S/PV.586 Security Council

Members of the Council have before them the provisional agenda. Are there any observations? membres provisoire. senter? 2. Mr. MALIK (Union of Soviet Sodalist Republics) 2. (translated from Russian): The attitude of the Soviet soviétiques) Union delegation towards the provisional agenda délégation remains as previously stated. demeure 3. Tl).e PRESIDENT: Subject to the statement of 3. the Soviet Union representative, l take it that the la agenda is adopted. je The agenda was adopted. Question of a request for inves~igation of alleged Demande bacteriaI 'Warfare (continued) 4. Mr.MUNIZ (Brazil): Members of the Security 4. Coundl, in their capacity as members of the Disarmaleur ment Commission, have more than once heard. with ment, dismay the Soviet Union representative making charges d'une a~ainst the UnifiedCommaI1d in Kor-e-a.,mcÇOnn~-mt:l.~c~.Q~)e_4eJ>résentant wlth the alleged use of bacterial weapons by the United contre Natk 'lS troops in North Korea and China. Mr. Malik la raised this point on 14 March 1952, at the second forces meeting of the Disarmament Commission, which was Chine. the first to be held in New York after that body's mats initiation in Paris,. The Soviet Union representative désarmement, remarked that worldpublic opinion was focused upon York après 5. Mr. Malik's charges were promptly and emphatically d~nied by the United States representative, Mr. Cohen, who infonned the Disarmament Commission that Secretary of State Dean Acheson had already asked the International Red CrosiJ to investigate the charges, so that their falseness might become known. Ml'. Col:en added the following words: 1 " ... We have asked for an impartial investigation, and if the representative of the Soviet Union is interested in the facts, it is our hape that he will use his influence to see that an impartial body such as the International Red Cross is given the opportunity to investigate and to ascertain the facts. "1 only would like to add one further thought. There is no question, of course, that the prohibition of bacterial warfare and other sucb methods of warfare are cav~red in our work Rlan under item B (b )." 6. The two main aspects of the subject were thus clearly br(lught to light in that statement. The question of bacterial warfare may be examined in itself, as is the case with any other problem raised by the development of war techniques,. with a view ta the preparation of definite rules leading to the prohibition of the stocl{- piling and use of bacterial weapons, as well as to the effective implementation of such a prohibition. The study of this aspect of bacterial warfare was unanirnously considered by members of the Disarmament Commission as being part and parcel of any disarmament plan, thus fa11ing strictly withip the .Commission's terms of reference.. The Comnrission's right and duty ta deal with this aspect was never disputed by any of the delegations represented in the Commission. 7. The second aspect of the problem of bacterial warfare concerns the collection ofevidence of the use of p,ll.ct.eria1 .. we~in_ concrete instances; This was recogiiized by the overwhelming. majority of the Commission as being a fact-finding task lying outside its competenct:. Nowhere in the GeneralAssembly resolution do wefind any grounds to consider that the. Disarmament Commission is empowered to deal with specifie charges of germ warfare or to conduct inquiries ·déformation ·recourir · sion 8. The Brazilian delegation's pnsition was made unmlstakably c1ear in the Disarmament Commission. Vle stated there that the Soviet Union should avait itself of normal channels and take the matter to the competent United Nations organs. Those organs would certainly probe inta the situation, thu5 establishing either the facts in their objectivity or the slander in its entirety. The United Nations, we stressed, is 'oased on the idea of truth and can work only in an atmosphere of :tr1utual confidence for tht" achievement of its aims, which we must not permit to be thwarted by wilful misrepresen- . tation, diatortion and sheer slander. 9. The So~;iet Union has persistently reft1sed any suggestion of an investigation by the International' Red Cross into the charges brought against the Unified Command and the United States, vd.thout offering any reasonable alternative to the suggestion that an impartial investigation should be carried out by a hona fide inter:" national body. Yet the International Red Cross is above suspicion, for its great achievements in the field of hurnanitarian endeavour have gained for it world-wid(e respect, The Soviet Ur.ion failed to appeal to any United Nations organ to have the true facts brought to Iight. This stand, in itself, throws very serious doubts on the motives of L'le accuser. When a person - or, even more, a government - in good failli makes an accusation ,of sa grave a character as the charges made hy the Soviet Union against the United Nations Command and the United States Government, one might expect the accuser to we1come, or at least not to oppose, an investigation by a responsible body. The Soviet Union's attitude lends credence to the assumption that, after having made the wildest chargf ô, it now fears that an investigation may bringbut the truth. 10. This aspect of the question is of the utmost gravity. Are we faced by a new, brazen propaganda attempt on the part of the Soviet Union? Yesterday's debates [584th and 585th meetings] were qttite revealing in tœs respect. n.Mr. Maiik fought - strongly, eloquently and rather persuasive1y - for an early decision on the question of invitation to the communist Chinese and North Kot'ean authorities. No sooner had the Council decided -.. and very rightly decided - not tQ extendthe invi- 12. In other words, MI'. Malik dings ta his right ta prefet charges-ilgainst any govemmentor any group "of govemments, no matter how unwarranted those charges may be found ta b~, but he refuses ta the Security Couneil the right ta investigate the charges. He !s free ta present his case and insult the United Nations; the United Nations; however, is not free to defend itself and ta provide the proper niachinery ta establish the faets or the slander in its entirèty. None of this shoulc1i, as a matter of fact, give rise ta any undue degree of surprise and amazement on our part. Being thùroùghly conversan~ with the techniques and 'motives of Soviet Union propaganda, MI'. Malik is perhaps t.he last man in the world likely to prove guilible as regards sucb charges. It would be an insult to MI'. Malik), cleverness and intelligence to admit even for a moment that he has any doubts ,'lS to the outcome of an impartial investigation. 