S/PV.589 Security Council

The provisional l;l.genda has been distributed and is before the Counci!. l assume that we can adopt it subjet to the usual reservations. The agenda was adopted. Question of a request for investigation of alleged bacterial warfare (continued) The French interpretation was given of the statement 1ltade by the representative of the Soviet Union at the 588th meeting of the Secttr'ity Council.

l should like to state, as briefly as possible, my delegation's position with regard to the draft resolution submitted by the United ~tates delegation and drculated as document S/2688. 3. It is an elementary dutY that impels the Greek delegation to lend this document its unqualified support. We shaH thr..s be discharging a part of the moral debt that we ail owe to the gallant soldiers who ;j,re repelling aggression in Korea, while at the same time conform- . ing to the dictates of our conscience as Members of the United Nations and of the over-all human community. 4. Those who attempt to besmirch the fighting record of tlIe men in Korea wet"ç given ample opportunity last week to prove that their charges are not the sheer slanders which they are in fact. If the raising' of one hand suffiœd to nip in the bud the only legally and morally acceptable procedure for establishing the truth, it did not and could not succeed in bec10uding the issue. On the contrary, the e10quent silenœ last week of the representative of the Soviet Union, and, perhaps, even more his uncompromisingly negative attitude today with the threat of a new veto, shed more light on the designs of those who fabricate and disseminate such slanders. ~. Confidence and faith in the forces which are fight- 1l1g under the United Nations banner in Korea isthe immediate target of the communist propaganda cam- 6. The second target of the campaign of hatred is the United Nations itself, as the representative of the United States stressed this morning. The system of collective security became a living reality for the first time in Korea, under the aegis of the United Nations. In the face of an unjust and u!lprovoked aggression, the overwhelming majority of the Members of the United Nations dosed their ranks. 7. Having failed to carry out their plans by military force, the aggressors and the instigators of the aggression are now resorting to devious means with a "iew to sapping the United Nations system of collective security. It is our duty to combat these deceptive artifices and to consolidate our unity. On the other hand, by not stigmatizing the. wmmunist campaign of hatred and by not exposing its authors, we should tacitly condone the inversion of the roles in Korea and the calling of the North Kürean authorities innocent victims of United Nations aggression. 8. In the opinion of my delegation, the endorsement of the United States proposaI by all the non-communist members of tbis Couneil will he beneficial to the authority of the United Nations for more general reasons. At the 582nd meeting of the Council on 25 June the representative of the Soviet Union con~ tended that "the ruling circles of the United States consider the United Nations Charter restrictive, obsalete, ineffective and unbearable" and, further, that "they" - none other, of course, than the ruling circles of the United States - "embarked on a course of breaking down and violating the Charter on the excuse of making it more effective or completing it". 1 feel that the true picture of the present wûrld situation could be rendered only by replacing, in the excerpt just quoted, the name of one country by that of another. 9. A serious blow, 1 submit, would be dealt ta the prestige and authority of our Organization were we to leave unopposed the assaults against the United Nations system of collective security. On the other hand, a passive attitude on our part wO'lld pmvide with sorne kind of excuse those who, having been unduly impressed by the Organization's lack of success in sorne Il. In the draft resolution under consideration my de1egation sees more than an instrument for meting out just retribution. We hope, indeed, that its approval by the non-cornmunist members of the Security Council will lead the authors of the campaign of hatred ta the conviction that their methods do not pay. A useful lesson may thus be learned regarding the existence of the moral links binding the members of the noncommunist world. 12. The ultlmate goal of our Organization remains the pooling of the energies of aIland l repeat the ward "aIl" - its Members for the improvement of the political, economic and social conditions in the world. In the meantime the excision of the propoganda abscess that festers within the world Organization continues to be an elementary necessity of political surgery. 13. Our ardentdesire for world unity stands, l submit, a better chance of success if, at the present stage, we attach more importance to the solidity of a limited front which can provide the nucleus for an. allembracing extension. 