S/PV.601 Security Council

The provisional agenda was drawn up in accordance with rule 10 of the provisional rules of procedure. Except for one necessary deletion, the provisional agenda is the same as the one for our 600th meeting held on 16 September 1952. We might consider it as adopted, subject to the same reservations. The agenda was adopted. Admiesion of new Membere: (b) New applicatione for membership (8/2446, 8/2466, 8/2672, 8/2673 and 8/2706) (continued) 2. The PRESIDENT: In accordance with the toursé adopted at our previous meeting, 1 now place under discussion .document 5/2754, submitted by the United States on the application of Japan. . . . 3. Mr; AUSTIN (United States of Amedca):· The U~ted.State~has submitted a <fr?,ft resolution (S/2754] grand quatre cours alliées prise. mentale . ~eco~en~ing a. ~eat nation, Japait.. for ~embership ID the UnIted Nations. Aftet almost four years of the most bittér hostilities in whith the United States· and other allied Pm,vers and Japan were engaged, the Japanese people repudiated their military masters and undertook ta rebuild·a new Japan.·They have succeeded ili their undertaking. They have produced a new structure of government and brought into leadership thosewho know the ways· of freedom and of peace. The Japanese people have a genuine love of peace and a warm appreciation of duty. They are a people of art, beauty and sentiment. They possess high skills. 5. In its application for membership which Japan filed on 16 Jtme 1952 [S/2673]1 the Mmister for Foreign Affairs said: "The Japanese people have an earnest desire to participate in the work of the United Nations and ta utilize the purpases and principlesof the Charter as a guide ta the canduct of their affairs. There exists among the Japanese people nationwide sympathy with the objectives of the United Nations ta foster international peaçe and co-operation among nations. The Government of Japan is eager ta apply for membership in the United Nations and therefore will undertake ta fulfil the obligations of membership in the Organizationby aIl means at its disposal.u 6. The United States accepts this statement as a true indication of the intentions of the Japanese Government and of the Japanese people. The application of Japan cames ta us as a logical consequence of the Treaty of Peace with Japan which entered into effect on 28 April 1952. This re-established Japan as a sovereign and independent State. Upon that date Japan resumed not only its rights but aIso its duties as a member of the family of nations. Japan had already recognized these duties when, in the preamble of the Treaty of Peace, it declared its intention ta apply for memb~ship in the United Nations and in a11 circumstances ta conform ta the pri~dples of the Charter of the United Nations. 7. The significance of this pledge is, 1think, recognized by aIl of the forty-eight States which signed the Treaty of Peace at San Francisco. By its acts, Japan has,shown that it honours. this pledge and has taken its place in the organized international comniunity. 8. . Japan has a long history of co-ope!'ation with the United Nations in many areas. It hasco.,operated in combating aggression by complying with the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Sec1U"Îty Counci1. It is a responsible member of niost of.the specialized agencies .of the.United Nations: the Internatiatiàl Telecommuriications' Union, the Universal Postal·Union, the World Health Organization, the' Int~rnational Labo~rOrganisation, the Food and Agriculture Organization, and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization. Recently, Japan became an associate member of the Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East. Japanese women have for several years attended the meetings of the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women as . unofficié~.l .observers. . . 9. The ideals and objectives of the United Nations and its. specializedagencies have received widë support in the.cities.and townsthroughout Japan. Associations dedicated ta advancing knowledge of the United Nations and its specialized agencies have been established from 10. These, then, are sorne of the facts indicative of ]apan's attitude toward the United Nations and what it stands for. By such facts we can test the reality of the declaration that the Government of Japan will . undertake to fulfil the obligations oi membership. 11. It is significant that Japan, haviv· eclared its intention in the Treaty of Peace to app~,}' .ror membership in the United Nations,submitted its application less than two months after the treaty went into effect. It seems to my Government entire1y appropriate that now, on the firstoccasion upon which the Security Couneil has been considering recent applications, the Couneil should address itself to the application of Japan. 12. It is for the Security Council to sa.y whether Japan is a peace-'loVîng State, able and i}I;i1iing to carry out its obligations under the Charter. In the.opinion of my Government, Japan fully possesses aIl of these qualifications. Japan desires to be a part of and play an important role in the international community. As a State which now lacks the armament of self-defence, it needs collective security asenvisioned by the United Nations Charter. The United Nations needs this nation of 85 million people. Japan's memberJhip will streng1;hen the United Nations and will assist in achieving the maintenance of international peace and security. 13. The United States. is proud to recognize Japan's return to the international cotrimunity of nations and to put before the Security Council the draft resolution in supportoi Japan's application for admission to thé United Nations. This draft resolution is simple a.nd self-contained. Japan's application is not related to the application of any other State. l submit it to you to be considered and voted on solely upon its .merits. 14. The question before the Security Council when it votes on tbis draftresolution Ïi; a simple one: Does Japan possess the qualifications for menlbersbip required by the Charter? The world will see the answer to that question by the vote of each member of the ?ecurity .Council on the draft resolunon. .