13. This iSfue real r~son for the negative vote that MI'. Malik, will cast. He contended, thl.l.t the Int~r­ nation~lCommi:1±ee ot the Red Cross is not the proper organ to conduct such investigation. We are very far from sharing his point of view, but what strikes us as reai1y amazing isthat Mr. Malik does not suggest any other ,course, anyother possible, avenue for action. MI'. Malik just does not wish to1;Jeâr about any investigation at aU. We fully understand, although we fail to sympathize with, ,bis motives. 14. The issuebefore the Couneil is a very seriousone indeed, and we cannot dismiss it altogether, even if we are convinced - as indeed weare - of the ut'-er absurdityof the charges proferred.! The very fact that one of the permanent members ofihe Security Couneil, entrusted by the Charter with special rights and prerogatives on matters affeeting international peace and security,has brought-against the United Nations and against the United States false charges of such a grave character, is a faetofparamount importance, which cannat be disregarded, by the Security' Council. These charge,s are, and should be, a Cause of serious and grave concern ta the free andpeace-loving nations of this Organization., We cannat help wondering wbat is 15. The hard facts of today show how distant are the present directives of the Politburo and the People's Commissars from the noble tendencies and the orotherly love expressed by a long iine of Russian thinkers from Pushkin to Gorki. The)' show also that the idea of c{)-existence so often emphasized by Mr. Stalin is now repudiated by the Soviet Union. Can we expect any constructive and far-reaching understanding in an international atmosphere so charged with hatred and distrust? The cold fact is that this campaign of hatred is too weIl organized and has mobilized too many official resources to be regarded as just another moye on the part of the Politburo. 16. The truth isthat the USSR is ernbarked upon a world-wide scheme designed ta destroy the present social, economic and politièahstructure of the world, makingtabula rasa of centuries-old spiritual and moral values in an absurd attempt to create a new man, eradicated from his historical continuity and his ancient spiritual inheritance - a collectivist and functional man, the product of technique. This vast plot is carried ,on by the Soviet Union by means of propaganda. The USSR has produced a technique of propaga,nda which, in its potency,· aggressiveness and shrewdness".surpasses an the experiments made in the past by individuaIs, organizations or States, designed to bring their influence to bear upon others. 17. Despite the formidable dimensi,)ns of the Soviet Union military establishment, there k no weapon in ~t which can compare withSovietUnionpropaganda. This propaganda is a product of abstraction; it has a complete disregard for facts; it is, a creation of psychological laooratories,an a priori fonnulation weIl conceived to bring about its mischievous-ël.iects. 18." Against the, challenge of the Soviet Union' to implant atotalitarian order, the free peoples, after many unsuccessful efforts to come to an agreement with.the USSR on major p61itical questions, areuniting theit strength-in .order to preserve the essential values of their civilization. It is ,against this, growing awareness ?nthe part of thefree.peoples of the necessity of union In the, face of danger that the Soviet Union directs an the...barrage .of prop~nda and psyc1;J.0I()gical warfare at 1tS disposaI. . . .'. ' . ' ,'. 'je ~9. Th~present course. of Soviet Unionprop~f,ganda 1S a de?r and direct violation of thePrincip14s and 20. The Brazilian delegation does not wish to be unduly pessimistic in the face of the present situation, and is still hoping against all hope that those fears and preoccupations will be allayed. Political situations are essentially mutable, and the fabric of international relations may eventually assume lessalarming features. All is not 10st, while there is a possibility, however small and flimsy it may be, of reaching agreement through negotiation, mediation and other means, of peaceful settleme."1t of international disputes. .Brazil feels, however, that it would, not be living up to the trust placed in it by the Member States of the United Nations if it failed to draw the attention of the Security Council to the disquieting elements ini:he present world situat!Oll. . . " 21. In: view of the coùsiderations 1 have stated, the Brazilian delegation willgive its support to the proposaI Qf the United States delegation under the item, "Question of a' request for' investigation of the alleged use of bacterial warfare". We think that the charges levelled by the Soviet Union constitute a sedous threat to intern~tional peace and:security, sinee they contribute to the increase of international' tension. 22. Ml'. VONJ31}.LLUSEK (Netherlands): The question of a request for investigation of al1eged bacteria! warfare is now before the Security Council, where it properly belongs.Many of us, who are also members of the DÎsannament Commission, have had occasion to ' point out repeatedly in that Commission, where the charges were raised and copiously elaborated upon by the Soviet Union representative, that the Disarmament Commission was the wrong organ ta deal with ,these specific accusations. At the same time many of us formally noted there ,a."1d then that the United States Secretary of State denied the charges in the most categorical manner; Mr. Gross repeated and reaffirmed here yesterday what Mr. Achesondeclared on 4 March. MI'. Acheson said at that time: "1 would like to state categorical1yand unequivocally that these charges are entirely false: the United 23. There have' been othèr denials from high and resl'onsible places. The Secretary-General of the United Nations hranded the charges as "false, unwarranted and uncorroborated". General Ridgway, former United Nations Commander-in-Chlef in Korea, hasstated that "no elemtnt of that command employed any form of germ warfare at any time-:'. ' 24. Still the ~ccusations continue tu he made by those who will not or cannat see the truth or who, under their totalitarian mlers, are forced to ~J:'read lies in which they themselves perhaps do not believe. The campaign of sland\~r and hatred has ta serve a political purpose. lt wants ta create confusion and division in the free world. It wants ta stir up anti-Western feeUng in Asia. It wants to cover up hygienic shortcomings of Asian communist governments. It wants ta whip the communist masses into a frenzy of hostile feelings, which, saine dav perhaps, may be exploited for aggressive purposes. "Çhine. 