talented
predecessor, Ambassador Mahbubani, Permanent
Representative of the Republic of Singapore to the
United Nations, on the exemplary manner in which he
steered the work of the Council during the month of
May.
I am grateful to you and to your esteemed
colleagues on the Council for having given me once
again the opportunity to address the Council in my
capacity as Chairman ofthe Committee on the Exercise
ofthe Inalienable Rights ofthe Palestinian People.
(spoke in French)
I should like to take this opportunity, through
you, Mr. President, to ask the representative of Guinea
to please convey our heartfelt congratulations to
Ambassador Francois Fall on his well-deserved
promotion to the distinguished post of Minister for
Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Guinea. We extend
to him our best wishes for every success in the mission
he will be carrying out in the service of his country's
diplomacy.
(spoke in English)
In recent days, it has become ever clearer,
according to most observers, that the occupying
Power-Israel-under the Government of Prime
Minister Sharon, is apparently intent on destroying the
Palestinian Authority, the entire framework of the
peace process and the prospect for the resumption of a
meaningful political dialogue for peace in the region.
Our Committee has also been very disturbed by
the situation in Ramallah. Although it appears that the
Israeli troops have, for now, pulled out of the city,
because of the siege, closures and harsh restrictions on
movement, the new Palestinian Cabinet has been
unable to meet for the past three days. The little good
news that there is, is that, following the Israeli
withdrawal, the Cabinet finally met for the first time
earlier today. Other Palestinian towns, both in the West
Bank and in the Gaza Strip, are also suffering under
continuous closures and regular incursions. The
extrajudicial detention and killing of civilians
continues on a daily basis, as do illegal settlement
activities.
In the face of all this, the Israeli Prime Minister
insists on commanding the moral high ground and on
unilaterally dictating the terms of settlement of the
conflict. It appears that an attempt is being made to
reinterpret Security Council resolutions, in particular
resolution 242 (1967), and the principle of land for
peace, so that they will suit Israeli goals with a long-
term interim arrangement, which is mentioned as the
maximum the Palestinians can get and can expect. This
certainly has nothing to do with a comprehensive, just
and lasting settlement of the question of Palestine, and
it sets a very dangerous precedent of distorting the
intention of the international community and the
decisions of its deliberative organs to serve one's own
ends. What the occupying Power is trying to do is
unacceptable and should be condemned as such in no
unclear terms by the international community and by
this body.
To what extent can the Council tolerate the
contempt with which its resolutions, including
resolutions 1402 (2002), 1403 (2002) and 1405 (2002),
are treated by the Israeli Government? To what extent
can all norms of international legitimacy, such as those
enshrined in the Fourth Geneva Convention, be flouted
by any particular State? The Council should seriously
ponder this, and it should ponder the impact of its
prolonged inaction on its own credibility and on that of
our Organization as a whole. What is needed most of
all is a clear framework for the immediate resumption
of negotiations between the parties, with the active
involvement of the international community and within
a specific time frame.
Negotiations have to take place between the
parties, but they cannot start from zero or from
nowhere, and they cannot be highjacked by the
occupying Power, which has the military upper hand
and wants to dictate the terms. As members of the
Council know, there is a clear outline of the final
settlement, consisting of Security Council resolutions
242 (1967), 338 (1973) and 1397 (2002), as well as
other resolutions and decisions of representative organs
of the international community. Within this framework
the parties should be invited to negotiate on specific
issues, such as alteration of the 1967 borders and
options for refugee repatriation. A party refusing to
participate in this process, or attempting to stall or
undermine it, should, from the start, be warned of
severe consequences. The Arab peace initiative
adopted at the Beirut Summit last March has gone a
long way in the right direction. Our Committee thinks
that Israel has to reciprocate without any further delay,
without any attempts at occlusion and without any
preconditions and demands. The leadership of all sides
should face their responsibilities.
Before concluding, let me return briefly to the
issue of attacks on innocent civilians to say once again
that our Committee joins the world community in
strongly condemning such acts, irrespective of their
provenance, irrespective of the circumstances and
irrespective ofthe motivation ofthe perpetrators.
The international community has unanimously
agreed that the State of Palestine has to be established
and that it must coexist in peace with the State of
Israel. Mere visions of that desired outcome are not
sufficient. The suffering of the Palestinian people
should not be allowed to last much longer. Those
visions have to become a reality as a matter of urgency,
and the Council has a historic responsibility to clear the
way and oversee the process to that end. Our
Committee looks forward to prompt and decisive
action by the Council.
The President (spoke in Arabic): I thank Mr. Fall
for his kind words addressed to me.
Mr. Koonjul (Mauritius): The Council is again
meeting today to discuss the situation in the Middle
East, as a result of the latest incursions by Israel in the
occupied territories, particularly in Ramallah, the very
seat of the Palestinian leadership. Just like the
unending cycle of violence that has plagued the Middle
East, it seems that the Council itself is getting drawn in
a logic of action and reaction without being able to do
anything concrete that will end the violence and bring a
lasting solution to the Middle East problem. Indeed, in
the last few months the Council has met on numerous
occasions, each time because the situation on the
ground had become so grave and serious that the spill-
over effects could have had tremendous consequences
both to the peace process and to stability in the region.
On some occasions, the Council has even adopted what
could be termed as important resolutions, but each one
of them has remained a dead letter and has been
completely ignored by the party concerned.
The question that we should be asking ourselves
today is whether the Council can continue in this logic
without being able to ensure that its resolutions and
recommendations are fully enforced. Or is it time for it
to stop being reactive and seriously to address the root
cause of the problem and come up with appropriate
solutions? By taking this approach my delegation does
not mean to undermine what is currently taking place
in the occupied Palestinian territory or in Israel. We
believe that the situation is indeed very serious, and we
condemn the latest incursions by Israeli forces into
Ramallah. We consider those incursions totally
inadmissible. We equally condemn the attacks
perpetrated on Israeli civilians by the suicide bombers.
We believe that such actions on both sides are counter-
productive and will only make the resumption of
dialogue and negotiations between the two parties more
difficult.
We are also extremely sympathetic with regard to
the plight of the Palestinians, who are subjected to
atrocities of all kinds during such incursions. As an
expression of support to, and solidarity with Chairman
Arafat and the Palestinian people, a delegation of the
Non-Aligned Movement led by the South African
Foreign Minister, Ms. Zuma, and comprising, among
others, the Foreign Minister of Mauritius, visited
Ramallah earlier this month. Ambassador Kumalo of
South Africa provided the Council with a report of that
visit earlier, and we would like to associate ourselves
fully with his statement.
Peace cannot be achieved in the Middle East until
there is genuine commitment by the parties involved to
take forward the various plans and initiatives that have
recently been proposed. Along with the commitment of
the two parties, there is also an important role for the
international community to play in order to bring both
sides to the negotiating table.
On the Palestinian side, the announcement by
Chairman Arafat that major reforms would be
undertaken within the Authority and that presidential
elections would be held by the end of this year or early
next year is a major step forward. We welcome such a
development and we urge the international community
to give its full support and assistance in order to enable
Chairman Arafat to concretize those reforms.
On the Israeli side, we urge Prime Minister
Sharon to reciprocate the steps announced by Chairman
Arafat and to take concrete action on the ground to
demonstrate his willingness to make peace. In that
regard, automatic retaliations involving Israeli forces
after each terrorist attack will not help the ongoing
peace process. Nor will the continuation of Israeli
settlements in the occupied territories. In the last 18
months of Mr. Sharon's premiership, there has been a
40 per cent increase in such settlements. This seriously
undermines the confidence-building measures which
are so crucial for resumption of constructive dialogue
and negotiations.
It is also important that Israel refrain from
attacking the Palestinian leadership and the Palestinian
Authority, especially if it wants the Authority to
effectively clamp down on suicide bombers. It is
illogical to conceive of a situation where a weakened
and dismantled Authority can exercise control over
such elements. In fact, each time there has been an
attack on Chairman Arafat's headquarters, suicide
attacks have followed.
As regards the international community, while we
support the efforts of Washington and the "quartet", it
is essential that their combined efforts be aimed at
bringing a ray of hope, so that the Palestinian people
can expect to have a homeland of their own. The
creation of a Palestinian State with boundaries which
will ensure the security of the Israeli State seems to be
the only outcome which can bring peace and stability
to the region. It is therefore important that the efforts
of the international community be focused on that
outcome.
It is equally important that the international
community help rebuild the Palestinian infrastructure,
which has been almost completely destroyed by
violence on the ground and by indiscriminate and
disproportionate Israeli military action. Likewise, the
Palestinian security structure needs to be rebuilt in
order for it to be effectively in control of the situation
on the ground.
The whole world is eagerly looking towards the
Middle East peace conference announced by the
"quartet" last month. We believe that the conference
should seriously consider the proposal of Saudi Crown
Prince Abdullah, which was endorsed by Arab leaders
at the Beirut Summit. Let us ensure that the conference
not fail and, more importantly, that it not fail the
people of the Middle East.
Mr. Cunningham (United States of America):
We are deeply troubled by ongoing violence in the
Middle East, including most recently Tuesday's suicide
bombing in Herzliya, which killed an Israeli girl, and
yesterday's shooting death of a Palestinian boy in Gaza
in an exchange of gunfire between Palestinian gunmen
and the Israeli army. The conflict is exacting a
devastating daily toll on Israelis and Palestinians.
Our message to both parties has been clear and
consistent. It is essential that both sides, Israel and the
Palestinians, consider the repercussions of any action
they take today for the broader goal of achieving peace
tomorrow.
Chairman Arafat and other Palestinian leaders
must speak clearly to their people and tell them that
terror and violence cannot help the Palestinians achieve
their national aspirations. They must move decisively
to confront terror and violence, as demanded in
resolutions 1397 (2002) and 1402 (2002).
Condemnations of terror with caveats are not enough.
These do not ease the fears of ordinary Israelis, nor do
they dissuade the misguided would-be bombers from
their deadly missions.
In 2002 alone, there have been at least 23 suicide
bombings, in which 130 Israelis were killed and more
than 1,000 wounded. There can be no defence for the
intentional killing of civilians or support for those who
engage in terrorist bombings, which are proscribed by
international humanitarian law, including recent United
Nations conventions and Security Council decisions.
These attacks in reality set back the Palestinian
people's effort to attain their national aspirations and
create security conditions that make it much more
difficult for Israel to ease its policy of tight closures
around Palestinian areas.
We need to speak plainly. Safe haven for those
who finance, plan, support or commit terrorist acts
must end. That is a Chapter-VII decision of the
Security Council in resolution 1373 (2001). Only last
week, the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, from its
headquarters in Damascus, claimed credit for the
horrific car-bomb attack on a public bus in Israel that
killed 17 and wounded 30. This was an act of terror. It
was not resistance. It was not martyrdom. It must be
condemned, and those responsible must be brought to
justice. Those who harbour the people ordering such
acts of terror, wherever they are, are under an
obligation from the Council to take action against
them.
We continue to recognize Israel's right to self-
defence, but both Israel and the Palestinian Authority
have to do all they can to create and sustain an
environment for political progress. That means
following the path set out in the recent resolutions of
the Council. For Israel, that includes easing of closures
and lifting restrictions that impede the access of United
Nations and humanitarian organizations to the
Palestinian civilian population in need of assistance, as
called for in Security Council resolution 1405 (2002).