It ls so obvious that Japan ought to be a Member of the Unit~d Nations that l do not propose tospeak at length on the subject. A number of the reàsons have already been mentioned by the representative of .the United States. l think Ineed only say that my de1egation considers that Japan qualifies for membership asbeing fully sovereign, peace-loving, and able and willing to carry ·out t}le obligations of the' United NanonsCharter. It is· also·able to ·make·a useful contribution to .the work of the United Nations, which wotÎld remain. the PÇlorer in its absence... My delegation accordingly proposesto 16. Ml'. VON BALLUSECK (Netherlands): As regards the proposaI now before us to recommend to the General Assembly the admission of Japan, l wish ta" make the following brie" observations. 17. The Netherlands Government, on 17 June 1952, ratified the Treaty of Peace with Japan, signed at San Francisco on 8 September 1951. The state of war between Japan and the Netherlands has been terminated and we recognize, in the words of the Treaty, the complete spvereignty of the Japanese people over Japan and its territorial waters. 18. The Netherlands people and those for whosè weI1- being and security the Netherlands Government was responsible at the time of the Japanese intervention during the Second World War have greatly s1,1ffered under the aggressive designs of the then Japanese Governmen~ This. çannot beeasilyforgotten. Nevertheless, we earnestly hope and believe that the new Japan, which has now been restored as a sovereign nation, will adopt in its international relations ways and standards of life which will enable it to become and remain a loyal Member of the United Nations, basing its conduct on the principles of the Charter. 19, vVe signed the Treaty of Peace. not because we were satisfied with aIl its stipulations in every respect, but because we recognized the necessity to pave the way for new and peaceful co-operation with a great Asian nation, and because we wanted to reaffirm our trust in the moral force of the principles which we ourselves and many of our friends, and now also Japan, accepted when we and they adhered to the Charter of the United Nations. The Treaty of Peace with Japan stipulates, inter alia, that Japan, even before becoming a. Member of the United Nations, accepts the obligations ,contained in Article 2 of the Charter, and' more particularly the obligation to settle .its international disputes hy .peaceful mea.ns in. such a manner that international peace and security and justice are not endangered. The treaty furthermore stipulates that Japan shaH refrain in its international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State, or in anyother manner inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations. 20. Today we have before us the formaI Japanese request· for admission as· a.Member State of our Organization and the draft resolution, document S/2754-,introduced by the representative of the United States of America. We also have a formaI declaration ,by the Japanese Minister for Foreign Affairs, stating that "the Government of Japan accepts the obligations ;contained in the Charter of the United Nations and undertakesto..honour themj by aIl means at its disposaI, from the day when Japan becomes a Memberof the United Nations".