25. For a11 those reasons the campaign of germ·war.., fare charges, sa eminently fitted ta play upon the natlIl'al human feelings of repugnance towards this monstrous weapon ofmass destruction, cannat' he put aside by a mere honest 'deni::ll by the accused party or ~ismissed bya shrug of the shoulders. Hence, the United States Secretary of State, far from shying away from t.~e accusations, at an early stage requested the International C01l1..mittee of the Red Cross ta undertake an impartial imestigation. The· International Committee of the Red Cross promptly replied that it would form, whenever both sides, approved the inspection. a, committee of persans offering every guarantee of moral and scientmc independence and.highly qualified in epidemiology. This offer was communicated to the Governments of N ortb Korea and the People's Republic of China. To date it has not been accepted. Yesterday Mr., Malikintimated that he would veto a resolution of· the Security Courtcil inwhichthe International Committee of the Red Cross would ,be requested, this time in'the naine of the United Natians, ta investigate' the charges at).dreport the results to theSecurity Council, where the Soviet Union would be one of those who then would judge these results, whatever they' mightbe. Tt seems to methat accusers who fear the light ofevidence impartially collected mere1y succeed in accusing themselves. 26. However that may be, this threat of another Soviet Union· veto cannot dissuade the Security Council from dealing with this question. If, &t the end of our deliberations, the 1 Soviet' 'Union veto, frustrates our efforts once again, the whole world will know where the responsibility for ~uc:h frustration lies. 28. There is yet another reason why my Government we1comes' this debate in the Security CounciL The charges have been hurled at the United States forces in Korea. But that means that they are levelled also against all the United Nations soldiers in Korea, for those who arenow collectively resisting communist aggression in Korea are doing so under the bam:er of the United Nations. It was the Security. Council whicb, after ha"ving called in vain on the North Korean authorities ta withdraw their armed forces to the 38th parallel on 25 June 1950 (S/1501], decided on 7 July 1950 to establish a Unified C()mmand under the United States, and to request the United Statesto designate the commander of the collective United Nations forces [S/1588] .. , 29. As a nation which participates in the effort to repel aggressjon in Korea, we therefore we1conie the United States proposaI for an impartial investigation. Netherlands land and naval forces have taken part from the beginning in thatcOInmon struggle. Thus we, no less than the United States or other allied nations, feelinsulted by the,3e monstrous accusations. l wish to stress that the Members of the United Nations in Korea bear jointresponsibility for the resistance against the aggressors and that no one can hope to split thei! unity bybringing up false charges. aga inst one of them, either .directly or, as the Soviet UIliJn representàtive attempted to do, in the roundabout way of implying that the absence of the United States f.rom amongst the partiesto the Geneva Protocol of 1925 means that the United States - andthat touches the Unified Command and a11 of us - has used, or. is intending to begin to use, the bacterial weapon. The attack was directed, for obvious reasons;ill particular against the United States, which îs now again being sirïgled. out behind the Iron Curtain as the chief bogeyman. But nations sucb as the Netherlands, and no doubi. many others represented at this table, must feel equa11yoffended by the communist charges becau!1e they mean that we are, by 30. For these reasons my Government, as a participant in the collective United Nations efforts to resist aggression in Korea, npports the proposaI for an imparthl investigation. We are confident that it will confirm that the charges against the Unified Command are miserable lies, and will place beyond any doubt the fact that the countries waging the United Nations campaign in Kotea have never resorted to means of mass extermination so monstrous and inhuman that one sometimes wonders what kind of disturbed mind it is that succeeds in inventing such stories, and what kind of cadaver discipline it must be that succeeds in making other people, who are cut off from any real freedom of information, believe them. 31. In conclusion, 1 wish to state that the Netherlands delegation supports the United States proposaI and will vote for the draft resolution contained in document S/2671. This resolution asks, at this stage, for no more than a genuinely impartial investigation of charges that have already been made by the Governments of North Korèa and the People's Rep~hlic of China and which have been circulated as Security Council documents [S/2684, S/2684/Add.1]. These charges are clear enough. The accusers have had their say. They may have more to say to the ,nvestigating commission on the spot, provided that they admit it to their territory, which is the scene of the alleged crime, and provided that the whole scheme is not vetoed in advance by the Soviet Union. 1 take it that the accusers will have ample opportunity to explain their point of view. to the investigating commission. After that, the investigating commission will investigate, consider evidence, if any, with an open mind, and weigh such evf:1~nce impartially. FinaUy it will report to the Security CCttncil, which will then debâte the report andpronounce itself upon it. At that stage the question of the presence of the accusing parties may he raisedagain.For the present' these parties have already said more than enough to warrant 32, Mr, KYN,OU (Greece): 1 must confes! thlt yetterday evening 1 left this haU with Il. strong feeling of bitterness, disitlusion and despondency. Not that past ê.xperienœ of the Security Council's proceedings has taught us tt'. expect immédiate results from its work, but l'lever oefore has the gaping chasm appeared to me so menadngthe chasm which separates honest dtbating based on factual evidence from subterfuges intended ta coYer unsubstantiated imputations. For months now a harassed world has followed with growing amdety the development of a propaganda W11pa1gn whose main theme 18 the alleged use of bacterial ,veapons by the United Nations forces in K~)rea. For months now this campaign has been a principal feature in the press and radio output of the communist-dominated world. It has assumed of late, both in scope and in intensity, unprecedented proportions, 33. Mt'. Malik himself on repeated occasions has attempted ta convert the floor of the Disarmament Connnission into li. sounding board for such loose and basel-ess charges. The representative of the Soviet Union was ()ffered yesterday li. golden opportunity to state his case -against the United States Government, or, more pro~rly) aga,inst the United ,Nations itself. Instead of using it, however, he preferred to shelter himself behind the subterfuge of li. sit-down strike white announcing his ultimate int, .ltion to veto any decision of the Council which might lead to an impartial investigation of his accusations.' 