We believe that there is an opportunity to turn the
current situation around, and we call on both parties to
build on the diplomatic momentum President Bush has
generated. President Bush has met with key regional
leaders, most recently with Egyptian President
Mubarak and Israeli Prime Minister Sharon. President
Bush raised with Prime Minister Sharon the need to
ease the lives of ordinary Palestinians, who have seen
their economic prospects plummet over the course of
the conflict. Today, President Bush met with Saudi
Foreign Minister Prince Saud al-Faisal, and tomorrow
Secretary of State Powell and National Security
Adviser Rice will meet with Mr. Nabil Shaath of the
Palestinian Authority. On Friday, the United States will
also host a meeting of the "quartet" envoys. We are
using these intensive discussions to try to open the
door to movement away from terror and violence and
back to the negotiating table. That includes the holding
of a ministerial-level meeting this summer.
President Bush has outlined the main elements of
our strategy. The first is establishing effective
Palestinian security performance. The second is
renewing a serious political process that aims at a two-
State solution and that brings hope to Palestinians and
Israelis alike. The third is responding to humanitarian
needs and building strong, responsible Palestinian
Authority institutions in preparations for statehood. On
this last point, we have seen some positive steps. More
important, we see a strong Palestinian voice calling for
reform. This is their initiative.
The three-part strategy that I just laid out has
been endorsed by the "quartet" and many other
members of the international community. It is as clear
to us now as ever that progress must be made on all of
these three tracks concurrently if there is to be hope for
a truly lasting peace. That peace must include two
States, Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace
and security within recognized borders.
At what can hopefully become a turning point in
this conflict, all the members ofthe Council and indeed
the entire international community must look for
constructive things to do and say that will help the
parties get back on the path that ends in a just,
comprehensive and lasting peace. That is our goal.
The President (spoke in Arabic): The next
speaker on my list is the representative of Jordan. I
invite him to take a seat at the Council table and to
make his statement.
Prince Zeid Ra'ad Zeid Al-Hussein (Jordan) (spoke in Arabic): At the outset, I would like to
congratulate you Sir, and sisterly Syria on your
assumption of the presidency of the Security Council
for this month and wish you every success in
discharging the task with which you have been
entrusted. We have every confidence in your ability to
fulfil your responsibilities.
I would also like to thank the Permanent
Representative of Singapore, Ambassador Kishore
Mahbubani, for his efforts as President of the Council
during the month of May.
Since 29 March this year, the Israeli military
operations in the territories of the Palestinian National
Authority have continued without interruption, despite
the numerous Security Council resolutions, presidential
statements and statements to the press calling on Israel
to withdraw immediately from the cities, villages and
areas it has recently reoccupied. The Israeli
Government continues to refuse to implement those
resolutions, opposing the will of the Council on various
pretexts and continuing its siege of the Palestinian
people and their legitimate and democratically elected
leadership.
Moreover, the Security Council has demonstrated
its inability to react to the situation and to pressure
Israel to implement its obligations under those
resolutions. This unique situation in the Security
Council has thus encouraged Israel to continue its acts
of violence and destruction, its dismantling of the
Palestinian National Authority and its targeting and
terrorizing of Palestinian civilians - actions that are
intended to achieve strategic goals and create new facts
on the ground leading to the abrogation of the
legitimate Palestinian right to self-determination and to
the establishment of an independent State, with East
Jerusalem as its capital.
The recent developments - and any acceptance
of the policies and situation on the ground that the
Israeli Government is trying to establish - represent a
dangerous setback for the prospects of peace in the
region. In this context, the op-ed piece by the Prime
Minister of Israel, Mr. Sharon, in The New York Times,
offered a twisted legal interpretation of Council
resolution 242 (1967). In writing such an opinion,
Prime Minister Sharon seemed to have forgotten that
resolution 242 (1967) and subsequent relevant
resolutions of the Council all emphasized the
inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force,
and declared the territories seized by Israel in June
1967 to be occupied territories. Such statements, which
are encouraged by the silence of the international
community and the inability of the Security Council to
react, are destroying the key pillar of the Middle East
peace process: the principle of land for peace. They
also represent a flat-out rejection of the peace initiative
adopted at the recent Arab Summit held in Beirut.
The resumption of the peace process, together
with Israel's implementation of the relevant Security
Council resolutions and its respect for the legitimate
Palestinian leadership and willingness to work with it,
would be guarantees of peace and security for Israel.
Such guarantees can never be achieved through a war
of aggression or by committing war crimes against
Palestinian civilians, including attempts to forcefully
transfer the population outside the occupied territories
by intensifying the military and economic blockade
there. Furthermore, suicide bombings cannot be
combated by destroying the security apparatus of the
Palestinian National Authority.
In this regard, the Government of Jordan, which
condemns the suicide bombings committed in Israel
against Israeli civilians, would like to draw the
attention of the Israeli Government to the fact that its
military operations against the Palestinians and their
leadership have failed to end the bombings. Thus, it
should explore the option of ending its military
operations and returning to the negotiating table in
order to put an end to the suicide bombings.
In conclusion, the Government of Jordan calls on
the Security Council to assume its responsibilities with
regard to Israel's refusal to fulfil its obligations under
the provisions of the relevant Security Council
resolutions. Furthermore, it encourages the "quartet" to
take effective measures against the imposition of a fait
accompli, which would write off the peace process in
the region. As a first step, those who are actively
involved in the peace process should establish a
timetable for the creation of a Palestinian State on the
territories occupied in 1967, including East Jerusalem.
The President (spoke in Arabic): The next
speaker inscribed on my list is the representative of the
Sudan. I invite him to take a seat at the Council table
and to make his statement.
Mr. Erwa (Sudan) (spoke in Arabic): I should
like at the outset to express my great pleasure at seeing
you, Sir, the representative of the sisterly country
Syria, presiding over the Security Council this month.
It is a responsibility with which the international
community has entrusted Syria in appreciation of its
efforts and its continual quest for international peace
and security.
I should also like to take this opportunity to pay
tribute to Mr. Kishore Mahbubani, Permanent
Representative of Singapore, and his delegation, for the
way in which Singapore presided over the Council last
month.
I apologize for the fact that I do not have a
written statement. I should like simply to make several
brief comments.
In the past few months, we have attended many
Security Council meetings dealing with the same
question, but nothing ever changes. There is merely a
further insistence by Israel on violating the decisions of
international legitimacy, further oppression of the
Palestinian people, continued siege of the Palestinian
people and the Palestinian Authority, and an ongoing
policy of occupation of Palestinian land.
Indeed, the only variable is that every day we
hear of new acts of aggression perpetrated by Israel.
The constant is the crisis in international
conscience as the world witnesses the injustice meted
out to the occupied Palestinian people at the hands of
an occupying Power, recognized as such by the entire
international community. The world stands idly by and
watches the oppression of a people, its women and
children, without raising a finger. That represents a true
crisis of conscience.
Another constant referred to by many speakers is
the Security Council's utter inability to assume its
responsibilities vis-a-vis this issue and to stand up to
Israeli arrogance, rejection of international resolutions
and contempt for the international community. This
attitude began with the adoption of a resolution by the
Security Council over 35 years ago. Resolution 242
(1967) remains a dead letter. After 35 years, the
international community is still unable to ensure the
implementation of one of its resolutions on the Middle
East while a country is under siege. I shall not even
address all the other resolutions adopted subsequently,
such as resolutions 1402 (2002), 1403 (2002) and 1405
(2002). Perhaps we shall reach the magic number of
5000 at some point. That is another constant - the
first being the crisis of conscience and the second the
Security Council's inability to act.
What is sad is that we speak of an occupying
Power's "right of self-defence". From the very outset,
the issue has been one of occupation and the usurpation
of a people's rights. How can one speak of the right of
self-defence against a people whose land is occupied,
whose rights are suppressed and whose daily life is
oppressed? We remind the Israeli Government and
those who choose to encourage it that siege, daily
killings and the military option will never obtain the
peace that Israel desires.
Israel has made the existence of the Palestinian
people a living hell. Death might be preferable. Does
Israel expect security from such injustice? Security
comes only with justice, peace and a peaceful
settlement. It will not be obtained through ongoing
injustice, which generates only more violence and
hatred on both sides. Innocent blood has been shed on
both sides. Responsibility lies at the feet of the Israeli
Government, the occupying, usurping Power that
continues to displace, kill and strangle Palestinian
people.
Despite our disappointment at the Council's
idleness and inability to act, we continue to come and
to make our statements in order to place that impotence
on record. The time has come for the Security Council
to shoulder its responsibilities for the maintenance of
peace. It must let the world know that no country is
above the law. That alone will obtain international
peace and security.
The President (spoke in Arabic): I thank the
representative of the Sudan for his kind words
addressed to me.
The next speaker on my list is the representative
of Spain. I invite him to take a seat at the Council table
and to make his statement.
Mr. Arias (Spain) (spoke in Spanish): I have the
honour to speak on behalf of the European Union.
Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary,
Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and
Slovenia; Cyprus, Malta and Turkey; and Iceland and
Liechtenstein align themselves with this statement.
In the face of continued violence in the Middle
East, it is essential to redouble efforts to achieve a
peaceful and comprehensive political solution to this
conflict. It is clear that this highly volatile situation
will not be resolved via the current mindset in which
the leaders of both parties are now locked. Violence
only breeds more violence. Peace and security will be
achieved only through negotiations that should start as
soon as possible.
The "quartet" of special envoys is meeting
tomorrow, Friday, in Washington, D.C., and days later
at the highest level at the margins of the G-8 summit in
Canada. As a member of the "quartet", the European
Union is currently working towards the soonest
possible convening of an international peace
conference involving not only the parties, but the
international and regional players, and aimed at
achieving concrete results on the political, security and
economic aspects with a well-defined timetable,
providing a credible political perspective and a
definitive settlement of the conflict. In particular, an
immediate resumption of political negotiations and of
cooperation in security matters will be essential, along
with the reconstruction of the infrastructure of the
Palestinian Authority, restoring its governance.
International support for reconstruction and reform, a
negotiating and international follow-up mechanism and
the establishment of a mechanism to observe and
monitor the situation on the ground are equally
essential.
We reiterate the shared vision and final goal of
the international community of two States in the
region- a democratic, viable and independent
Palestine living side by side with Israel within secure
and internationally recognized borders. The political
roadmap is clear and based on Security Council
resolutions 242 (1967), 338 (1973) and 1397 (2002),
the principles of Madrid and Oslo and subsequent
agreements between the parties, as well as on the Arab
League peace initiative.
We are convinced that a full and immediate
implementation of Security Council resolutions 1402
(2002)and 1403 (2002) - in particular, an immediate
cessation of violence, a meaningful ceasefire and the
definitive withdrawal of Israeli troops from all areas
under the control of the Palestinian Authority - are
essential. We deeply regret that these and other
Security Council resolutions on this issue continue to
be utterly ignored or selectively interpreted and
partially implemented.
As it has done for other criminal acts perpetrated
in the past, the European Union condemns the latest
terror attacks in Israel in the strongest possible terms.