14. Mr. VON BALLUSECK (Netherlands): At OUt [587th] meeting on 3 July, the Soviet Union representative cast a negative vote which constituted, if l am not nlistaken, the forty-ninth Soviet Union veto in the Security Cauncil. The Charter has, for reasons which are unknown,given this right of veto to the five permanent rnembers of the Security Council. In the eyes (jf many, this right is of a questionahle nature in an organization which has wr:itten the principle of equal rights. in its constitution. IS. However that may be, one might weIl ask whether the fact of forty-nine vetoes in seven years corresponds to the spirit of the Charter which seeks topromQte international understanding and cooperation on the basis of persuasion rather than force or dictation by a mînority - and in t.lUs, as in 50 many other cases, by a minority of one. Now, we are facil.g the fiftieth veto by the Soviet Union which our USSR colleague has announced this morning - a golden anniversary, so ta speak, in the sphere of frustration of the wark of the Security Council, on which the Members of the United Nations have agreed to confer cor:ohorate~ charges against another nation or nations, ~vhlle .ref~smg at the same time to allow an impartial mvestigatlOn of such alleged accusations, mns counter to the purposes and principles of the United Nations which wants to be, in the language of Article 1, paragraph 4 of the Charter, "a centre for harmonizina the e.~tions of nations in the attainment of these co~mon ends" enumerated in the Charter. 16.When the forty-ninth Soviet veto killed the effort approved by ten members of the Security Council to ï~vite an i1?partial investigation of the grave accusation~ chargmg the use of bacterial warfare by United NatlOns forces, it rendered impossible the only available method to obtain an unbiased \;xamination on the spot of these charges. Far' from b,~ing afraid to face t~e truth~ a~ Mr.• Malik has alleged, the greatest pos- SIble maJonty ot the Council members minus one ~esired to have the truth estabtished by a body fre~ trom él;Dy possible intent. The forty-ninth Soviet Union vet? dId more than frustrate the implementàtion of this desIre. It made it impossible for the impartial investigatin~ body t~ hear the Governments of the People's Repubhc of Chma and the North Korean authorities where the charges originated. Tt even made it im~ possible for these two Governments to decide whether on reconsideration, they might wish to accept an im~ partial investigation as proposed by the ten members of the Security Council. The forty-ninth Soviet Union vet? .prevented them from even reconsidering their poSItion. Moscova locuta, cattsa finita. 17. Now Mr. Malik seems to imply that things miaht have been tlifferent if the Security Council had invited the representatives of the People's Republic of China and of North Korea to take part in our deliberations. Sur.h an invitation has been disapproved by ten mempers ot the Security Counch on the grounds that the charges have already been made, have been fully placed before the Council members and, at this stage, need no further elaboration. Moreover, the Council, at this stage, wa§ not asked, not even by Mr. Malik, to pronounce itself on the substance of the charges. The Council simply wanted to note the existence and dissemination of sucb accusations, to recaU formaI denials' from the responsible authorities and an earlier request by these authorities for an impartial investigation. So far, the Council was dealing with irrefutable facts without trying to interpret them. On the basis of such faets, it requested in its own name an impartial investigation, leaving open every possibility for the investigating body to confer with the accusingparties on. the spot; that is to say, on the scene of the aUeged bacterial warfare. Under those circumstances, there was, in the <>pinion of the overwhelmingmajority of the Council, no need to hear the accusing parties here and now. Their opportunity would come during the investigation. Then and there, they could decide whether or not in co-operate. But the forty-ninth Soviet Union 18. Mr. Malik has aIse questioned the international and unbiased character of the International Committee of the Red Cross, and therefore rejects it as an instrument for organizing an impartial investigation. My country holds the International Committee of the Red Cross in the highest esteem. We have experienced what it can do and did. Our Netherlands military and civilian pri:>'0ners of war during the Second World 'Nar who, against their will, resided ;n foreign lands, have every reason ta be thankful to the International Committee of the Red Cross, which, for them, had a most beneficial influence. And so we believe that the International Committee of the Red Crosa would be eminently fitted to undertake an impartial investigation in the field of bacterial warfure for which. at any rate in our opinion, it would be slighth better equipped morally and scientifically than, for instance, the Association of Communist Lawyers in whose impartiality, somewhat coloured perhaps by a generous spot of anti-American prejudice, Mr. Malik seéms to have no difficulty in investing his full confidence. One might ask whether lawyers are the people most indicated to look at infected birds' feathers or to examine microbes or plague-infested rats. But let us leave that alone for a moment and rather inquire from Mr. Malikwhat, in his opinion, would constitute a real impartial and morally and scientifically authoritative body that could be trusted to make a really impartial investigation. On this point, the representative of the Soviet Union seems to remain entirelv silent, and his veto enables hi111 to say no more about it. 19. 