34. His ill-time<! e10quence in the Disarmament Commission contrasted most significantly with his cautious silenœ m the proper forum. The thinly-veiled motives of d'le Soviet Union attitude will l'lot and cannot deceive 3nY tbinking person. The last vestige of doubt that may bave lingered in the mind of sorne uninformed and 11:l.a.~ (lbserver has certainly been dispelled by our meetings (lf yesterday. The e.'q)lanations of votes which "Were 'gi\..,...n in the Council have, 1 submit, especlally œntn1Juted to putting the picture into its proper frame. 35. The Security Council was not summoned to make 4m inqnity .mto the accusations levE"ed against the UIÙt'ed Nations forces in Korea. The Peking Govemment and the North KOI'ean authorities cannot be arraignedto give evidence of their charges; in order ta ,do tbat, their presence would have been required. NeT muld the Counci1 be subjected to the inc-onwenience 'Of becoming an eye witness to the vast collecmn of black ffies, fleas, bugs, spiders, mosquitoes, ants, '. etc wmchconstitute the alleged corpus delicti. U, moreover, the Security Council has tp, calI some PowU to aœount, that Power could only he the Soviet Umon, the ai'J'J«l nuzter of this,campaign of slander and mre. 36. Our Soviet UniOfJ, coUeague .arrayed himself in ibis -preside:n'lia1 prerogatives' ror the month of June.in 37. But Brutus is an honourable man, and Mr. Malik will use his veto. 38. The charges of alleged bacterial weapons were formulated in relation to the military operations in Korea. Still, the ar.cusers have up to now carefully refrained from airÏ!.g such charges under the Panmunjom tent during the truce talks. Matters remotely connected with the item t~nder discussion were on many occasions brought up during the protracted negotiations for an armistice in Korea. Yet, nothing was ever said by the communist representatives about that burning issue. This is not difficult to explain in view of the communists' stubborn refusaI even to hint at their charges whenever they run the risk of having their accusations investigated on the spot. 39. But Brutus is an honourable man, and Mr. Malik' will use his veto. 40. The International Committee of the Red Cross has received, even recentIy, appeals from the Red Cross Societies of Soviet Union-dominated Romanie, Poland and Hungary. It is only when the International Committee of the Red Cross, acting· upon a request from the Unified Command and· the United States Secretary of State, proposed "to set up a committee of persons who will offer every guarantee of moral and scientific independence which could be offered by experts who have the highest qualifications, especially in epidemiology~ including scientific experts proposeà by Far Eastern countries not taking part in the conflict", it is only. then that Mr. Malik, somewhat beIatedly, discovers that, in the opinion of his Government, the International Committee of the Red Cross is a mere tool of Western diplomacy. .He did not shrink frommakîllg' in the Disarmament Commission offensive and disparaging remarks againstan association which has rendered sucb signal services, both in war and in peace, "odistressed humanity. It is to be remembered, however, as a proof of Soviet Union inconsistency, that, during the third .session of the General Assemhly in Paris in 1948, the Sovi~t Union delegation itseIf. suggested, and. lent its unqualifiedsupport to" aresolution according to which the International Committee of the Red Cross and the ~ ~êàgue of Red€ross ·Scicieties were to· play the pr:lI1- clpalrole in the repatriàtion of the abducted Gé -..;k 41. Assuming that Mr. Malik) for reasons best h"tlOwn ta himself. had by now hecome prejudiced against the International Committee of the Red Cross, at the 4th meeting of Committee 1 of the Disarmament Commission held on 8 May, 1 asked him the following question: "Would the representative of the Soviet Union and the Governments in North Korea and in Communist China he ready to accept an investigation of these charges of so-called bacterial warfareby the other International Committee of the Red Cross- 1 mean the League of Red Cross Societies? This League is composed of ail the Red Cross Soeieties, including, if 1 am not mistaken, the Soviet Union Red Cross." 42. For obvious, reasons this question remained unanswered. 43. But Brutus is an honourable man, and Mr. Malik will use his veto. 44. _What Mr. Gross told the Couneil yesterday [585th meeting] about the activities of the World Health Organization in the Republic of Korea, where it helped to combat the epidemics, and especially about the fiat rebuttal with· which a. similar offer of assistance was met on the part of the North Korean authorities, ~plains also the reversaI of the Soviet Union attitude in regard _to the International Committee of the Red Cross. The gentlemen in the Kremlin prefer to have the epidemics spread in North Korea rather than to run the risk of having their hate campaign exposed to world public opinion. The Soviet Union propaganda machine has thus fed on the victims of epidemics in North Korea. These victims can by now be counted by millions. , 45. The Soviet Ulùon is of the opinion that, whereas the International Red Cross and the World Health Organization are biased and unreliable organs, the L-olternational Association of Democratie Lawyers, the Women's International Democratie Federation, the World Council for Peace, and the nazi Professor Brandweiner offer every guarantee of impartiality. This is rea1ly asking too much of human credulity.' 46. But Brutus is an honourable man, and Mr. Malik will use his veto. 47. Charges such as the use 'of bacterial weapons in Korea cannot stand the test of-any fair trial. Better than anything else, the negativeattitudeof the Soviet Union representative illustrates this facto Nevertheless, it ia not possible to listen to the ever-mounting intensity of Soviet Union propaganda. withequanimity. The campaign of hate purports tqi undermine any hope of friendly relations between-Eastand .West. Statements such as theone whichappeared in the 18June issue of -Pl'avda under the nameof the Soviet Union philosopher, - . . ... ,~ 48. But the Soviet Union Government is an honourable government, and Mr. Malik will use his veto. 49. What is, after all, the ultimate obj~'Ctive of this propaganda hysteria? 