Suicide attacks against and killings of Israeli civilians
have continued. These acts are morally repugnant,
contrary to international law and extremely harmful to
the national aspirations of the Palestinian people. We
welcome the fact that President Arafat and the
Palestinian Authority have repeatedly rejected and
condemned these terror attacks. We urge them both, as
legitimate representatives of the Palestinian people, to
make every possible effort to prevent such acts, disrupt
all terrorist networks and undertake more determined
action against terrorism. We underline the need to bring
the perpetrators of these criminal acts to justice.
Israeli forces are moving freely throughout
Palestinian-controlled territory, attacking towns and
arresting and killing suspected militants. Palestinian
cities are besieged and sealed off by the Israeli military
forces. The West Bank is divided into several separate
and disconnected population centres. There seems to be
no distinction between area A and area B. That is
totally unacceptable and constitutes a flagrant violation
of the Oslo Accords and subsequent agreements
between the parties. Israel has a legitimate right to
fight terrorism, but not at the expense of international
law by imposing collective punishment on 3.5 million
Palestinians, who are imprisoned in their own cities
and towns.
Israel must immediately cease these activities and
allow the Palestinian Authority to fulfil its security
commitments and to halt the rapid deterioration of the
Palestinian economy. We view with great concern the
closures established by the Israeli Authorities - which
create separated zones around the major cities in the
West Bank, cutting them off from one another - as
well as other measures to tighten further existing
restrictions on the movement of people and goods. We
call upon Israel to renounce such measures.
Furthermore, the expansion of settlements proceeds
unabated as does the destruction of Palestinian land
and private property. The Palestinian population living
in the Gaza Strip is facing a similar situation. The
European Union considers that all the settlements are
illegal and an obstacle to peace.
The unbearable military pressure on Palestinian
society only aggravates the feelings of frustration,
hopelessness and hatred while failing to achieve long-
term security for Israel. The current restrictions have
already had a devastating effect on the living
conditions of the Palestinians. Additional measures
will further deteriorate the economy, ruining the
Palestinian private sector and seriously hindering any
implementation of reforms.
Israeli military operations since 29 March have
also severely damaged and seriously disrupted the
work of the Palestinian civil administration. As well,
Palestinian security organs and their infrastructure have
suffered considerable damage, including the death or
detention of personnel. This virtual paralysis of
Palestinian security in the West Bank has created an
unpredictable and even more fragmented political
environment in the West Bank, posing an even greater
security risk for Israel. The European Union is also
concerned by reports of unexploded ordnance and
explosive devices left behind after the military
campaign and by the risks they hold for the civilian
population.
There is broad consensus on the urgent need to
re-organize the Palestinian security services in a more
effective and coherent manner. The European Union
welcomes and encourages the discussions under way
on political, security and financial reforms in the
Palestinian Authority. We welcome the new Palestinian
Government and the announcement of elections by
Chairman Arafat and the Palestinian Legislative
Council. In this regard, we call on Israel to foster an
environment conducive to reform, in particular by
easing restrictions on the movement of people and
goods. Ending the violence and the military occupation
will create a climate better suited to organizing and
holding democratic, fair and transparent elections in
the territories. However, we consider completely
counterproductive and unrealistic any attempt to make
the reform of Palestinian institutions a precondition for
resuming political negotiations.
We reiterate our concern at the tragic
humanitarian situation in the Palestinian territories
exacerbated by the continuing restrictions imposed by
Israel on the freedom of movement of humanitarian
organizations. International agencies and organizations
continue to be subjected to a series of restrictions on
the movement of their personnel, vehicles and supplies.
We note with concern efforts to impose restrictions on
the freedom of movement of diplomatic and consular
representatives by means of security checks. We
consider such practices to be a violation of the Vienna
Convention on Diplomatic Relations.
Any effort to assist the Palestinians with
reconstruction and reform or with elections will require
the full and committed cooperation of Israel, in
particular by providing guarantees that the results of
the reconstruction efforts will not be damaged or
destroyed again. In that regard, the European Union
reserves the right to claim reparations in the
appropriate forums.
The European Union affirms its intention to
preserve, strengthen and assist the Palestinian
Authority through efforts to rebuild its infrastructure
and its security and governance capacity, while
supporting reforms and the creation of democratic
institutions.
Mr. Boubacar Diallo (Guinea) (spoke in French): Before addressing the subject that brings us
here today, allow me, Mr. President, to thank the
Permanent Representative of Senegal for his warm
congratulations, his words of praise and his wishes for
success addressed to His Excellency Mr. Francois Fall,
who was recently promoted to the post of Minister for
Foreign Affairs and Cooperation of the Republic of
Guinea. I would like to assure him that his brotherly
message will be fully and faithfully passed on.
After a brief period of calm, which gave us a
glimmer of hope, the Middle East region has
unfortunately sunk once again into the habitual cycle of
violence that we have known for so long.
In recent days, we have witnessed, on the one
hand, a resumption of suicide bombing attacks on
Israeli targets and, on the other, the forcible
reoccupation of Palestinian cities. This phenomenon,
driven by the reciprocal desire for revenge, is
undoubtedly a sign of a resurgence of the old demons
of hatred and misunderstanding.
Faced with this new escalation, the Security
Council, the guardian of peace, must urgently assume
its rightful responsibilities in order to prevent a deadly
war and, beyond that, a destabilization ofthe region.
This is the time to stress the need for the
international community to give greater consideration
to what it must do to cause the Israeli and Palestinian
parties to exercise more restraint and to make them
understand, once and for all, that peace cannot take
root in the soil of suspicion and resentment.
The parties, rather than holding tenaciously to
rigid and intransigent positions, should envisage their
relations from a broad, political viewpoint combining
the desire for security and the right to existence.
Therefore, beyond the need to implement Council
resolutions, and distancing ourselves from the
customary rhetoric, it is up to us to explore together
new, bolder, consensual ways to remove the Israeli and
Palestinian peoples from the storm in which they have
been immersed for decades.
In this context, my delegation welcomes and
encourages the efforts of the "quartet", of the G-8 and
of other influential actors of the international
community to bring the protagonists to reason and thus
to create a peaceful climate favourable to the
resumption of negotiations - the only way to a fair
and lasting peace.
We are convinced that those efforts, combined
with a regional dynamic in which all concerned parties
without exception should participate, would ease
tensions, rekindle the flame of hope and create a space
of understanding and harmony benefiting the Middle
East as a whole.
Mr. Eldon (United Kingdom): I can be brief, not
least because the representative of Spain has just made
a statement on behalf of the members of the European
Union.
Like everyone who has spoken today, the United
Kingdom remains very concerned about the situation in
the region. It is imperative that we break the cycle of
violence. Both sides have their contribution to make to
that end. Both parties must implement recent United
Nations Security Council resolutions, including the
provisions for ceasefire and withdrawal, and resume
the negotiations based on the Council's vision of a two-
State solution set out in Security Council resolution
1397 (2002).
The international focus now should be on renewal
of a political process leading to a comprehensive
settlement. We support the idea of an international
conference covering security, economic and political
issues in parallel.
The United Kingdom remains actively engaged.
In recent days, Prime Minister Blair has met President
Mubarak, United States Defense Secretary Rumsfeld
and Prime Minister Sharon and he has spoken with
King Abdullah. Mr. Blair will meet Prime Minister
Hariri next week.
Both parties have responsibilities. The Palestinian
Authority must do more to prevent terrorist attacks.
Reforms of the Palestinian Authority's security,
economic and administrative sectors are essential. We
welcome the Palestinian Authority Cabinet reshuffle on
10 June as the beginning of this process. We hope the
new Cabinet will be able to get down to work quickly.
But, progress on reform and security cannot be
sustained without giving Palestinians real hope for a
political process leading to a settlement that addresses
their legitimate aspirations, both political and
economic. Israeli cantonization of the West Bank feeds
despair, poverty and extremism, and undermines the
Palestinian Authority's security infrastructure.
Settlement growth, for example, new construction in
Jebel Mukabar and the expansion of Ma'ale Adumim
strengthens the hand of those who argue that the Israeli
Government is not seriously committed to land for
peace. We welcome yesterday's Israeli withdrawal
from Ramallah, but such incursions are
counterproductive and must end.
There is broad consensus in the Council on the
shape of a final settlement. Currently, many diplomatic
efforts, including tomorrow's "quartet" meeting in
Washington, are under way with the aim of achieving
such an outcome. A key priority now must be to
preserve Council unity so that the Council can play an
effective role in helping to make a settlement happen.
The President (spoke in Arabic): The next
speaker inscribed on my list is the representative of the
State of Kuwait. I invite him to take a seat at the
Council table and to make his statement.
Mr. Al-Otaibi (Kuwait) (spoke in Arabic): It is
an honour to see you, Sir, presiding over the work of
the Council for this month, especially as you represent
the fraternal country Syria, with which we have close
ties. We are fully confident that the outstanding efforts
you and your delegation have made during your
presidency of the Council will be successful because of
your wisdom and efficiency. I also wish to pay tribute
to your predecessor, the representative of Singapore,
for the wise manner in which he conducted the work of
the Council last month.
It is very unfortunate that repeated violations of
international humanitarian law and inhumane acts
continue to be carried out by the Israeli Government
against the Palestinian people in the occupied
territories, despite international efforts made during a
very dangerous period in the Middle East under very
difficult and serious international conditions.
Kuwait strongly condemns the arbitrary Israeli
policies and practices against the Palestinian people
and its legitimate leadership, including the
reoccupation by Israeli forces last week of some
Palestinian towns, particularly Ramallah, the
perpetration of terrible, violent acts that have included
striking the presidential headquarters of the Palestinian
Authority, as well as terrifying civilians and laying
siege to them.
What is perhaps dangerous and must be
confronted is the fact that the Israeli Government has
been applying measures it applied before 1993 to lay
siege to the Palestinian territory and subject it to the
Israeli civilian administration. That has given the clear
message to the international community that Israel is
not committed to any agreement it previously signed
with the Palestinian Authority within the framework of
the peace process, including the Oslo agreement. That
is a very frustrating matter and is an obvious retreat
from the peace option that the Arab countries and the
international community have chosen.
Perhaps what Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon
stated in a New York Times op-ed article a few days
ago, namely that he would not withdraw to the 1967
borders, that there would not be a settlement on
Jerusalem now and that the only option for reaching a
settlement now is a long-term temporary agreement,
will delay reaching a final settlement. This is a very
dangerous situation that leads to continued violence,
the deterioration of the security situation and the
suffering of the Palestinian people, who are living
under difficult economic conditions. They need now,
more than ever, the support of the international
community to rebuild what has been destroyed by the
Israeli military apparatus.
Kuwait renews its call to the Security Council to
assume its responsibilities, condemn Israeli behaviour
and take practical steps quickly to ensure that it
implements its resolutions, particularly the recently
adopted resolutions 1397 (2002), 1402 (2002), 1403
(2002) and 1405 (2002) and work to ensure that the
Israeli Government respects all the agreements it has
signed with the Palestinian Authority.
Under these conditions, my country welcomes all
the diplomatic efforts made to restore confidence and
put an end to violence. We support the Secretary-
General in this regard. We call on the Council to
seriously consider the Secretary-General's proposal to
send a multinational force to protect the Palestinian
people, to work to diminish tensions, and to create a
climate conducive to a return to negotiations.