50 we are faced with a situation of complete frustration, a continuation of a state of affairs where certain governments make grave and violent accusations against otlier governments but refuse ta have them investigated and confronted with impartially established facts. Such practices should be condemned, as they run counter to the interests of world peace and security and stand in flagrant opposition to the convictions expressed on several occasions by the United Nations. 20. l may recall, as Mr. Gross did this morning, former expressions of opinion by the General Assembly; for inst<:nce, General Assembly resolution 381 (V) which condemned all propaganda against peace and which included in such propaga..t'lda "measures tending to silence or distort the activities of the United Nations in favour of peace". The United Nations fo!ces are acting collectively in Korea at present to wlthstand the aggression against the Korean Republic. The accusations levelled against them charging the use of ~acterial warfare pre presumably meant to distort thelr activities. And it is more than likely that they have many other meanings and are intended ta create confusion and to stir up feelings of hatred whk_ll, saoner or later, may result in new aggressive outbursts. In that sense, the uncorroborated accusations may well be designed or iikely to provoke or encourage 21. Propaganda of this nature was explicitly condemned by General Assembly resolution 110 (II) entitled "Measures to be taken against propaganda. and the inciters of a new war". In other words, the General Assembly condemned warmongering. If the leve1ling of very serious charges against one or more govemments - against the United Nations evencottpled with the refusaI to have them.impartially investigated does not fall under the heading of warmongering, I for one would be at a loss to understand what would. Suc.h practices endanger the possibilities of peaceful and constructive co-operation among the nations. They increase international tension. Suc.'J. practices in the case before us undermine the collective efforts of the United Nations against aggression in Korea. For aU these reasons, these practices should be condetnned by the Security Coutlcil even in the face of the threatening Soviet Union veto, just as the General Assembly condemned similar practices in a more general manner. 22. Consequently, the Netherlands delegation is ready to support the draft resolution submitted by the United States. This draft resolution notes procedural facts ~·hich. have beén clearly registered and need no further elucidation. It draws certain conclusions from these procedural facts. There have been accusations. There have been several requests and offers to have these accusations impartially investigated. There have been persistent refusaIs to accept such investigations. This justifies the conclusion that the accusations must be presumed to oe without substance and therefore false. And that, in turn, justifies a condemnation:of the practice of making and continuing to make and spread such presumably unsuhstantiated false charges.which are kept beyond the possibility of formaI and impartial investigation. That is how my delegation interprets the draft resolution now before us. 23. The Security Council should go on record as condemnitlg such offensive and odorous practices even though .this might present the Soviet Union with an opportunity, in the field of so-called co-existence, to round off its world series of vetoes to a new high frustration record of fifty. Undoubtedly the Soviet Union will claim that its attitude is in the interest of peace. There has been. and is being presented to the world a loud array of Stockhoh-n appeals and its other comitlformish ec_ livalents. But this mei'e1y reminds us of what was said recently by ~ leading statesman from agreat· Asian nation. Referring to certain unnamed eountries, he said: "Peace is talked about so much and in such tones that they deafen you and almost sound like war." 26. We Chinese are supposed to be patient. With us patience is considered a great virtue. In tbis respect l think 1 am an average Chinese. l must say that the repeat performance of the Soviet Union representative this morning overtaxed even Chinese patience. There was something serious, grave and threatening about the conclusions of the Soviet Union statement, for, in fact, the USSR representative told us that hereafter no matter what the Security Council may say or do, the Soviet Union and its satellites will continue ta make these false, monstrous charges. He assured us that his Government and the people associated with it will continue ta refuse an impartial international investigation. That means that the propaganda campaign, which began three or four months aga, will be continued hereafter no matter what speeches we may make here and what resolutions we may pass here. That, to ~y mind, is very serious, for this propaganda campaign IS .one of mass hatred against the United Nations, in general, and against the United States, in particular. 27. A campaig:n of mass hatred is a weapon of war and aggression. The Security Council, charged with the duty of watching over the peacè and security of the world, cannot evade its responsibility in the face of such a threat or such a campaign. The Soviet Union representative repeated again and again that a discussion of this question is not possible without the participation of bis comrades from the Chinese Communists and Korean Communists. Does anybody here or anywhere know of a single independent communist individual, indeJ?endent Communist Party or independent commumst authority? Wherever there is any sign of independe.nce on the part of a communist organ or party, such mdependent persan or group of persans is either liquidated or outlawed. . 