50. Russian phantasy has always been allowed some latitude. Village and travel accounts à la Potemkine have for centuries arnused Europe. With the advent of Boishevism it became clear that misunderstandings were going to arise because of differences in mentalities and ways of thought. Time-honoured words lost their original significance and, as the years passed, even acquired quite different connotations. We complacently attributed the abuse of the word "democracy" to Soviet semantics. We still hoped for the best, white our intentions were misrepresented and our motives maligned. Now "'"e are faced with a glaring distortion of facts and with a stubborn refusaI ta have the record set straight. On the strength of totally fabricated charges, a shadow is cast on our good faith and on our honout. 51. What next? It may be that one day Pravdawill print that "American or British cannibals" are'extërminating a Russian population which Soviet Union scientists helped to discover in some remote \:omer Qf North America or Western Europe. The people of the Soviet Union will then be ca11ed upon to liberate their brothers. This is, in our opinion, the real danger of the present propaganda campaign of hate. 52. The Soviet Union is engaged in an open assault against what remains of international confidence. World peace and security areat stake. It is the duty of the Security Council to take whatever measures the situation caUs for. 53. During the past sessions of the General Assembly, Mr. ·Vyshinsky, without any kind of justification, was prone to calI many Western 'eaders "warmongers". But what name other than "warmongers" could be applied ta the instigators of the' present propaganda offensive? 54. Mr. ,DERINSU (Turkey): Yesterday, we heard a statement by the United States representative in which he gave the Couneil details on the origin, scope and intensity nf a campaign, whichhas beengoing on during the last months, connected with the alleged use of bacterial weapons by the United Nations forces in Korea, and morepan:icular1y bythe United States forces. . §5.TQ~T!1r1dsh de1egation tothe UnitedNationswas first confronted with ihis question iiillieDisarmame-nt Commission. ·From the very beginning of .that Coml?1ission's discussions, the SovietUnio~ representative. repeated .his charges, although the subject under discussion there had no relevance to them. . 56',Th~'rurkishdelegationtnade its position .c1ear. from the veryfirst dayAhis question was, relevallt1y or 60. It is for these reasons that my delegation fully supports the proposaIs embodied in the United States draft resolution and will vote in favaur of that draft resolution. 61. Mr. HOPPENOT .(France) (translated trom French): The position which the French delegation is called upon to take on the draft resolution subtùitted by the United States de1egation follows tao clearly from the ever-constant fidelity of the French Government to the principles of law and international morality for it to be necessary for me to explain and justify it at length. 62. l would add that l am conscious, in taking the floor, of expressing myself not only as the representativ(; of France, but also as the representative of a Member State of the United Nations, associated with aU theresponsibilities of the Organization, and therefore directly concerned with the charges levelled against the Unified Commando 63. The statement made yesterday by Mr. Gross gave me the impression that the United States representative was expressing himself at least as much on behalf of the United Nations as on behalf of his own Government and .that the situation which we are called upon to consider therefore does not concern only 'the United States Government and the Government of the USSR, but the Government of the USSR and all the States associated together under the United Nations flag to resist aggression and·accused by the Government of the USSR of having used bacterial weapons. 64. We think that the problem can be reduced to extremely simple terms. For over four months, the United States Government has been publicly and daily accused, in terms of ever-increasing violence, of having used in Korea,against the Sino-Korean forces and against the civil population of Korea and China, a weapon, the use of which has rightly been condemned by the cOl.1science of the whole world and which the great:;majority of the Member States of the United Nations have undertaken not to use. As l have already said, the accusation does not refer only to the Unified Command and the. United States Government. Tt also refers to the Organization itself, under whose flag the United States forces and the forces of the various States associated with them are carrying on .the strugg!e against aggression in Korea and which are now accused of tacit complicity in this alleged crime. ~5'_cThe United .States .Govertmlen,tmay ,haveacted wrongly infailing ta oppose this campaign for many 1l10nths except by means of denials, and in not immedlately -submitting ta the Security Council the request for an investigationwhich it has producèd today. The charges levelled against it were sa fantastic and the alleged proofs on which they were based seemed ta he - so inconsistent-and often so puerile that it doubtless 67. Today, the Unitri States delegation has taken up the challenge. In doing so, it has merely replied to the invitation addressed ta. it by the USSR representative at our [577thJmeeting of 18 June, when he made the following statement: "If the United States delegation intends to discuss that matter in the Seeurity Couneil, let it submit a proposai. If such a question is submitted, we shall say what we have to say about it. But the United States representative prefers another way, the cowardly way." 68. The United States delegation has submitted the proposaI which it was thus challenged to submit; but it is the USSR representative who has oeGn silent today. It is .Mr. Malik who ostensibly refuses not only to discuss the United States proposal, but even to listen to us. Rence we have the right to ask him - even if he has.taken off his'earphones so as not to hear uson which side we findgood faith and on which side we find· cowardice today. . 69. In order to justify this attitude of avoiding a debate which it has itself provoked and .solicited, the Soviet Uruon delegation put forward two sorts of reasons. 