My country was among the forty-eight countdes that signed, a little over a year ago, the multilateral Treaty of Peace with Japan at San Francisco. It is among the twenty-five countrles that have ratified that Treaty. At the Peace Treaty Conference in San Francisco my country had the honour of we1coming the restoration of peaceful relations between Japan and the g;eater part, the bulk, of the world with which that country unfortunately had been in conflict. At that time the representative of my country, its Foreign Iv.Hnister himself, characterlzed that Treaty as a trp~ty Qf "recQnciliation and justice", Above :all, we welcomed that Treaty an.d the vast support that the restoration of peaceful relations with Japan received at the hands of the wodd because it was the first step towards the restoration of the national dignity of ]apan. 23. Sometimes it is not easy to reca11 that the vast Asian continent, to which l have the honour to belong, contaiJ;1s more than haH the people of the woïld. l know that the members of the Security Council are not unduly unconscious of the importance of that continent and of its peoples. It a1ways gives my delegation a feeling of something left .undone when we reali;1:e and recall that there are certain countries in that vast continent which are not yet represented in the United Nations. Any step taken in the direction of remedying that situation, provided it is in consonance with the purposes of the Charter and provided it fulfils the obligations and the conditions of Article 4 of the Charter, is doubly welcome to us. 24. We aU realize the fact that during recent years the great }apanese people have dedicated themselves to new ideals, and they have been working. most assiduously and most sincerely to impiemerït those ideals. As a gl"eat Asian people, therefore, we have not the slightest hesita.tki!! inwelcoming them to our fuiuiiy h":-e. Duri;:i~ these years they have, as we all know, shown a considerable amount of interest in the work· of this Organization,even though they have not yet been admitted to its membership. This interesthas be~n evinced not only by the prese,nce of their representatlveobservers here, but also by the amount of study that has been going on in Japan itself with regard to the purposes, the operations and the undertakings of this Organization. We have not theslightest doubt that ]apan fulfils the conditions of membership prescribed in Article 4 of the Charter. For the reasons that l have . given we shall wekome Japan's entry here, and we shaH warmly support the United .States draft resolution On that subject. . _. 25, Mr. SARPER (Turkey): In the opinionof .the - Turkish delegation }apan is a greatcountry which 27~=The~inïerest'wÏilérrOout o~cotih'1t'Y'isfaKilÏg aS Cà nlember of the interrtation:!l community is enhanced by our geographical position", having as we do a long èoastlinè on the Pacifie Ocean. .We are particularly interested in an active cultural and commercial exchange with the Far East. We believe that the admission of Japan would serve the interests of all States Members of the United' Nations and'particularly our own and t.'tose of the ]apanese people. Japan, as a Menlber of the United Nations, would elisure continuation of the democratic fôrms of co1tlt11unity life whiclt were unfortùnately forgotten in the past with tragit results for other countries and particulatly for Japan itself. 28. Forthûse reasonsand also beCàuse we believ~ that Japan meets therequirements set forth in Article 4 of the Charter, and because my country has ratified the Treaty of Peace with Japan - a tteaty whiclt explicitly calls for ]apan's admission to membership in the United Nations - my delegation will vote in favour of recommending Japan's admission into the Organization. 29. Mr. MALIK (Union of Soviet Socialist Republies) (tr:anslated Jrom Russian) .:The tepresentative of the Umted States and after h1m a number of other representatives have presented the matter we are to discuss from an angle most suitable to the United States. :Buteven the ancient Romans,· in their wise laws, required that every sideof a question shouldbe taken into consideration or at least that b6th' sides be ~amined. vVe must not therefore view tbis question only from the sidewhiclt the. representativeof the United States has preseilted to the world. We must irÎew it from its other angles. 30. Dtiring consideration of the proposa,ls. submitted bytherepresentatives. of Ftarice and the United States an' favour of indudirig 'On .theagehda of the'Security ~pressed the view thatthe time had not come· ta consider those applications. It now maintains that position and contends that, in so doing,' it is basing itself upon considerations of principle and upon the provisions of the United Nations Charter. 