28. To calI more communist& from Peking or from Pyongyangto this Council cannot add to our enlightenment. It will simply be a continuation and enlargement of this campaign of hatred through the medium ?f this organ. It is so everywhere. Communism and mdependence of mind are contradictory. Communism a?-d independence of mind cannot co-exist. To emphas!ze and torepeat here again and again that, in addition to the Soviet Union representative, this Council must invite other conimunists, is taxing the world's patience too much. In China and Korea, communism and Communist Parties were originally started by Russian agents. They have been· nurtured by the Soviet Union materially and spiritually. Today they 29. The present campaign of hatred is indeed "fabricated and sponsored", to use the words of the representative of the United States, by the Soviet Union. The main responsibility for the initiation ann continuation. of this campaign lies squarely on the shoulders of the Soviet Union. The attempt to draw other commtlnists into thi:l body is just an attempt ta continue the propaganda campaign by proxy, just as the .Soviet Union is fighting the forces of the United Nations in Korea today by proxy. 30, The draft resolution placed before us by the de1egation of the United States, in the first place, recites the essential facts connected with these charges. Then it goes on to draw the natural, logical and inevitable conclusion that, because of the refusaI of these Governments and authorities making the charges to permit an impartial investigation, these .charges must be presumed to be without substancè and false. The final paragraph ofilie resolution asks this Council to pronounce moral judgment. -31. In the face ai SUdl an issue and searching my mina and heart as l might, l cannot find any possibility of neutralism in regard to this draft resolution. If we take the duties of this Council seriously, if we mean to make an effort to preserve peace and security in the world, we cannot practice neutralism in relation to this· draft resolution. If we practice neutralism, it means we would al10w the vetu to paralyse the will of the world for a decent peace. Instead of allowing the threatened vèto to paralyse us, l believe the members of this Council should cast a decisive vote on this draft resolution so as to deprive the veto of its point. 32. 1. regard this draft. resolution as a .partial discharge of the daties and responsibilities imposed by the Charter on the Security Council. My delegation will vote for it.

The French delegation will vote for the draft resolution submitted on 3 July by the United States representative. It will cast this vote with sorne reluctance, for it is no light matter for a Council like ours to censure and condemn the position taken by the Government of a country whose representative sits among us asa permanent member. It will cast this vote, however, because the representative of that country has left it with no other choice. .34. In making himself the mouthpiece, in this and other organs of the United Nations, of a campaiRU of wild charges, launched four months ago throughout the world, andby preventing those charges from being subjected to an impartial international investigation on the spot which would necessarily have been contradictory, the USSR representative has left us no way ~>ut and no possible solution other than to note the exIstence· of these charges, ms··dissemination of them and, .at .the saine time,his refusaI to· discuss them in a 36. Although the French delegation is reluctant to ,join in this censure, it will nevertheless do so with an absolutely clear conscience. 37. l have studied carefully the documents of the International Association of Democratic Lawyers [S/ 2684/Adà.1] which the USSR delegation has had distributed to us. l have studied them together with èertain other similar reports and documents which have been communicated ta my delegation, as they have doubtless been to yours. l foundih them many assertions, but l can say in aIl conscience that l have not found in them 'a shadow of proof and that it is 'even somewhat depressing for anyone who reads these documents in good faith to observe the great' and tragic disproportion betweèn the charges which have been brought, the seeds of hatred theycontain, and the futility, puerility and inconsistency of the facts put forward in their support. It might have been supposed that the facts would have a semblance of credibility and accuracy and that they would havebeen examined critically, if superficia1ly, before they were submitted to us. Yet that is not the case. The facts given :in the document of the International Association of Democratic Lawyers and in the first two reports from the North Korean commissions can be regarded only as the product of popular imagination, credulous, naïve and over-excited as a result of the crisis and the tragic conditions prevailing in the country and crimina11y ex:ploited by those who saw what opportunities for propaganda such credulity afforded. 