70. In the first place, it învoked. the CounciI's refusaI to invite representatives -of the Peking and Pyongyang Governments to participate in this debate. Many of ourcolleagues, inc1uding myseIf, answered this allegation at our preceding meeting. We do not now have to proeeed to an inquiry. We have to decide whether or not such an inquiry should takeplace. We have ta consider the. question of whether the charges that have been brought for months against the United States Government and .the· Unified Command should·be ("~amined byan impartial international commission. We. do not have ta consider the charges ourselves. 71. AlI theJacts of the case are already in bur possession and they enable us to take.such a decision,. but only such a decision. Mr. Malik told us this himself in the statement he made yesterday [585th meeting]. l shaIl quote him: . . . "As regards the use of bacterial weapons by United States troops against Korea and China, the facts are dearlyset forth in the statements. of the Governments -~OfthePebple's .RepubliE of'China' and the People's '.' Democratie Republic of Korea." , 72. ,.:+hrough thegood offices. of the Spviet Utiion .delegation,.the documents in .whi~h·.these facts are set 75. In the second place, the Soviet Union delegation, in order to justify its refusaI of any mquiry and its withdrawal from this debate, has stated its general a:ad all-embracing disapproval, not only of the" international Red Cross, but of any commission appointed by the United Nations which might he instructed to conduct such an inquiry. According to the USSR delegation, any such organ would merely he a camouflagcd espionage body, which would maintain agents in foreigh territory in order to carry out intelligence work. I must say that this assertion Jeaves me speech1ess. This is indeed .one of ~ho~e ~bsurd, unfounded and unproved accu~atlOns WhlCh IS liable, both from ageneral and a t:artlcular standpoint, to ~ngen.der really tragic situatrons, such as those descrlbed m Kafka's novels. It is ~ndeed possible sometimes to prove that a given person IS a. spy. But how can a person who is accused in advance of being a spy or an intelligence agent prove the. contrary P This is especiaIly true when we take into acco~mt.the particularly el~stic concept of espionage in totahtarlan States, where a journalist's normal exercise of his duties is considered and punished as espionage and where there is no reason why an innocent question about rainy or good weather should not also be condemned asmeteorological espionage. ",; ., !6. Yo~ d~ubtless know. this story, which is current lU cou,ntnes Immediately contiguous to thé Soviet Union paradlse and separated from it only by the Iron Curtain. One. day, a frontier guard sees a large number .of rabblts by the barbed wire entanglement, fleeing towards the yvest. He,.asks them: "\Vhy are you goillgP" The rabblts reply: We have to go. A decreehas just been passed that aIl giraffes areto be killed." The guard says to them: "But you are not 'giraffes, you are rabbits." The rabbits reply: "We kllow, but how are we going to prove itP" 77. The Soviet Union represelltative's statement places' us. ~ll in a more or less analogous position. Mr. Mahk s Ciovernment h&.s dearly lnformed us 18. The purpose of the United States proposal iH ta entrust the sug~sted ÎI;1V~stigatiohto.~he Internati0!lal Red Cross. It IS pernusslble for the USSR delegMlOn to question that choice. We already know from Mf" MaHk1s previous state111ents what objections he \\l"Ould have raised ta this. 1 may be better qualified than most ta @ve an opinion on Ùl0se objections, as 1 have just completed a seven~year mission in Switte.i2nd whièh involved frequent contact,with the International Réd Cross and its directors. 1 feel obliged tù bear witness ta the fact that there are no men who are more œnsdentious or more scrupulous and who carry out théir duty mneutrality with an almùst puritanicul .teal, 'that the pefSOJiS of Swiss nationality, ot wholl1 tbis Inb=rna'tiona.! ConlluiUee is composed. The charges of preju:diœ and, èven of tlMistri brought against the In'tèmational Red Cross really do not deserve an an:S\\'èl\ 79~Bu't Mr. Malik and his associates have every righ't Mt 1:0 be ln mvour of the International Red Cross. They areentltled to question this choice and to propose :an<)ther. My delegation) although it considers that no 'Ùtg<m.i~tion \\l'Ould he better qualified than the Inter~ nan-omù Committee of the Red Cross to carry out this task) would hot have objected to the discussion and ,coo.siderntion 'Of anùther such choice. But even this flOSSiibility has beènd.enied us. m The charges brought against the United States ·Govèrnn'l.ên:t and the Uhified' Command are supported 'Dy 'the Peking and Pyongyang Governments. They wer.e verifled by <lrgafis chosen by those governments ilbel1lise1lves. lu otlter words, the accusers are themselves gnannteeing the truth of their charges. They refuse to sahmit the.il ID the judgment of a."lytn'l.e who has not 'been expr~y appùinted, by themselves. That is the seclJ'fl!à rea:son why the Soviet Union de1egation stated iimt it would veta the United States request for an mwes6gation. S1. Wha:t 'tan we do in this situation other than note if:, d~ it and submit it ta the judgment of all men otgood sense and free spirit tÎlroughout the world, wbœe opinion represents the supreme tribunal,of the l:rmmtn nrmscienœ which an Mr. Malik's stat~entsand :aJB'·hismootics,cannot upset? El. A Frencl3. humounst of thelast century said: "If l we1"e acemsed of having stolen the towers ('f Notre- Dame. l wolid begin by taking flight." The United 'Sta:tes ~ and, with it, the United Nations a'6 a '~ havebeen subjected for mouths to an ~y ~d accusation. They are not takmg flight; 83. The French delegation, wmch is resolveci ta spare no effort to see to it that the proposed invelStigation should be carried out in the 1110st objective, free and impartial conditions, cannot countenance all the manœuvres of obstruction and delay which the Soviet Union delegation is placing in the path of the institution of such an investigation. This has alreadybeen proved .by it'J previous votes. Its vote for the request for an investigl~tion proposed by the United States delegation will confirm this. 84. Ml'. Malik mayimpose his veto. The ward <'veto" means "1 oppose". Fortunately, it is not within the power (lf the Soviet Union delegation to oppose the revelation of truth a11 the time and everywhere. 85. Mr. TSIANG (China): With much 'ofwhat has been said by my colleagues who have preceded me in this debate, l am in agreement. I therefore find it unnecessary to try to COYer the whole ground tmder discubsion. 