In this context, we also wish to welcome the
efforts made by the Arab countries, particularly those
of Saudi Arabia and Egypt, to coordinate with
influential international parties, particularly the United
States and the "quartet", in order to find a formula that
satisfies all concerns of the parties involved in order to
achieve a just and comprehensive peace in the region
on the basis of implementing resolutions of
international legitimacy, particularly resolutions 242
(1967) and 338 (1973), and the principle of land for
peace. These are the terms of reference for bringing
about a peace settlement. In this context, Kuwait also
supports all the efforts being made to convene a peace
conference on the Middle East with the participation of
all parties concerned.
In conclusion, Kuwait reaffirms that it is
important that the Council pursue this question to reach
a final settlement ending the Israeli occupation of all
occupied Arab territories, including the Syrian Golan
and the Lebanese territories. Establishing a Palestinian
State with Jerusalem as its capital is the only means to
peace, security and stability for all. Unless there is an
end to the Israeli occupation, which is the core of the
conflict and the source of instability in the region, no
country will have security.
The President (spoke in Arabic): I thank the
representative of Kuwait for his kind words addressed
to me.
The next speaker inscribed on my list is the
representative of Japan. I invite him to take a seat at
the Council table and to make his statement.
Mr. Haneda (Japan): The Government of Japan
is deeply concerned that the situation on the ground has
further deteriorated, owing to the continued terrorist
suicide bombings by Palestinian extremists and the
incursions by the Israeli forces into the Palestinian
autonomous territories, particularly the siege of
Chairman Arafat's headquarters.
Under those circumstances, the Japanese Foreign
Minister, Yoriko Kawaguchi, visited Israel and the
Palestinian territories on 8 and 9 June and once again
called upon the leaders of both sides to stop the
violence. The Foreign Minister also pointed out the
importance of pursuing concurrently the three
processes of restoring security, providing humanitarian
and reconstruction support, and resuming and
accelerating the political process. She also conveyed to
them that, as a part of the political process, an
international conference should be convened at an early
stage, with a view to breaking the deadlock, and that
the Government of Japan, for its part, is prepared to
play a role to help make the conference productive. In
response, the leaders of both Israel and the Palestinian
Authority pointed out the importance of the
Government of Japan's involvement.
In order to advance the peace process, it is
important to defuse the deep mistrust between the
parties. To that end, it is essential for the international
community to lend its support. The Government of
Japan is ready to provide assistance to the Palestinians
in response to progress in the peace process, including
assistance for the reform of the Palestinian Authority,
which is now under way. In addition, for the purpose of
confidence-building between the parties, the Japanese
Government is prepared to provide a venue where a
broad range of Israelis and Palestinians would be able
to discuss ways of peaceful coexistence and the vision
of a future Palestinian State.
Experience to date shows that the active role of
the Government of the United States provides an
essential catalyst for peace in the Middle East, and the
Government of Japan welcomes and supports the
United States Government's efforts for peace.
However, what is most important is that the parties to
this conflict exert the utmost self-restraint and take the
necessary political decisions. With that in mind,
Iwould like to conclude my statement by once again
calling upon the leaders of the Government of Israel
and of the Palestinian Authority to make every possible
effort to resume their dialogue.
The President (spoke in Arabic): The next
speaker inscribed on my list is the representative of
Cuba. I invite him to take a seat at the Council table
and to make his statement.
Mr. Rodriguez Parrilla (Cuba) (spoke in Spanish): At the outset, I should like, on behalf of my
delegation, to express to you, Sir, our satisfaction at
seeing you assume the presidency of the Security
Council this month. Our satisfaction is twofold, as you
represent a country united to Cuba by profound ties of
friendship.
The convening of this session was fully justified.
Despite international condemnation and the resolutions
that have been adopted, this week Israeli tanks once
again surrounded the Palestinian National Authority's
facilities in Ramallah. Ironically, that occurred as
President Bush was having a meeting with Prime
Minister Sharon in Washington for the sixth time,
whose unusual and sole outcome was to reiterate
demands for practical actions by the Palestinian
Authority's leader. Shortly before that, Bush had
stunned the world by calling Sharon a man of peace
amid the atrocities of Jenin. Since Sharon's provocative
visit to Al-Haram Al-Sharif, approximately 2,000
persons have died, nearly 1,500 of them innocent
Palestinian civilians.
The Government of Israel's attitude of open
defiance to the norms of international law and to the
principles of the Charter of the United Nations is, in
large measure, the result of the impassivity with which
the Security Council has contemplated the flagrant
violations of its own resolutions. We all know why a
different standard is applied in the case of Israel. That
is what happens when a permanent member of the
Security Council, pursuing its national interests, uses
its powers and prerogatives arbitrarily. Hypocrisy and a
double standard continue to prevail, assisted by the
anachronistic and anti-democratic privilege of the veto.
On 24 occasions, the United States has already vetoed
Council draft resolutions concerning the question of
Palestine. This organ could not even react timidly to
the Sharon Government's decision not to cooperate
with the investigative team that was to have been sent
to Jenin, thereby failing to comply with resolution
1405 (2002).
Cuba commends the position maintained by those
Council members who have undertaken sincere efforts
to make the Council rise to the level of events. In
addition, we should like to recognize the importance,
as an effective contribution, of the visit to President
Arafat at the Palestinian National Authority's
headquarters in Ramallah by a Non-Aligned Movement
group of ministers, headed by the Minister for Foreign
Affairs of South Africa.
A just and lasting peace cannot be achieved in the
Middle East until the Palestinian people can exercise
its legitimate right to establish an independent State
with its capital in East Jerusalem, until all the occupied
Arab territories are returned and until Israel withdraws
from the Gaza Strip, from the West Bank and from the
Syrian Golan to the line of 4 June 1967. There will be
no lasting peace until the Israeli provocations in
Southern Lebanon cease, until the return of the
Palestinians is assured and until Israeli settlements are
eliminated, in conformity with Council resolution 465
(1980). There will not be a just and effective peace if
Israel does not renounce its policy of occupation and
does not comply with the many resolutions adopted by
the Council and by the General Assembly.
The Security Council should seriously consider
the Secretary-General's proposal to establish a
multinational force in the occupied territories. It is
simply unacceptable that this body continues to turn its
back on the Palestinian people's sufferings by trying to
make us believe that nothing can be done or by
adopting timid resolutions that say little and are
complied with even less.
Cuba appeals once again to the Security Council
to act without further delay, to rise to the occasion and
to discharge its responsibilities as it should.
The President (spoke in Arabic): I thank the
representative of Cuba for the kind words he addressed
to me and to my country.
Mr. Aguilar Zinser (Mexico) (spoke in Spanish):
The Mexican delegation, too, would like to express its
profound concern not only at the continuing grave
deterioration of the situation in the field but also at the
dimming of prospects for an early, peaceful, just and
lasting solution to the conflict in the Middle East.
Mexico would like to convey to the people of
Israel its concern and express its sorrow for the Israeli
victims who have been killed or traumatized by the
merciless armed attacks that have been carried out in
recent weeks, in an atrocious manner, by suicidal
Palestinian extremists.
Mexico believes in the just cause of the
Palestinian people, in the rightness of its claim to a
Palestinian national State and in its justified rejection
of Israel's occupation of the territories where,
according to Security Council resolutions, such a
Palestinian State is to be established. That occupation
is the root cause ofthe violence in the region.
Nevertheless, my delegation does not believe that
it is through violent means, much less through suicide
bombings - which are unacceptable from any
perspective fl that the Palestinian cause will prevail.
The suicidal terrorist attacks that have occurred
recently in Israel - attacks that horrify us all -
demonstrate something that both parties should
recognize by now and accept: that terrorism one the
one hand and violent, offensive and disproportionate
retaliation on the other are two sides of the same
coin - the currency ofinjustice and hatred.
The continuation of suicide attacks shows that the
attacks carried out by Israel as retaliation - acts which
Israel considers to be a legitimate response to acts of
terrorism - are ineffective and unwise and run counter
to Israel's own security interests. Israel has every right
to enjoy secure borders, but it must come to realize that
if it uses these means, it will not win its war against
terrorism. It is setting fire to its own house.
What is happening in Palestine and Israel is a
tragedy, and, unfortunately, none of the efforts of the
international community, none of the resolutions of the
Security Council and none of the diplomatic
representations that have been made have been able to
end the violence and set the peace process back on
track. However, Mexico reiterates its intention to
intensify mediation initiatives to try to achieve a
political agreement that would lead to the resumption
of a peace process based on resolutions 242 (1967) and
338 (1973) of the Security Council and on the
agreements emanating from Madrid and Oslo.
In this connection, Mexico believes that
mediation efforts should be carried out through
concrete and clear-cut activities that do not give rise to
any doubts or hesitancy. My country therefore urges
the "quartet" to play an even more active role in order
to unblock the situation on the ground and to create
favourable conditions that might in the short term lead
to the resumption of a genuine peace process and to the
establishment of a Palestinian State that would coexist
peacefully, within secure borders, with Israel.
A very long road has already been traveled, at
great expense and effort, and has produced many useful
proposals and agreements, which must not be cast
aside. This is not a time to turn back with proposals
that could be dangerous and revive distrust and
violence.
The Security Council must not only demand
compliance with its resolutions, but it must also, as the
representative of Mauritius has pointed out, study the
substance of the situation in the field and from a
political perspective, in order to devise avenues for
action - not reaction - that will help to create a more
favourable climate for negotiations and for an eventual
just and lasting peace process. The Security Council
must consider these proposals and must be prepared to
craft positions that will serve for the long run.
Mexico is concerned by the tendency of the
current Israeli Government to move away from the
legal standards of the international community, which
had enabled us thus far to speak of the existence of a
Middle East peace process based on agreements and
commitments.
In practice, Israel has already abandoned the Oslo
framework and has traveled a dangerous distance away
from resolution 242 (1967). Nor does Israel seem to be
accepting the peace offer contained in the Saudi peace
plan. It has been undermining the Palestinian
Authority, preventing it from being an effective
interlocutor.
Over the past few months, Israel has set about
systematically destroying the economic and
institutional infrastructure of the Palestinian Authority
in the territories, and it has consolidated the illegal
settlements, which, along with the terrorist attacks, are
the immediate cause, if not the root, of the prevailing
violence.
My delegation shares the concern voiced here this
afternoon by the European Union concerning the
extremely preoccupying situation of the population in
the Palestinian territories, and in particular about the
stranglehold imposed by Israel on the population.
The proposal to hold an international conference
on the Middle East should energetically be explored.
However, at this juncture, it is hard to see how this
project could come to fruition. For a just peace process
to exist, the parties to a conflict must display the
political will to arrive at an agreement. That will is not
visible. My delegation considers that we must
strengthen legitimate international mediation for the
benefit of both parties, which must be done through the
"quartet" formula. The Government of Mexico will not
recognize as viable any peace plan imposed unilaterally
that draws away from the political and legal framework
contained in Security Council resolutions, in particular
resolutions 242 (1967), 338 (1973) and 1397 (2002).
Mexico proposes to the members of the "quartet"
that they play a more active role. We would also like to
suggest that they set parameters that are acceptable to
the parties and that lead to the cessation of violence
and the speedy establishment of a Palestinian State
within the framework of the resolutions of the Security
Council and the relevant agreements. Such parameters,
resulting from mediation, could be taken forward to an
international conference and could provide the basis
for the Security Council to adopt substantive,
operational and defining resolutions that go far beyond
ad hoc responses ofthe moment. We are convinced that
the Security Council can decisively support a proposal
that contributes to breaking the cycle of violence and
building lasting peace.