38. The process is nearly ::tlways the same. We are told that an aircraft; has flown over a certain more or less identified region. The nex:t day, or the ddY after, insects are discovered. Two or three days later, an epidemic is alleged to have broken out suddenly in that area. Then the old Latin saying, post hoc, ergo propter hoc) is invoked. From these facts, most of . ~hich have not yet been substantiated by any idenbfied witness, and most of which form part of a ldnd of legend propagated by word of mouth throughout the vUlages and among the troops, the most terrible charges are made against the United Nations army, the United States and even the Organization as a whole. 39. Here 1S an e..xample from the first document of the medical authorities of the Korean People's Arroy. An aircraft passes over a region in a mist on the ' morning of 28 January. On the following day, a 40. Yet these fleas, ticks and nycteribiid fli~s, innocent of aU contamination, had allegedly been dropped by United States aireraft Why shoulcl they have been dropped if they were innocuous? The answer to this question, according to certain newspaper articles, was that theobject was camouflage and that the indects, as it were, served as an alibi for others. 41. It seems that two of the thirty other flies carried specimens of the microbes of Asiatic cholera, cholera viruses. That may weU be so; but who can say, in that country, that, out of fiftyor sixtY flies taken at random sorne, like many persons, would not be carrying germs which do not affect them and which they do not necessarily pass on to others? Microbes are everywhere. 42. AlI this means that we are confronted with a kind of clùmsy and naïve - though possibly, at the outset, quite sincere - exploitation of extremely c1ementary and defective scientific ideas which are made use of by others, put into circulation and ultimately serve to promote the campaign of which l spoke. 43. There are many other cases. l would prefer not to quote more of them; but a curious aspect of the matter, which unfortunately has not been stressed sufficiently in our debates on this subject, is that one of the. principal arguments of the USSR propaganda -'- to calI it by its proper name - the USSR Government's exploit.ation of these North Korean and Chinese charges, runs something like this: firstly, aircrait; secondly, flies, fleas and other insects; and then, epidemies. But even before the arrivaI of aircraft and the allegedly airborne flies, these epidemics had existed in China. There is some Chinese evidence whieh strikes me as most interesting and significant. On 25 February. the Peking Jottrnal, which is the principal official organ - something like the Pravda of the People's Republic of China - reported that, in the province adjacent to Peking and Manchuria, a disease had appeared, the symptoms of which - vomiting, lung ailments, spitting of blood and death in two or three days - may be recognized by physicians as symptoms of certain forms of cholera and plague. 44. We read in the Peking Journal of 20 February that in the eight subdivisions of the Tien-Chien dis- 45. AlI the events in that region, therefore, point to the fart that, as often happens in China-and my colleague will not c7eny this - conditions existed whicl1 tended to lead to tht; endemic spread of these contagious diseases, and the sp..~ad was fmiher encouraged by the existing war-time mnditions, by movements of populations and by the mingling of civilians and troops. To explain that situation, l would express the view that this belief, this kind of interpretation of the passage of aircraft and of unusual insects which have been found, has indeed arisen in the popular imagination. The real crime against the human conscience and against the dictates of fairness and peace among men commitfed by those responsible for this campaign 15 t."te tact t-hat they exploited this popular credulity and these unfortunate circumstances in the way which we now ~ee. 46. This is not the first time t11at matters have taken this turn in the Far East. It will be recalled that at the time of the Boxer Rebellion, missionaries and priests were accused, in order to excite the imagination of the Chines~ masses against foreigners, of taking the eyes of Chinese corpses and selling them in Europe and A.merica as camera lenses. At that time, thousands and millions of OrientaIs genuinely believed these charges. 47. Today we are witnessing in communist China the development of an analogous campaign, the similarity of whlch with the campaign against bacterial warfare has perhaps not been sufficiently stressed. 1 am speaking of the campaign against missionaries and, in particular, against nuns, who have been accused of massacring in thousands and hundreds of thousands orphans whom they were caring for. 4R. 1 have lived in China. 1 have visited many orphanages, many of them conducted by French nuns. 1 have seen these daughters of France, who had 1eft home young, who had been tom from their families, to live in China often in conditions of terrible deprivation and poverty and whose entire activity and devo- 50. This explains why the French delegation has no hesitation in stàting that, havlfig ronsidered the facts and documents placed at Its disposa1 through the kind offices of the USSRdelegation, and therefore considering it unnecessary to hear the· Korean or Chinese representatives, whose evidence was to be forced on us, although l cannot see what they could have contributed beyond these facts, it wi~~ vote, not lightheartedly, but advised1y, for the proposaI submitted by the United States delegation.