136. It is a fact that germs. have been active on the mainland of China. It is a fact that, durinl! the past half-yeal~, germs have Idl1ed more of my fel1o~-country­ men than in former times. It is unfortunate that comtIlunism does not kill germs. On the contrary, the imposition of communist rule has strengthened the germs, which, as 1 stated a moment ago, have killed IDoreof 111Y fellow-countrymen in the last half-year than in any comparable previous period. That is to be e:x:pected. The communists have driven trom my country many of thedevoted foreign missionary doctors and nurses. They have liquidated some of the most eminent Chinese doctol's on the charge· of counter-revolùtion. Many of the famous doctm's of medicine iri China have been drive'1 todespair and have committed suicide. Those who continue to live and to work intheir chosen fields have been subjected to discipline and to red-tape control to such an extent that they find it impossible to minister properly to the needs of the people.'It i5 a fact, then, that germs1;"',ve been more active during the last several months fl:.an ever befotê on the m?inland of China - and that, as l say, is to be expcted. 8!. There is something else that is n~ost .disquieting. Smce the world has heard so rnagy taIse accusations, l do not wish to indulge in the slightestaccusation wmch may he unfounded. But 1. have a private and confidential •. communication from the mainland of· China which 1 think it would he worth while for the Security Council to keep in mind; Recelltly, a Chinese excommuniat who hadbeen active in the communist movemen~ for many y~.ars, particularly in the north east provlnces, close to the Yalu River,escaped from· the 88. We know, of course, that, during the fifteen years of Ja~')anese occupation, there were large Japanese laboratories in Manchuria devoted to experimentation in conne..'don with bacterial warfare. The ]apallese assembled in Manchuria large numbers of. J apcUl~se scientists for tha.t purpose. After the war, the Soviet UnionAnny brought·-to ..trial, in Blagoveshchensk, eleven or twelve persons charged with being war criminals for having worked on germ warfare. We have that list. If one looks at that list, one will find that most <'If the people named are military people, not scientists or doctors of medicine. Then we have another list-a list of four persons whom the Soviet Union demanded thatthe occupation Powers in Japan should bring to trial as war criminals. Again, those four are military officers, not scientists. Where are the Japanese scientists who worked in Manchuria on bacterial war- {are? Have they aIl been repatriated to Japan? No. Where are they? What have they been doing? That is something that the world should look into. And what has happened to those large laboratories in Manchuria for experimentation in I\:onnexion \Vith bacterial warfare? What activities have been conducted. in them since the Japanese left? That is also something that the world ought to look into. 89. The private communication which l have received froma Chin~se ex-communist comes to substantially this point: that these Japanese seientists have been working in co-operation with Soviet Union scientists and Chinese scientists to conduct further experiments, and that certain counties in the north east provinces of Cnina.have·been used as areas forcontrolled e..'t:perï- mentation; that some of thatcontrol failed; and that, as a result, man-made epidemics spread. 90. l say that that is a communication containing information of the greatest importance. It is worth looking into. 91. Unifortunately, with all respect to this Couneil and to the delegation of the United States for putting this item on the agenda, discussions and resolutions here do not kill germs and cannot save the lives of my fellow-countrymen who suffer from this kind of criminal neglect or criminal experimentation. 92. As to the draft resolution before us, the attitude of my delegation is simple. Ever since the rime of Grotius, civilized mankind has been trying very hard toestablish a body of principles for the guidance of States in the conduct of their international relations. This effort has been redoubled in the present century. The Covenant of the League of Nations and the Charter of the United Nations are examples of this redoubled effortto civilize international relations. Sorne thinkers say that we havegone tao far; that we are too idr.alistic; that the world - or certain parts of the world - is "1ot ready for the high ideals whi.~h we try to achieve hI::1 .... • ses 93. When these events bezan, I, for one, ~pected the Soviet Union and its satelhtes to conform to that mIe. l thought that the Soviet Union itself would demand an international investigation and place before an investigating body aU its suspicions and such evidence as.it has, and then demand action if its suspicions and accusations should be sustained by such investigation. That is what I expected of the Soviet Union and its satellitès, and 1 must say that that is probably what the whole civilized world expected. 94. Instead of doing that, the Soviet Union has pursued a course of action which is certainly extraordinary, ta say the least. It refuscd to have an investigation. lnstead, it launched a world-w~de and systematie propaganda campaign, a campaign of hatred. At this point, I wish to paya compliment to the representative of Brazil, who stressed the effect of such a campaign of mass hatred on the cause of peace and international undershmding. 95. 1 say that the minimum, the beginning, of good eonduct on the part of modern States is to ask for an impartial investigation of the facts when the facts are in dispute. The Soviet Union, measured by that elementary standard, has fallen far far below the expectatians of mankind. . 96. The Soviet Union threatens to veto this draft resolution. The beginning of wisdom on the part of the Security Couneil is to make its utmost effort to establish the faets. That is the least we can do. After that - if that should failwe will see what else we can do. U 'our efforts to take that minimum step should fail, the world will know who is responsible for that failure and the world will condemn those responsible for preventing the Security Council from performing its most elementary duty. .