Ms. Lee (Singapore): The situation in the Middle
East, including the Palestinian question, is one of the
most complex and intractable problems on the Security
Council's agenda. It is therefore both appropriate and
opportune for the Security Council to hold this open
debate to take stock ofthe deteriorating situation on the
ground, the implementation of relevant Security
Council resolutions - in particular resolutions 242
(1967), 338 (1973), 1397 (2002), 1402 (2002) and
1403 (2002) - as well as the intensive diplomatic
efforts that are ongoing to help bring the parties back
to a political process. The situation demands the
continued and sustained attention and engagement of
the Security Council.
The current situation remains worrying, even if
the events there are not grabbing the headlines on a
daily basis. In fact, the lack of attention being paid by
the international community is a cause of grave
concern. A sense of normalcy should not be created in
an extremely abnormal situation. The Palestinian
people are put through daily humiliations as they move
through closures and checkpoints, and often suffer
casualties as a result of frequent Israeli military
incursions. At the same time, we cannot but imagine
the fear and horror that the Israeli population is
subjected to as suicide bombings continue unabated.
Singapore deplores in the strongest terms all acts of
terror and the targeting of civilians. We look forward to
receiving the Secretary-General's report mandated by
General Assembly resolution ES-lO/lO on the recent
events that took place in Jenin and other Palestinian
cities. Establishing the facts objectively would help the
parties move forward.
Singapore believes that the best way of
addressing the situation is through the implementation
of existing Security Council resolutions. Non-
implementation of Security Council resolutions
weakens the authority of the Security Council,
including its ability to ensure full compliance with its
other resolutions. While the necessary political will and
courage from the parties are ultimately needed to do so,
it is also clear that the Security Council and other
international players have a role in helping the parties
implement the resolutions.
That is amply demonstrated by the diplomatic
efforts that helped lift the restrictions placed on
Chairman Yasser Arafat in his Ramallah compound and
the siege on the Church of the Nativity by the Israel
Defence Force. Similarly, international assistance is
urgently needed to strengthen and reform the
Palestinian Authority, in particular its security
structures, to help it take action against acts of terror.
We welcome current efforts to reform the Palestinian
Authority, which should continue while steps are taken
to advance the political process.
In that regard, we look forward to a positive
outcome from the next meeting of the "quartet" in
Washington, D.C., which is scheduled for tomorrow,
Friday, 14 June. We hope that meeting will further the
preparations for an international conference on the
Middle East. Through the efforts of the Secretary-
General, the quartet has truly become an important
political reality and instrument. We hope that the
quartet will continue to be strengthened, both as a
forum to consolidate the views of a broad and
influential range of international players, as well as a
catalyst for peace initiatives. We pledge our full
support to the role played by the Secretary-General and
his envoys, who have so ably represented the United
Nations and our collective voices in the quartet.
The international conference should build on
existing peace agreements and understandings reached
between the parties, including the negotiations at Camp
David in 2000 and the subsequent discussions at Taba,
as well as Arab peace initiatives. It is important that
the international conference build on a framework that
addresses security, peace and economic distress in
parallel. Only by adopting such a comprehensive
framework can the security needs of the Israel and
political aspirations of the Palestinian people be
addressed simultaneously.
At the end of the day, it bears repeating that there
is no military solution to the conflict and that violence
cannot take the place of negotiations. There will be no
real improvement in the situation except by giving both
the Israeli and Palestinian people hope. Public opinion
in both societies is being radicalized by events on the
ground. While hope remains that credible peace
negotiations could swing such public opinion around,
the longer it takes for a political process to take root,
the more entrenched such extremist public opinion will
become. It is therefore more urgent than ever to move
beyond the crisis-management phase to a crisis-solving
phase. We hope that the Security Council will be able
to contribute to turning things around in the Middle
East by speaking with one voice, a point that has also
been emphasized by previous speakers.
The President (spoke in Arabic): The next
speaker inscribed on my list is the representative of
Indonesia. I invite him to take a seat at the Council
table and to make his statement.
Mr. Hidayat (Indonesia): Allow me to begin by
extending my delegation's congratulations to you, Mr.
President, on your assumption of the presidency of the
Council for the month of June. We are convinced that
with your diplomatic skill, our deliberations will result
in a positive outcome. I should also like to express our
appreciation to your predecessor, the Permanent
Representative of Singapore, Mr. Kishore Mahbubani,
for his excellent leadership in presiding over the work
ofthe Council last month.
Indonesia remains deeply concerned at the
current situation on the ground in the occupied
Palestinian territories. During the past few months, it
has become habitual for Israel to undertake at will
repeated incursions into, and to commit acts of
aggression against, the occupied territories. Israel's
storming of the Palestinian headquarters and its siege
of it are particularly reprehensible. The fact that Israel
has insisted on this abhorrent policy with impunity is a
sad reflection of the Council's inability to deal with
what is universally acknowledged as an intolerable
situation. Backed by military might, Israel has
continued its dangerous and destructive course, with
utter disregard for the prospects for peace. It is
therefore time to end Israel's military adventure and
initiate negotiations for a comprehensive settlement of
the conflict.
My delegation holds the view that the
implementation of resolutions 1402 (2002) and 1403
(2002) is critical to the realization of peace in the
region. Of equal importance is the implementation of
resolution 1397 (2002), which sketched a road map for
the realization of two States, Israel and Palestine,
living side by side within secure and internationally
recognized boundaries. Only through the realization of
that objective can we bring to an end the turmoil that is
raging in the occupied territories.
Finally, my delegation deems it necessary to
reiterate the responsibility of the international
community, and specifically that of the Security
Council, to take the necessary steps to put an end to the
illegal Israeli occupation and to protect the lives of
innocent civilians. Therefore, my delegation strongly
believes in the imperative need to deploy an
international security force to protect civilians as a
matter of urgency and to restore normalcy to these war-
torn territories.
The President (spoke in Arabic): I thank the
representative of Indonesia for the kind words he
addressed to me.
The next speaker on my list is the representative
of Pakistan. I invite him to take a seat at the Council
table and to make his statement.
Mr. Akram (Pakistan): It is a pleasure for me to
see you, Sir, preside over the Security Council for the
current month. I would also like to extend our
appreciation to your predecessor, the representative of
Singapore, for the splendid manner in which he guided
the Council last month.
It was not very long ago that the Security Council
adopted resolution 1397 (2002) with its vision of a
region where two States, Israel and Palestine, would
live side by side within secure and recognized borders.
It also recalled the two landmark resolutions 242
(1967) and 338 (1973), reaffirming the principle of
land for peace. Resolution 1397 (2002) was adopted in
the wake of the bold proposal of Crown Prince
Abdullah of Saudi Arabia and of the Beirut
Declaration, which underscored the commitment of the
Arab countries to peace and reconciliation in the
Middle East. Together, they constituted the configuration
of a peace settlement in the Middle East - an
opportunity to move back from the brink of violence
and destruction and to find a way out of this tragic
quagmire.
What was required was the establishment of
timelines for the implementation of Security Council
resolutions and the fulfilment of their objectives.
Unfortunately, instead of the sincere implementation of
this endorsed vision of peace, the Israeli response was
intransigence, accompanied by the continuing use of
force and violence. Once again, the prospects for peace
in the Holy Land are being crushed under the treads of
Israeli tanks.
Pakistan condemns Israel's latest military
incursion into Ramallah and the continuing
encirclement of President Yasser Arafat's headquarters.
This incursion, together with the raids into Tulkarm,
Bethlehem and Jenin, have resulted in civilian
casualties and the destruction of property. All these
Israeli actions constitute serious breaches of Israel's
legal obligations and responsibilities as an occupying
Power, under the Fourth Geneva Convention, of 12
August 1949. They also violate the provisions of
Security Council resolution 1402 (2002).
The goal in the Holy Land is to find a final
settlement, not to impose a final solution. The people
of Israel, no doubt, appreciate the distinction. Peace
cannot be durable if it is imposed through the barrel of
a gun. Durable peace cannot be achieved by
eliminating your interlocutor or installing one of your
own choice. Peace cannot come with one side literally
calling the shots.
When the avenues of dialogue and negotiation are
closed, the Security Council must assume its
responsibilities under the Charter in order to secure the
implementation of its resolutions and decisions. Israel
must cease its aggression against the Palestinian people
and their lawful Government.
The Security Council has agreed on the nature of
the framework of peace. What is needed now is to
identify the specific goals which need to be achieved to
realize the agreed vision of resolution 1397 (2002), and
the timelines for doing so. The Council and the
international community must turn their attention to
that task.
Violence begets violence. It is not the path to
peace in the Middle East or elsewhere. The present
deteriorating situation in Palestine warrants the urgent
attention of the international community. We much act,
and act with determination, to prevent the situation
from descending into chaos - chaos in which neither
side can realize its hopes for peace with security. The
prospects for peace in the Middle East will continue to
remain bleak without the immediate cessation of all
acts of violence, provocation and destruction. Those
with the responsibility to maintain international peace,
and especially the Security Council, must therefore act.
The Committee must act now to realize this objective
and revive the hopes for durable peace in the region.
The President (spoke in Arabic): I thank the
representative of Pakistan for the kind he addressed to
me.
The next speaker inscribed on my list is the
representative of Iraq. I invite him to take a seat at the
Council table and to make his statement.
Mr. Aldouri (Iraq) (spoke in Arabic): Let me
begin, Sir, by offering you, sincere congratulations on
your assumption of the presidency of the Council for
the current month. I am confident that you will carry
out your duties in the best possible manner. I would
like to express thanks to the Permanent Representative
of Singapore and to the members of his delegation for
their skilful leadership ofthe Council last month.
Since the 1948 tragedy, Iraq has been treating the
question of Palestine as a top priority of its foreign and
domestic policy. It is Iraq's national and regional duty
to address that question in all international forums, the
Security Council in particular, because the issue is not
an ordinary one. It is an extraordinary issue. It is a
question of colonialism in the twentieth and twenty-
first centuries. It is a question of territorial usurpation
and foreign occupation. Therefore, addressing this
issue is not only a sacred and legitimate act of defence;
it is also anchored in international law as a question of
national liberation, independence and self-
determination.
The Council is therefore duty-bound to accord
special attention to this long-standing and serious
question with a view to achieving a just solution, not
only by convening public meetings and listening to the
views of States - although that is, of course, of great
importance - but by adopting bold and even-handed
resolutions that are commensurate with the gravity of
events. There must also be a follow-up mechanism to
ensure that such resolutions are implemented.
We note with regret that the Council adopts a
discriminatory approach in dealing with the question of
Palestine despite the legitimacy of that question. We
note also that the Council does not deal with the
question of the right of the Palestinian people to self-
determination in the same way as it deals with issues of
a similar nature of which it is seized. In such cases it
often responds in an expeditious and innovative way.
Such behaviour is contrary to the provisions of the
Charter - in particular the principle of equality -
under which the Council operates.