Allow me tû state very briefly the r~::tsons for which the Brazilian delegation will vote in favour of th;.. United States draft resolu- ·tion set rorth in document 5/2688. 52. At the Council's [586th] .r..ieeting of 2 July the Brazilian delegation had the opportunity to ex'1ress lts apprehension and serious concern in connexion with the present prop::tganda barrage which, through an possible mcans of slander and f~~se ac,.t~sation~ against the United Nations, is cnutributing to a furthe:r: deterioration in the relations among the great Powers. We unequivocally took the· position that the very fact that one of the permanent members of the Security Council is endorsingand spreading sl1ch unwarranted charges is an international rad of such paramonnt itnportance as not to a~low for an attitude ùf indiffe- 57. On the other hand, the General Assembly has raised to the present position of honour which :uy country occupies at fuis table, a country like mine, and we mus\: discharge our dutY here with the fullest consdousness that we sha11 be called upon to decide and pronounce ypon matters not always so intimate1y connected with Asian populations as this one. In view of .this.. we must adopt a procedure and an outlook whlch should be abové; a11 narrow interests. 58. Vve have, as 1 have said, given our g'reatest weigbt and support to the demand for an investigation of this question. Owing to the curious set-up of the Security Couneil, for which my country is not responsible, that demand has been turned rlown. In other words, we were most anxîous, along with the :l'est of the world, that this matter should be thoroughly sifted. That has not come about. 60. We think that it w"'luld be somewhat difficult for us as a Council to treat a matter, which was the subject of a wished-for investigation, as though thè investigation had taken place and as though the guilt had been proved and the lies nailed ta the counter. That we have not been able to do. It is the-efore difficult for us to vote in favour of a proposaI which assumes otherwise. Logically we·shou.1d, perhaps, have opposed this draft resolution for the reasonsthat l have given. Nevertheless, my Government found that it could not quite do that. The reason is a very simple one. We ha~Te tried our best to see this debate as a whole. This draft resolution before the Council is the culmination of a discussion which started with the question of an appeal to ratify the Geneva Protocol. We are now, proceduI'ally speaking, on another item, and ~'et we know and feel that both these items and the various draft resolutions connected with them ferro a single whole. That wl:ole represents a terrible state of tension in the world. It is to that state of tension that we must address ourselves, and that is what we have tried to do. 61. We saw quite ch~arly what the implications of the appeal to ratify the Geneva Protocol might be, and we fought shy of entangling ourselves in those implications because we did not feel that we could endorse them. Thcrefore, we tried our utmost to keep away from them and to look at the matter steadily and objectively. We came ta the conclusion that it was illtimed and useless in the year 1952 to ignore what had happened during a quarter of a century and, particularly, during the last six or seven years, and to return to a sterile course. Accordingly, we tookthe stand that that matter should be referred to the Disarmament Commission where it should be studied as part of 62. We then came to the question of the charges and counter-charges about germ warfare. The representa~ tive of the Soviet Union thought fit, when this question \Vas on the anvil, to link up the question of inviting the representatives of the People's Rept'blic of China and the North Korean authûrities with the question of the inscription of the item on the agenda. It perhaps looked like a small procedural matter. Nevertheless, we thought that it was wrong to seek ta invite anybody to this table until the item had been inscribed. On that, we had not the slightest hesitation. However, because of that procedure adopted by the Soviet Union, we feared that the two questions would he indissolubly linked in the mind of the USSR delegation. Our fears were proved to be right. The first question that t.he Soviet Union proposed, before even it C<'uld discuss the question of investigation, was the invitation to the representatives of the People's Republic of China and the North Korean authorities. 63. We made it quite c1ear at that stage that to invite people who are parties to a dispute was a very sound principle from which we, as a Couneil, should not deviate in any light-hearted manuer; and we should indeed see that principle being adopted more rather than less frequently in the Security Couneil. But we asked ourselves one simple question: suppose the authorities mentioned were invited here and suppose they had their fullest say in the matter, even if it is assumed that up to this time they have not been able ta state their case directly or indirectly with any fullness, what would he the action that the Council would propose? l think the Cauneil would still have said, "We want to find. out the facts. We have only listened ta statements". 64. Had the question before us then been ta condemn certain governments or certain propaganda assumed ta he false, we should have certainly demurred very strongly. But the question came to us already with a proposaI to investigate. Therefore, we thought that that was not the stage when the authorities of the People's Republic of China or of North Korea should come to this table. 65. l wish to remind my Soviet Union colleague that if the draft resolution to hold an impartial investigation had heen accepted; the discussion on this item would not have finished, the work would on1y have begun and would hjl.ve come back to this Council at a much riper, fuller stage. Therefore, accepting the proposaI to have an impartial investigation would not have shut the door on the arrival or the invitation to this table of t.1le authorities of the People's Republic of China and of North Korea. On the côntrary, it woulel. have opened the door for them ta come here. It was on that understanding that we voted as we did. 66. As we know, later on, our Soviet Union colleague thought it fit to use the veto. The veto is not our invention. It is, if l may say so - and l know l am 68. vVhat we say is that we share the frustration around. this table, we share the disappointment and the unhappiness, but we still think that if the United Natio1'ls is to be of any use, and if we have the slightest hope 1eft in it as an international forum which will work, we should not try to push each other out but we should try to pull each other in even though the strain of that may be much the greater.