My Government does not and cannot believe that the forces of the United Nations> which are 99. We have followed rhis discussion with profound discouragement and with 'aU anxiety common to many peoples of different nations) which are not great Powers and do not possess the material means of alleviating) even in part) the international tension) but who are nevertheless peoples which wish to live in peace and fulfil their destiny, and yet realize that they can be ruined by the aets and errors of the powerful. 100. We have heard the delegation of the Soviet Union draw a par: 11--1 between the alleged conduct of the Unified Command of the United Nations and more particularly the forces of the United States, and the conduct of Hitler in the years leading up to the Second World War. We have also heard the United States de1egation seek to draw a parallel between the lpropaganda machine of the Soviet Union and the' nazi propaganda machine at a time when Goebbell; was at the height of his power. From this double accusation it would seem that an attempt is being made to force usto the fatalis'"LÏc conclusion thatatragic dénoué'ment of the kind brought about by nazism is inevitable. 101. We believe that no historical parallel is possible. Factsdo ,npt repeat themselves in the course of time. We must admit,,,vith. <lnxiety, that the present situation as <l whole is much worsethanitwas then. ;Hatred) falsehood .and .error are rHe in·· a vastly more dangerousform. In the days of nazism,the motive for stirring up hatred was clear; itwas to prepare a people bowed down under dictatorship for the advent of an unjust and barbarous war. However,with the exception of a small group of fanatics, none.of the leaders of the Third Reich seriously believed in what he was saying. 102. Today, the campaign of hatred "Ïs. not directed by one country onlyagainst another, but is carried on 103. We believe that dogma destroys reason and that those who believe blindly in the certitude of dogma accept no proof ta the contrary, and will go on believing that United Nations troops have llsed bactetÎùl weapons in Asia. The Soviet Union representative's attitude of refusing ta participate in the discussion, of hearing without listening, of following the arguments of tue other delegations but rejecting them beforehand, of declaring that whatever the Council's decision he will still use his right of veto, is, taken by and large, symbolic of the dogmatic and intransigent world of our time. 104. We regard the future of the world with deep depression. If one half or more of humanity succeeds in convincing itself that the other half desires, aspires ta and is attempting its destruction; if it ends by believing that the other half would not shrink from anv course, no matter how atrocious and barbarous, th~ result can only be war. Such hatred anC1 such fear will produce hatred and fear on the other side. It will be the most reactionary, the least generous and the least internationally-minded and humanitarian forces which will have their way when methods are devised ta resist or prevent possible aggression. 105. The harm which is being done ta international co-operation and world peace and security by campaîgns of this kind is irreparable. Every advaœe which the world has made in that direction since the war against nazism is in danger; the vast possibilities for human progress which we hoped to achieve through the United Nations and international co-operation in general are equally in danger. 106. For these reasons, we sincere1y believe that we are faced with one of the most serious and' most dangerous situations which has arisen in the world since San Francisco. For us, what matters is not that through this campaign one battle may be won out of the many which have been or will he foughf in the cold war, even if the result goes against the forces with which our sympathies lie. What matters above aIl is the irreparable hatred and division which would affect millions of human beings. This is much more serious than the blockade of Berlin, much graver than the aggression in Korea. 107. We wish the United Nations were capable, had strength enough, to hold back tbis wave of fear and hatred, to reveal the truth and bring it home even to the most fanatical, and to demonstrate to the whole world that the United Nations, whichwas established ta safeguard peace, security, progress and human dignity, has not been guilty of barbarous practices in doing its duty in Korea. We wish we had means at our disposaI of convincing evetyone without exception. 109. As saon as thè cold war started, we realized tha: certain nations had developed a twisted mentality. Charges are made and any possibility of verifying them is refused. There is not a single international r.,r private organization in which these countries have confidence. They are all agents of sorne imaginary aggression. In my opinion, these threats are non-existent, but these countries feel themselves to be threatened and consider each of us, in varying degrees, as the representative of an aggressor or of a satellite of an aggressor, and none of our actions is admitted ta be of any value. 110. If aIl that we possess in the international field is reduced ta the United Nations, my delegation would have preferred that Organization to assume responsibility for the investigation into this intensive and extraordinarily dangerous campaign of hatred. We regard the problem as so serions that we actually believe that the Security Council ought to have surmounted aIl material difficulties and met in Asia in order ta use its prestige to the full, and should wherever possible have visited those places where it is alleged that attacks with bacterial weapons have been made. Afterwards it would have given the true facts to the world. l say this with aIl due respect to the International Committee of the Red Cross for its magnificent work in the past, its unsullied record of impartiality and its great moral prestige. 111. We are about ta vote on resolutions which have been vetoed beforehand. They are just resolutians, but we fear that they will have no effect either wc:y on the campaign -li hatred. We shall therefore vote without enthusiasm, in great amdety and, above aIl, conscious of the atmosphere of doom which surrounds us. Despite everything, we want to believe that the steps we take will succeed not only in demonstrating the responsibility·of those who make these false charges - which for US is a seco!.':.dary matter in comparison with the dangers ta which we have alluded - but will also help to dissipate this atmosphere of fear and hatred. 112. Our position. is one of optimism, but our confidence is small. . 113. The PRESIDENT: l have only one more speaker remaining on my list, but l scarcely expect that the Çouncil will think it a gO'od thing to go on and hear him no'W and then try to get to a vote this evening. "Qwess l hear anything to the contrary, therefore; l would suggest that the Council should meet tomorrow at 10.45 a.m. It was so decided. The meeting rose at 6.40 p.m. SALIS AG.NTS FOR UNITID DIPOSlrAIRIS DIS PU8UCArlONS MUet-illet "EI.fth.roudokls." tlon. Ath'n... lIUAtlMAll Goub.ud " Ct•• Gu.lem.l•• 1IlthttI*- QWltllII !!dltorl.l SIId.merleano SA. Aklna 600, eu-AI...1. 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