Like others, we understand why the United
Nations, and the Security Council in particular, takes
this unbalanced stance. We also understand why the
United Nations and the Council pursue a policy of
double standards as though such a policy were a
foregone conclusion. Nevertheless, in order to place on
record the need for historical responsibility, we would
like to draw attention to this fact. World Zionism, as
represented by the Zionist entity, working in direct,
well-established and declared cooperation and
collaboration with the United States of America,
prevents this Council and other international
institutions from carrying out their functions, from
taking a just and even-handed position in dealing with
the most outrageous tragedy ever known to humankind
and from enabling the United Nations system to fulfil
its mandate as set forth in the Charter.
The Security Council's failure to deal with the
question of Palestine means that the United Nations as
a whole runs the risk of losing whatever credibility it
might still have and underscores the fact that the
United Nations has become a tool of United States and
Zionist policies. For more than 10 years, any Member
of this Organization that has tried to depart from the
line set forth by those evil Powers has subjected itself
to great risk and incalculable consequences.
Forgive me, but I truly wonder how most -
Istress the word "most" - members of the Council
can have a clear conscience and peace of mind when
they see unfolding before them, around the clock, night
and day, in the streets, in mosques and in churches,
killings and other atrocities, destruction, imprisonment,
acts of terrorism and gross violations of the inalienable
rights of an entire people.
All of these acts are being carried out under the
direct command of the Zionist Sharon Government,
which squarely embodies the concept of State-
sponsored terrorism. How can members of the Security
Council fail to make a move, to meet, or to take a
decision on the assumption that there is an alleged
initiative, or a forthcoming meeting, by the masters in
order to discuss the notion of a future Palestinian
State? The Council understands what I mean by
"masters". How can the Security Council accept this as
a situation that does not warrant consultations? Perhaps
the issue has become too familiar because it has been
going on for so many months.
What is taking place in the Security Council is
very clear, and it requires that we all stand up and say
loud and clear that the situation is intolerable and
unsustainable and that it must be brought to an end
forthwith. The members of the Security Council must
not act on the basis of a fait accompli. Rather, they
should act on the basis of their responsibilities under
the Charter of the United Nations. Otherwise, all of
them will be morally, if not legally, accountable before
history.
The people of Palestine and their Government,
supported by all Arab States, including my country,
Iraq, as well as by most other honourable States and
peoples of the world, call upon the Council to stand by
the side of a people subjected to the crime of
genocide- a people that legitimately claims the
establishment of an independent State in Palestine and
its right to life and to be protected from a brutal,
terrorist, colonialist Power.
It is the responsibility of the Security Council to
prevent the brutal aggressor from persisting in its
unjust practices and atrocities; it must not be allowed
to carry out acts of terrorism against a people or to hold
them hostage. The Council should work to restore to
the Palestinian people their legitimate rights.
Otherwise, the ship will run aground with all of us on
board and will be doomed.
Having said that, I am pleased to conclude my
statement on an optimistic note, since we are confident
that the rights of Palestine will never be lost so long as
there is a nation willing to make every possible
sacrifice in defence of its national honour, freedom, life
and independence and so long as honourable people
remain in this world who stand at that nation's side.
The President (spoke in Arabic): I thank the
representative of Iraq for his kind words addressed to
me.
Mr. Levitte (France) (spoke in French): France
associates itself fully with the statement made by the
Ambassador of Spain on behalf ofthe European Union.
The Israelis and Palestinians are now locked into
a perverse logic. Blood continues to flow every day.
Security Council resolutions 1402 (2002) and 1403
(2002) are still not being complied with. We are facing
a catastrophic impasse that is leading the two peoples
and the region towards the abyss.
In the name ofits fight against terrorism, Israel is
pursuing a repressive and security-based military logic
that leaves no prospect for a resumption of dialogue
and the humanitarian consequences of which are tragic
for the Palestinian people. The actions against the
Palestinian Authority and Palestinian towns - in
particular the repeated incursions into zone A, the
reoccupation of Ramallah, the de facto cantonization of
the West Bank and the restrictions on the movement of
people and goods - contravene the law and are
counterproductive. They must stop forthwith. The same
can be said of settlement activities, particularly in
Jerusalem, and of the destruction of administrative and
economic infrastructures, agricultural lands and homes.
These unilateral actions only exacerbate the people's
despair, hinder the implementation of the reforms
desired by all and obstruct the security efforts of the
Palestinian Authority. The fight against terrorism,
while perfectly legitimate, must be undertaken in
compliance with the law and, in particular, with
international humanitarian law and Israel's
international commitments. It cannot justify the
collective punishment and daily humiliation of an
entire people.
On the Palestinian side, certain groups and
individuals are pursuing a terrorist logic that is blind,
unacceptable and counterproductive. The extremists are
holding the entire population hostage. France has
vigorously condemned the recent attacks, which no
cause can justify. These attacks have also been
unconditionally condemned by the Palestinian
Authority and Yasser Arafat, its elected President. The
Palestinian leaders and a number of their fellow
citizens are aware of the destructive impact of these
attacks on the legitimate national cause of the
Palestinians. Beyond such condemnations, the
Palestinian Authority must use every means still at its
disposal to prevent and end these attacks.
The reforms announced by the Palestinian
Authority and the initial measures taken are steps in the
right direction. France has welcomed the publication of
the Judiciary Law and of the Basic Law, along with the
establishment of a new Government, the ongoing
process to rationalize and improve the security
apparatus and the announcement of local and
legislative elections. This effort must be pursued. It is
essential that the Palestinians be able to create
political, administrative, legal and security structures
that will form the framework of their future State. They
will be the guarantee of an effective, transparent and
democratic Administration responsive to the
aspirations of the Palestinian people. The international
community must support these reconstruction and
reform efforts, which are also in Israel's interest, which
would have everything to gain by facilitating them.
The international community has the urgent duty
to help the parties out of their current vicious circle.
Security and humanitarian imperatives must urgently
be reconciled. It is essential to resist the temptation to
indulge fatalism and to resign ourselves to the worst.
The worst is not ineluctable, but it will take courage
and a great sense of responsibility on the part of the
parties, their leaders and the international community
to avoid it.
We are at a critical and paradoxical crossroads. At
the international diplomatic level, we have never be so
close to a consensus on the specific shape of a final
solution to the conflict and a lasting peace; at the same
time, its implementation on the ground seems never to
have been so distant.
We agree on the objectives. The Israeli
occupation of 1967 must be put to an end on the basis
of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338
(1973). We must create an independent, democratic and
viable Palestinian State living side by side with Israel
within secure and recognized borders. Through
negotiation, we must find a just solution to all pending
questions related to the future Palestinian State, in
particular the questions of Jerusalem and the refugees.
Relations among all the countries of the region must be
normalized.
Now is the time to define the roadmap that will
lead us from the vision of a comprehensive, lasting and
just peace to its implementation. To that end, the
international conference on peace in the Middle East
proposed by Colin Powell and the "quartet" could be a
particularly useful instrument. We must therefore set
out without delay to define its objectives, terms of
reference, timetable and format precisely.
For France, the objectives are those that I have
just described. The terms of reference must be built on
the foundation that is now the bedrock of the
international consensus: Security Council resolutions
242 (1967), 338 (1973) and 1397 (2002); the principles
of the Madrid Conference, and in particular the
principle of land for peace; the Oslo Accords; the
achievements of past negotiations; the Saudi peace
proposal endorsed by the Arab summit in Beirut and
reaffirmed by the tripartite summit in Sharm el-Sheikh;
and the American vision developed by President Bush
and Secretary of State Colin Powell.
The participants must include all parties,
including Syria and Lebanon, as well as the Arab
States most directly affected: Egypt, Jordan, Saudi
Arabia and Morocco. The timetable must be realistic,
but it is urgent that we move forward in a substantial
way. It is indeed urgent to restore the hopes of
Palestinians and Israelis through a genuine political
process. The security problems cannot be treated in
isolation. Their lasting solution necessarily entails
political and humanitarian measures: we must revive
the prospect of a viable Palestinian State and put an
end to the humanitarian tragedy and to the
unprecedented economic deterioration of the
Palestinian territories.
The recent statements of the United States
Secretary of State are encouraging and should be
supported. The efforts of the United States are essential
and decisive. France awaits with interest the new
proposals that the American authorities announced
would soon be presented. France is counting on the
"quartet" and on all of its members to make rapid
progress. The Security Council, whose resolutions must
be implemented, must continue to make its contribution
along the same lines.
Mr. Wang Yingfan (China) (spoke in Chinese):
Recently, the Israeli forces have made repeated
incursions into the Palestinian territories and have
carried out massive military operations causing huge
losses of life and property among the Palestinian
people. The Israeli forces have also repeatedly
besieged the headquarters of Chairman Arafat,
seriously threatening his personal safety. The acts of
the Israelis violate the relevant Security Council
resolutions. We oppose and condemn such acts.
Recently, a series of suicide bombing incidents have
taken place, causing a large number of casualties
among innocent civilians. We also express our
condemnations ofthat.
Recent developments in the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict have shown that the efforts of the international
community to stop the escalation of violence cannot be
eased for even one instant. The settling of the Israeli-
Palestinian question must be linked to the
comprehensive and lasting settlement of the Middle
East question. The relevant Security Council
resolutions and the principle of land for peace must be
implemented in earnest, especially resolution 1397
(2002), adopted by the Council last March. It needs to
be emphasized that the State of Palestine should be
created at an early date. The Israeli side must
immediately withdraw its troops from the Palestinian
territories it occupies. The authority and personal
safety of Chairman Arafat must be ensured.
Meanwhile, it must be pointed out that violent
suicide attacks against civilians must be stopped. The
evolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has also
demonstrated that it is now difficult to break the
deadlock by relying solely on the parties to the
conflict. The easing of tension requires the
involvement and assistance of third parties. In this
regard, the Security Council should assume the
responsibilities bestowed upon it by the Charter.
China will work continuously with all parties in
the international community and make unremitting
efforts for the political settlement of the Middle East
question. A Deputy Foreign Minister of China will visit
Palestine and Israel in the coming days.
The President (spoke in Arabic): The next
speaker inscribed on my list is the representative of the
Islamic Republic of Iran. I invite him to take a seat at
the Council table and to make his statement.
Mr. Nejad Hosseinian (Islamic Republic of Iran): Mr. President, I congratulate you on assuming
the presidency of the Council for this month and thank
you for convening this meeting on the Palestinian
question, which continues to be the focus of attention
of the international community.
The repression of Palestinian civilians in the
occupied territories continues unabated. The recent
siege of the West Bank city of Ramallah, which lasted
three days, was the latest example of the continued
repressive and bloody campaign pursued by the
occupying power. During the siege, invading troops
kept inhabitants under curfew and entrapped them in
their homes. They turned some areas of the city into
piles of rubble and damaged further the headquarters of
Mr. Arafat, which had been damaged earlier during the
five-week siege in March and April.
The retreat of Israeli tanks and armoured vehicles
does not signal an end to aggression against Ramallah.
They are taking up positions outside the city and
keeping it encircled and under the constant threat of
repeated invasion. This has been the case all along in
most other cities and villages across the occupied
territories.
The latest Israeli aggression was timed to
coincide with the visit of head of the Israeli regime to
Washington. What is more disappointing and alarming
is the almost unqualified endorsement he received there
for criminal assaults launched repeatedly by the
occupying army against civilian areas under foreign
occupation, which flagrantly violate the norms and
principles of international law, including the Fourth
Geneva Convention. No doubt such endorsement plays
an important role in emboldening the aggressor,
thereby further endangering the lives of innocent
Palestinian civilians and dashing hopes for a just and
lasting peace in the Middle East.