If this debate has had any virtue, it is that it has given us a close-up and realistic view of the abyss facing us. The representative of the United States has presented us with an impressive account of the history of the campaign against the forces of the United Nations and a",oainst the United States. What he said confirms in us the sad conviction, which l expressed few' days ago, that this type of campaign, whèther due w propaganda motives or to honest convictions, can lend relentlessly te war. Peoples are malleable .and in 70. Now l ask myself what steps, what attitudes the Security Council has suggested to meet this grave problem which is such a serious threat to the peace. In our view it has suggested nothing that really goes ta the heart of the situation, nothing that would succeed in really ending the tension or tend to reduce it in any way, nothing that can have a truly' decisive . effect in preventing this canlpaign of hate and féar from spreading and from causing irreparable ·.amage. We would have preferred it if this Council had weighed the inner substance of the charges of hacterial warfare, had considered their disastrous effect upon peace; we would have preferred it if this charge had been treated as a symptom, as the manifestation of the seriousness of the existing situation, rather than as an isolated facto Under the Charter, the Security Council has the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. However, the events and the situations which produce tension in the world are continuing to occur or to grow beyond the range of the Security Council's action. 71. l am afraid that this debate and the resolutions which have been adopted or which are under discussion can only haye a partial and relative effect on the events to which l refer. Thus, the earlier draft resolutian [S12671] which was vetoed and which provided for an impartial investigation of the charges of bacterial warfare, was not forceful enough - as we would have liked it to be - to stop the campaign entirely or ta convince all peoples in Asia and in the West that the charges were baseless. In saying this l am thinking of what the representative of Pakistan has just said and l anl also mindf'J of the words which Prime Minister Nehru pronounced hardly a month ago before the House of the People of his country. As l said a few days ago, we believe that when a situation becomes so sericius as this it can be effectively dealt \Vith only by extraordinary measures and bold methods, andI wentso far as to suggest the possibility that the Security .Council itself should make an investigation on the spot. 72. The draft resolution currently presented hy· the United States is based on premises which l think are 74. The representative of the Soviet Union has also bitterly attacked the International Committee of the Red Cross. It is not for me to eulogize its accomplish- >nents. Othel's in this Council have a1ready done so. It is regrettable, however, that the decision taken by the USSR representative at the outset of the discussion of this item of the agenda has prevented him from making his observations at the proper time. 1 say to him in all sincerity that we would have agreed to debate the question whether or not this was the appropriate body to carry out the investigation and would have received with an open mind any sugg~stion proposing a different organization or other means of carrying out the investigation in question. 75. On the other hand, the iogical conclusion to be drawn from my remarks and fl'om the fact that obviously such a grave and pers~stent campaign is a serious cause of dispute, of enmity between peoples, is that the practice of making and disseminating false charges of thiskilld should be condemned. 1 would point out that the draft resolution contains no direct condemnation of any country, as the remarks of the Pakistan representative suggest. Rence, sa far as we are concerned, the United States draft resolution canhot be open to serious objections. We still entertain the doubt, however, which 1 mentioned earlier: what real influence can this draft resolution have on the present grave international situation? What will be its influence on the hate and ff'ar campaign which, we fee1, constitutes a grave danger? Will it be effective in causing the sponsors of this campaign to re:flect? Will it prove conclusively that the charges are false, not to 76. The United States representative said that the effect of this resolution will be to make the diffusion and spread of the hate campaign more difficult. Most of my colleagues seem to share that view. For my part, 1 cannot help being assailed by doubts, in view of th~_ statement by the Soviet Union representative that his Governinent, irrespective of the opinion of the majority of the Council, would continue to maintain and dissemim: ~e this charge, and also in view of the Pakistan representative's words. 77. Eut whatever doubts we may enterta.in concerning the power of this draft resolution as an effective instrument for arresting the g-rowingideological and moral split in the world, or as a factor cortducive to the moral disarmament which is sarely needed - aIl our doubts would be dispelled by this further thought: this can1paign has been directed mainly ag-ainst the United Nations, since it is the forces fightingin Korea to defend collective security, in the name of the United Nations and at the Security Council's behest, that have b, en directly accused. And we believe it to be the moral dutYof the Security Council ta back those forces when they are subject to attacks as unjust as they are serious. 78. For this reason, we shall vote for the United States draft resolution. 79. 1 .:b.ould like to ellquire if the President proroses ta put this draft resolution to the vote today and, if sa, how rr any speakers remain on the list and how many can be deferred, because I have to attend a meeting of Latin-Alllerican delegations -which cannot be postponed - called for 6.30 this eveningat my country's request.