The clampdown on the movements of
Palestinians within and outside the West Bank and the
Gaza Strip, which continues steadily, figures among the
numerous criminal acts against the Palestinian people.
Because of this act by the Israeli troops, so many
Palestinian cities and towns in the West Bank have
become isolated enclaves surrounded by troops and
tanks. The Gaza Strip, with 1.3 million inhabitants, has
been effectively cut in half and sometimes into thirds
by checkpoints set up to protect Gaza's approximately
7,000 Jewish settlers. Such a criminal practice is being
employed to humiliate and to punish collectively an
entire population. It is constantly adding to the
desperation felt in the Palestinian territories and is
feeding the Middle East conflict day by day.
We share with the rest ofthe world the conviction
that the occupation of the Arab lands, be they
Palestinian, Syrian or Lebanese, by the Israelis lies at
the heart of the crisis and conflict in the Middle East.
We regret that the Security Council has not yet
discharged its Charter responsibility with regard to the
Palestinian question despite so many appeals to the
Council over so many years.
We regret the Council's failure to take firm action
under the Chapter VII of the Charter to stop the
Israelis' continual flouting of its resolutions. It is quite
unfortunate and disappointing that the Israelis blocked
an official inquiry into the war crimes that its troop
committed in the Jenin refugee camp and elsewhere in
the West Bank in April and that the Council could not
enforce the resolution it passed in this respect.
Moreover, the Council's failure to uphold its resolution
on the Palestinian question is another example of the
double standards that paralyse it and affect its
credibility.
In the meantime, we look forward to the report on
war crimes in Jenin by the Secretary-General, as
requested by the emergency special session of the
General Assembly, and we hope that those whose
influence prevented the Council from taking action
with regard to Jenin will not be allowed to tamper with
the efforts of the Secretary-General to present an
objective and frank report.
In the light of what happened recently in the
occupied territories, we believe that the United Nations
must use all the necessary means to force Israel to
comply with the demands of the world community. The
Security Council should take effective measures with a
view to stopping Israeli aggression completely. With
that objective in mind, the establishment of an
international protection force under Chapter VII of the
Charter, to be deployed in the occupied territories and
mandated to protect civilians from atrocities committed
by Israeli troops, is now all the more necessary. It is
also essential that those who ordered and actually
committed war crimes against civilians in the occupied
territories be brought to justice.
The President (spoke in Arabic): I thank the
representative of the Islamic Republic of Iran for his
kind words addressed to me.
The next speaker on my list is the representative
of Saudi Arabia. I invite him to take a seat at the
Council table and to make his statement.
Mr. Shobokshi (Saudi Arabia) (spoke in Arabic):
I wish at the outset to express my sincere
congratulations to you, Sir, on Syria's assumption of
the presidency ofthe Council for this month. I am fully
confident that, with your vast experience and wisdom,
the Council's work will be successful. I also wish to
express my gratitude and appreciation to Ambassador
Kishore Mahbubani and the members of his delegation
for Singapore's outstanding presidency of the Council
last month.
The twentieth century witnessed a large-scale
decolonization movement, in which the United Nations
contributed to ending colonialism in many parts of the
world - with the exception of one brutal colonization
that is based on a military and political ideology that
holds that peace alone will not guarantee Israel
domination and hegemony over its Arab neighbours or
control of the situation in the Middle East.
It is often stated that the Palestinian question is
difficult and complicated, but it is in fact very clear. It
is a question of colonization, the usurpation of the
rights of the Palestinian people, the seizure of its
territory and expansion onto Arab territory. It is a
matter of the just demand of the Palestinian people to
gain freedom, independence and legitimate rights, as
all other peoples liberated from colonialism have done.
The world has been following the suffering of the
Palestinian people and the unjust and coercive
practices that violate religious values and contravene
international norms and moral principles. That has led
to frustration in efforts to bring about peace, security
and justice. Wisdom and rationality had to prevail, and
this gave rise to the Saudi peace initiative, which is
based on international legitimacy, which affirms Arab
rights and which calls for an end to the Israeli
occupation of Arab territories occupied since 5 June
1967 and for the establishment ofthe independent State
of Palestine, with Jerusalem as its capital, in order to
bring security, peace and stability to all the peoples and
States of the region. That initiative has received
unprecedented international acceptance and was
adopted by all Arab States at the Arab Summit in
Lebanon.
While Arab leaders continue their efforts and
contacts, in keeping with the Arab peace initiative,
Israel continues its deliberate destructive policies in the
Palestinian territories and its arbitrary and inhumane
practices, committing war crimes for which it could be
tried under international agreements. Israel is
reoccupying parts of the Palestinian territory and is
imposing a military siege against it. As soon as it
withdraws from one region, it enters another, sowing
terror and horror in the hearts of civilians, who are
deprived of their most basic human rights, and
increasing the suffering and pain of the Palestinian
people.
A few days ago the Israeli Prime Minister
affirmed in an article published in The New York Times
what we have long been saying: that he has no plan for
peace. Yet, he has plans that reject the establishment of
a Palestinian entity on the land of historic Palestine; he
continues to work to strangle the spirit of Palestinian
steadfastness, he extinguishes the torch of Palestinian
resistance and he destroys everything the Palestinian
Authority has built in terms of basic infrastructure for
the Palestinian State.
That is being done to stop the growth of the
elements of an independent economic and political
Palestinian community, to impose forced migration on
the largest possible number of Palestinians through the
implementation of a transfer plan, to restrict the
remaining Palestinians in compliant groups, living in
isolated bantustans besieged by military settlements
and military bases, and to isolate and restrict them by
means of racial laws and apartheid.
The Israeli Prime Minister's article, in which he
invented a strange interpretation of resolution 242
(1967), reflects the absolute rejection by the present
Israeli Government of the search for a final solution,
because that would put an end to its expansionist
ambitions.
The United Nations has shown no great interest in
Israel's persistent aggression, its contempt for
international legitimacy or its failure to implement the
numerous resolutions of the Security Council and the
General Assembly, particularly Security Council
resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), and the more
recent resolutions 1397 (2002), 1402 (2002), 1403
(2002), and 1405 (2002). The fact that the United
Nations and the international community have ignored
Israel's failure to implement resolutions of
international legitimacy is why conflict and instability
in the Middle East continue.
The Arabs have chosen the strategic option of
peacefully addressing and resolving the Middle East
question through negotiations and of reaching a just,
lasting and comprehensive political resolution of the
problem.
We express our appreciation for the efforts of the
United States, the European Union, the Russian
Federation and the Secretary-General, and we hope that
their contribution will help put an end to the
humanitarian tragedy of the Palestinians and to Israel's
brutal occupation, since 1967, of Arab lands, including
Al-Quds, so that violence will end, security will return,
fear will vanish, peace will prevail, destruction will
end and prosperity will be restored.
The President (spoke in Arabic): I thank the
representative of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia for his
kind words addressed to me.
The next speaker inscribed on my list is the
representative of Turkey. I invite him to take a seat at
the Council table and to make his statement.
Mr. Pamir (Turkey): At the outset, on behalf of
my delegation and on my own account, I should like to
congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the
presidency of the Security Council. We wish you every
success in the discharge of your important
responsibilities.
Turkey aligns itself with the statement made
earlier by the representative of Spain on behalf of the
European Union. Thus, I shall be brief, as I prefer to
highlight only a few points already addressed in the
European Union statement.
Turkey has been unequivocal in its condemnation
of all forms of terrorism and adamant in its belief that
terrorism cannot be construed, let alone understood, as
a potent tool in the pursuit of political ends. Although
we note the decrease in the number of suicide
bombings, we once again join those who strongly
condemn the latest spate of terrorist attacks in Israel.
Violence and terrorism cannot and will not yield
results. Only a negotiated settlement of this conflict
that will also lead to the creation of a democratic,
viable and independent State of Palestine, living side
by side with Israel within mutually recognized and
secure borders, can bring peace and security to the
region. Likewise, full and non-selective
implementation of Security Council resolutions 1402
(2002) and 1403 (2002) is a prerequisite for embarking
upon a serious and results-seeking negotiating process.
To be precise, both parties should understand -
and should convince the international community that
they realize - that there is no alternative to a peaceful
negotiating process for completely solving the Middle
East conflict by attaining a just, lasting and
comprehensive solution. Coercion and terrorism -
neither of those treacherous twins is capable of
producing the desired results. I am referring to results
that would benefit the long-term and true interests of
the parties and that would reflect the aspirations of
present and future generations, if only they knew how
to intervene or had the power to do so as today's events
unfold.
We therefore call upon the interested parties once
more to embark upon serious negotiations, for which
Security Council resolutions 242 (1967), 338 (1973)
and 1397 (2002), along with the Madrid and Oslo
principles and the subsequent agreements reached
between the parties, constitute the framework. We
heartily support the efforts of the "quartet" and other
initiatives aimed at helping the parties towards the
noble end of a negotiated peaceful settlement. In that
context, we welcome the formation of a new
Palestinian Cabinet and hope that it is the harbinger of
new vistas of reform. The mutually strengthening
pillars of transparency and the principles of good
governance should guide the reform efforts.
Today, after months of tragic events, we have
reason to hope that addressing the situation in the
Middle East in a serious and constructive manner will
lead to the restoration of peace and to a genuine
political process. Turkey is always ready to continue to
play its role towards that end. We strongly believe that,
once the conditions are right, the city of Istanbul will
offer a venue where every interested party would feel
at home and at ease to work for a future of long-
overdue peace and stability in the region.
The President (spoke in Arabic): I thank the
representative of Turkey for his kind words addressed
to me.
Mr. Franco (Colombia) (spoke in Spanish): On
previous occasions, we have said that neither Israel's
security concerns nor the political aspirations of the
Palestinians can be fulfilled through violence. The
military operation unleashed by Israel, in which it has
reoccupied the territories controlled by the Palestinian
Authority, has not been able to stop terrorist attacks in
Israeli territory. Moreover, those attacks, which have
provoked the violent Israeli reaction, have contributed
to the erosion of the Palestinian Authority, which is the
institutional basis of a future Palestinian State.
I should like to say very clearly that Colombia
rejects the terrorist attacks carried out by extremists on
Israeli territory, which are causing deaths and injuries
among the civilian population. In that regard, we
should like to express our sympathy to the families of
those who have fallen victim to such attacks. At the
same time, we reject Israel's excessive use of force and
its reoccupation of territories that had been under the
control of the Palestinian Authority. Israel's actions are
causing destruction and death among the Palestinian
population, to whom we also express our sympathy at
this time of suffering. I should like to reiterate our
appeal to all the parties to bear in mind the security of
the civilian population as well as the need to respect
the norms ofinternational humanitarian law.
Resolution 1402 (2002) called upon both parties
immediately to implement a true ceasefire. Regrettably,
that has not been complied with. The resolution also
called for the withdrawal of Israeli troops from
Palestinian cities, including Ramallah. Regrettably,
Israeli forces continue carrying out almost daily
incursions into various Palestinian cities and have
imposed a system of controls that has had the effect of
virtually isolating Palestinian cities. Ramallah remains
under continuing occupation, and the headquarters of
President Arafat have been attacked once again and
remain under siege.