I was about tû consult my colleagues on that point. It is now just past 6 p.m. I have one more speaker on my list; I will reveal the fact that it is myseH. There is also one repl'esentative who wishes ta explain his vote, and he may desire to speak either before me or after me. It is the representative of Turkey. 81. My speech will last, I think, for about a quarter of an hour which, with the interpretation, will probably mean over haH an hour. I do not know how longthe representative of Turkey will take, but assuming that his remarks will last for about four minutes, with the interpretation, that would mean in aIl another thirty five minutes at least. Then we should have th::: vote which might be followed by explanations of vote. 82. My own inclination, therefore, is ta suggest that we should adjourn now, the more so in order to ac- AIOENTIIlA - AlGENTINE Editorial Sudameric.n. S.A.. AÎsin. 500, Buenos Aires. GRElCE - "EI.fth.roud.kis." tion, Athèn AUSWLlA - AUSTRALIE H. A. Godd.rd, 255. George St., Sydney. InGIU,",-BELGIQUE Agence et Mess.geries de 1. l'r.sse S.A.. 14-22 rue du Persil, BruxeUes. W. H. Smith '& Son. 71.75 Boulev.rd Adolphe·MeJI, BruxeUes. IOLIVIA-IOLIVIE Librerl. S.lecciones, C.sill. 9?2, L. P.z. IWIL -IRESIL Livr.ri. Agir, Ruo Mexico 98·B. Rio de Joneiro. GUATEI:lA'.4 Goub.ud Gu.tem.la. HAITI Librairie ; II-B. Port HONOURAS Librerl. Fue,ta. tegucigolpa. INbIA-INOE Oxford Book House. N.w P. V.r.d.ch.ry St., M.dr.s CANAOA Ryerson Pr.ss. 299 Qu••n St. W.st. Toronto. Les Presses Universit.ires lov.I, Qu.b.c. INDONESIA .Ioi.son Pembongunen, Dj.kart•• CEYlON - CEYLAN The Associ.ted Newsp.p.rs of Ceylon, lId.. L.ke Hous., Colombo. IRAN Ket.b·Kh.neh nue, Tehran. OIlLE - CHILI Librerl. Iv.ns, Mon.d. 822, S.n,'i.go. IBAQ-IBAK Modenzie's CHINA - CHINE Commerci.1 Pr.ss, Ltd., 211 Honon Rd.. Sh.nghoi. IRELANO -IRLANDE Hibernian merci.1 Buildings, COLOMBlA - COLOMIIE Librerl. L.lin. lId... C.rrer. 60.. 13-05. Bogot•• IIUEL Blumstein's Road. Tel COSTA RICA - COSTA·RlCA Trejos Herm.nos. Apart.do 1313, San José. ITAL., -ITALIE Colibri S.A., CUlA 1.' C.s. Belg., O'Reilly 455, lo H.bon•• LEUNON - Librairie aECHOSLOVAKIA - TOIECOSLOVAQUIE Ce,toslovensky Spisovotel, N.rodnl Trida 9. Proh. 1. DEMMAlI-DANEMARK E1nor Munbg.ord, LId., Nllfrreg.de 6, K"b.nh.vn. K. LIBERIA' J. Momolu LUXEMBOURG librairie J. IHlMlNICAN REPU8L1C - REPUI. IlOMlNICAINE Librerl. D~mlnic.n•• M.rcedes 49. Cili· d.d Trujillo. lCUADilR- EQUAnUII Librerla CientlÏico, BOl 362, Gu.yaqull. MEXICO -MDUQUE Editorial 41. México. NETHEILAHDS N.V. Martinus ',.Gr.venh.ga. EGYPT-EGYPTE Ubrairie uL!J Renaissânce d'Egypto, 11 9 Sh. Adly P.sh., C.iro. NEW %lALAND U. N. Assn. Wallington. EL WVADOR-SALVADOR M.nuel Nevas y CI... 1. Avenid. sur 37. Son S.lvador. ' HICARAGUA Dr. R.miro ETIIIOPIA - ETIIIOPIE Agence Ethiopi.nn. d. ·Publicité, Box 128, Addis·Ab.b•• NORWAY -1i01VEGE Johon Grundt guslsgt. 7A, FlNUNIl_ FlNLANOE ....k.t••min.n Kirj.keuppa, 2, Keskusk.tu. Helsinki. PAKISTAN Thom.s & Ro.d, K.r.chi, Publishers hore. F1WIet! Editions A. P.done, 13 ru. soumot. ParlsV. Orders and Inqulries from cOllntries where sales have not yet been appointed may be sent to: Sales Circulation Section, United Nations, New York. or Sales Section, United Nation~ Office, Palais Nations, Geneva, Switzerland. Priee: (or equivalent Printed in Canada