All of these actions are cause for humiliation
among the people of Palestinian. They provide
arguments to the partisans of violence and incite them
to continue their actions. It is also clear that the
resolutions of the Security Council have not been
complied with.
The efforts of the Security Council and those of
other actors have been designed, on the one hand, to
stop the violence and the terror, and, on the other, to
start to create conditions for the parties to return to the
negotiating table. My delegation still cannot
understand why the Israeli Government did not
cooperate with the fact-finding team called for by
resolution 1405 (2002), and, in this respect, we await
with interest the report of the Secretary-General on the
events in Jenin, in keeping with the request of the tenth
emergency special session of the General Assembly.
In recent months, the Security Council had
managed to achieve an important consensus on the
situation in the Middle East. That consensus was not
easy to achieve, and, as non-permanent members of the
Council, we had actively worked to achieve it.
However, non-compliance with the Council's decisions
compromises its authority and its credibility.
Next Friday there will be a meeting in
Washington of the members of the "quartet". We
continue to support the group's work and its diplomatic
efforts in the search for a just and lasting solution, and
we trust that the international conference will become a
reality in the near future.
It is necessary to act simultaneously in three
areas: security, humanitarian activities and economic
rehabilitation, and the political process. A partial
solution to only one of these aspects that does not take
the other two into account cannot produce a lasting
solution.
We would like also to state once again that the
Arab Summit's peace proposal represents an
opportunity that should be given due consideration,
along with Security Council resolutions 242 (1967),
338 (1973) and 1397 (2002) and the principle of land
for peace.
Mr. Tidjani (Cameroon) (spoke in French): The
situation in the Middle East, and particularly in
Palestine - the reason why we are meeting here once
again - remains serious and tragic and continues to
challenge us. My delegation shares the concerns
expressed by all ofthose who spoke earlier.
The suicide bombings have resumed following a
brief respite. Hardly a day goes by without another
attack here or there. On the other hand, the police
operations carried out by Israel are becoming
increasingly systematic. We deplore the deaths that
have occurred on both sides; this kind of routinization
is unacceptable to the human conscience.
The fragile achievements registered by the peace
process have been seriously undermined. The
structures of the Palestinian Authority, put in place
with great effort, have been reduced to almost nothing,
because those responsible have either disappeared or
have been arrested.
The head of the Authority has been
disempowered by the other side, which has taken away
his capacity to act. The socio-economic infrastructures
has been damaged or destroyed. The Palestinian people
are helpless. The Israeli people are deeply concerned,
and their daily existence is overshadowed by the
attacks.
But where have all the peace initiatives gone?
What has come of all of the United Nations resolutions
calling for the settlement of this crisis? Formal peace
plans have been proposed, and new ideas, not yet in the
form of a plan, have also been suggested. But what are
their chances of success?
First of all, the Abdullah plan; as the Council is
well aware, that plan is based on the land-for-peace
formula. Endorsed by the Beirut Summit in March, the
plan proposed that Israel withdraw to the lines of 4
June 1967; that Syria recover the Golan Heights; and
that a Palestinian State be created in Gaza, West Bank
and East Jerusalem. In exchange, the 22 States of the
Arab League would establish full diplomatic and trade
relations with Israel, whose security they would ensure.
Need I remind the Council that the principle of land for
peace is enshrined in Security Council resolutions 242
(1967) and 338 (1973)?
Then there is the Mubarak plan. That plan
proposes that a Palestinian State be declared, even
theoretically, by next year. Specific questions such as
those relating to borders, refugees and the status of
Jerusalem could be discussed afterwards. The
distinguished proponent of the plan believes that this
option would give fresh hope to the Palestinians and
also reassure Israel.
Finally, concerning the attitude of the sponsors of
the peace process, we have noted with interest the path
that is being explored by the United States, in
particular through the Tenet mission, the William
Burns mission and the personal involvement of the
Secretary of State, Colin Powell, and of President
Bush. The efforts of the "quartet" have given us much
hope, and they deserve our full support. They must
continue. The proposed international conference, in
order to succeed, must be prepared in a very careful
and clear-sighted manner.
All of these commendable initiatives should, we
believe, help us achieve genuine mutual recognition -
the effective recognition of the inalienable right of the
Palestinian people to self-determination, and the
effective recognition of the right of the people of Israel
to live in a State with secure and recognized borders.
Let me once again appeal to the international
community to find a just and lasting solution in order
to put an end to this conflict. The Security Council
must shoulder its responsibilities and strengthen the
initiatives that are under way, thereby helping to
restore confidence between the parties and enhance the
prospects for peace. This would also have the
advantage of allowing us to take action, thereby giving
the lie to the opinion of some that the Council lets
itself be acted upon by events.
I believe that we can allow ourselves to hope that,
if both parties agree to engage in mutual negotiations,
and if there is an end to the violence, the way to the
broad political viewpoint that the representative of the
Republic of Guinea spoke of earlier would be then be
open.
The global conscience is tired of these macabre
statistics. It wants peace to flourish as olive branches
flourish.
The President (spoke in Arabic): I shall now
make a statement in my capacity as the Permanent
Representative ofthe Syrian Arab Republic.
We are meeting today to once again deliberate
over developments in the serious situation in the
occupied Palestinian territories, including Al-Quds
Al-Sharif. Our meeting today is taking place in the
context of the Security Council playing its role in the
maintenance of international peace and security. A
large number of representatives of the Member States
of the United Nations who have spoken before me have
made it clear that the situation in the occupied
Palestinian territories has worsened due to the fact that
Israel disregards its responsibilities as a member of this
international Organization and defies the relevant
resolutions ofthe Security Council.
Since 1948 the Security Council has adopted 28
resolutions to deal with the tragedy that has befallen
the Palestinian people as a result of their persecution,
repression and expulsion from their land. Israel has not
implemented any of those resolutions. In this regard,
we wish to refer to the resolutions adopted by the
Council during the last two months, namely,
resolutions 1402 (2002), 1403 (2002) and 1405 (2002),
all of which were adopted unanimously and with the
full support of the members of the Council. Yet, they
are being treated by Israel in the same way it has
treated previous resolutions.
In this context, in the last two weeks the Israeli
occupation forces have resumed their practices of
assassinating and killing innocent Palestinian civilians,
reoccupying towns and villages, demolishing houses
and destroying the infrastructure of Palestinian
institutions, imposing a strangulating military siege and
restricting the movement of Palestinians between their
homes, villages and towns. And, in continuing its
aggression on the Palestinian people, Israel is
employing all the lethal weapons in its military arsenal.
Israel has not found sufficient the wide-scale
destruction it has committed. It also has carried out
crimes against humanity in the Jenin refugee camp and
in the towns of Nablus and Ramallah, as well as in
other Palestinian villages. It has done so while
disregarding the appeals made by peoples from around
the world, including the United Nations. According to
information from reliable sources, over 75 per cent of
Palestinians are living under the poverty line today as a
result of Israel's repressive actions. If Israel continues
such actions and its siege ofthe Palestinian people, that
figure will rise in a few days to nearly 80 per cent or
more. This raises the spectre of a real humanitarian
tragedy, which requires that we stop it immediately.
Despite all these facts, the Government of Israel
continues to make accusations and to assign
responsibility to one Government or another based on
some random statement made to the press by some
Palestinian refugee who had been expelled from his
land. In fact, Palestinian refugees emerged from the
Jenin refugee camp to defend their rights - preferring
death to a life of humiliation and suffering, which is
the only thing the Israeli occupying forces had left
them with. It is truly unfortunate that such Israeli
accusations have fallen on cars that have listened to
them and believed them.
At the end of the day, the continued existence of
Palestinian refugees outside the occupied territories, in
Syria and other countries, is a responsibility that falls
upon Israel, which has expelled them from their land
and replaced them with Jewish immigrants from all
parts of the world. Israel continues to deprive these
refugees of their basic human right to return to their
land. But Israel does not find it sufficient to deprive
Palestinians of that right, it also wants to silence their
voices, and condemns anyone who shelters them and
helps them to survive the very tragic conditions from
which they suffer.
As we have heard today, it has become very clear
to the international community that the main reason for
the catastrophes and tragedies that the Middle East is
experiencing is the continuation of Israel's occupation
of Arab territories in Palestine, Lebanon and Syria and
its toying with the framework and rules of the peace
process since the holding of the Madrid Conference on
peace in the Middle East, in 1991. Since 1991, Israel
has also tried to avoid the requirements for peace by
talking about peace while it practises literally
everything that contradicts peace and the principles and
objectives the international community has agreed to
bring about such peace, in particular Security Council
resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) and the
principle ofland for peace.
Those who may still have doubts about the real
intentions of the Israeli Government can refer to the
contents ofthe article by the Israeli Prime Minister that
appeared a few days ago in The New York Times, which
has been referred to in several statements today. In that
article, the Prime Minister practically insulted the
Security Council and the international community as a
whole by distorting resolution 242 (1967) in a way that
can only be condemned. In contradiction of the
principle of land for peace and resolution 242 (1967),
Mr. Sharon said that Israel would neither return to the
indefensible 1967 borders nor re-divide or give up Al-
Quds Al-Sharif. What kind of peace does Mr. Sharon
really want?
The representative of Israel has today showered
us with lies and misleading statements when he
referred to Syria's presidency of the Council. He also
made other allegations, which the Council had
previously heard many times, both within and outside
this Chamber.
While the presidency of the Council will not
stoop to such a low level of diplomacy, we would like
to affirm here that Syria, which a majority of Member
States elected to the Security Council, feels proud that
the world has confidence in it and has given it such
credibility. Syria affirms that it will continue in the
future to work in accordance with the precious
confidence that the world has placed in it.
The declared Israeli campaign against Syria and
its membership of the Security Council since it was
first nominated, a campaign which has continued for
many years, has escalated in the recent past. It falls
within the framework of a deliberate attempt to cover
Israel's crimes of destruction and terrorism against the
Palestinians and against their struggle for freedom and
independence.
Everyone has the right to speak about terrorism
except Israel and the Israeli Government, because
terrorism is an essential component of the very life-
blood ofthe Israeli Government and its officials. As for
us, all we want is an end to the occupation of our Arab
territory. That right is guaranteed by the Charter and
United Nations resolutions.
Syria, which has made peace its strategic option,
has made it clear that the peace it demands is one based
on justice and the implementation of the resolutions of
international legitimacy, and that peace cannot coexist
with occupation. We have all heard that reaffirmed
today.
At the recent Beirut Summit, Arab leaders
formulated an initiative to bring about a just and
comprehensive peace, which has received wide
international support and acceptance. Now, the
international community and the Security Council must
exert pressure on the Israeli leaders to implement
relevant Security Council resolutions and must work
once again to convince them that the Arabs have rights
that they will never relinquish.
Syria looks to the Security Council to take action
once again, to shoulder its Charter responsibilities and
to bring about a just and comprehensive peace in the
Middle East that puts an end to occupation and restores
the rights ofthose who lawfully possess them.
I now resume my functions as President of the
Council.
There are no further speakers inscribed on my
list. The Security Council has thus concluded the
present stage of its consideration of the item on its
agenda.
The meeting rose at 8.20pm.
▶ Cite this page
UN Project. “S/PV.4552Resumption1.” UN Project, https://un-project.org/meeting/S-PV-4552Resumption1/. Accessed .