31. l should 1il<e first to deal with the question of Japan. In order corrcctly to assess the -question of Japan's admission to membership in the United Nations, we must :l1.rst cousider its present position as aState. It is a matter of public knowledge that Japan was an active supporter of the hitlerite aggression. A long Hne of Asian and Far Eastern countries were the victims of Japanese aggression, including China, India, Burma, Indonesia, the Philippines and others. Militaristic Japan attacked the Soviet Union more than once. The united efforts of the Powers were required to defend the independence of th.e countries which were subjected to attack by mi!itaristic Japan and to creat~ conditions for a lasting peace in the Far East. 32. On 15 August 1945, militaristic Japan unconditionally surrendered in accordance with the provisions of the Potsdam Declaration. I myself ""as the first repres~lltative of the countries at war with Japan to receive from the Japanese Government the document of surr~nder. 33. As is. h.-nown. the principles which were to guide the governmep.tsof the countries at war with Japan in their relations with thÇl.t country were laid down in international agreements concerning Japan. The first of these principles prohibited any revival of Japanese militarism, while the second called for, the removal. of aIl the obstacles placed by Japanese militarism in the way of the movement towards democracy among the Japanese people, inçluding freedom of speech, religion and the Press, a,pd a return to fundamental human rights. Those principles were embodiedin such international agreements as the Cairo Declaration of 1943, the Potsdam Declaration of 1945 and the Yalta Agreement of 1945 in which the United States, the United Kingdom, China and the Soviet Union entered into definite commitments in connexion with ending the war with Japan and the admission of that country to the community of peaceful and democratic States. 34. Those principles, laid down and recognized in agreements reached during the war, were subsequently expanded and defined more accnrately in the Far Eastern Commission decisions on "The Fundamental Policy to be applied to Japan after the Capitulation". The following, in partîcular, waS stated in those decisions; "'l'he Japanese people shaH be encouraged to develop a desire for the freedom of the individual and for a return to fundamental human rights, to freedom of religion, assembly and association, of speech 35. Following Japan's-surrender, the ruling drcles in the United States neverthe1ess violated those recognized principles and, consequently, the commitments they had entered into under international :agreements concerning Japan. They hegan to consider Japan as a conquered province and to govern it as if-it had been converted into an Arnerican state. 36. The USSR, guided by the principles laid down ininternational agreements concerning Japan, repeatedly asked that practical measures should be taken to ensure the settlement of the most important problems affecting their attitude towards Japan. F!)llowing the conclusion of the peace treaties with the European countries, the USSR, over a period of years, repeatedly pressed for the rapid conclusion of a peace treaty with Japan. The USSR has maintained and continues to maintain that the peace treaty with Japan should be democratic and should serve the interests of the people and not imperialistic interests designed tegratify the wishes of this or that group of insatiable imperialists. 37. The USSR alsO baseCîitseii-and eu-minues te Jmse itself on the principle that the national inter·.:::sts of the Japanese-pe(}ple require that Japan should be a peaceful democratic country arid that it should enjoy peaceful relations .on a basis of equality with other countries, and especiaIly with its neigbGl1rs. Since the first days of the Japanese surrender, however, it has be'come clear that the United States Governmenthas its own plans with regard to Japan, .plans which !UHze nothing in common with· a real peace settlement for Japan and the establishment of peace in the Far East. It has now bec(}me obvious to aIl that the essence of the, plans of the .uling circles in the United States was and· is . to convert Japan irito. the obedient .instrument of the United Statespolicy of aggression, into ashield and base for aggression in the Far East. 38. In accordance with these plans, a separate peace treaty .was imposed upon ..Japan by·the ruling circles in the United States, with the active assistance ofthat well-known instigator of anew war, Mr. Dulles: this treaty, both in its content and in the action which has been taken to implementit, is not a peace treaty, but a treaty for the preparation of a new war.. This separate United States treaty contains no guarantees against the revival of Japan as an aggressive State. Itcontains no restrictions on the size of the Japanese armed forces, in contrast to the neace treaties concluded with otherStates after the Second WorldWar, and ~speeialIy that concluded with Italy, a country which, in .the .role and place it occupied in the system and plans of riaziaggression, playedfundamentally the same part as Japan. The". Treaty of Peacewith Italy contains clearand precise provisions limitingthe size of its armed forces. In this respect, theruling circles in the United States have placed Japan in a special, 39. Essentially, the United States separate peace treaty with'Japan has consolidated and broadened the practices previously evolved during the UnIted States occupation. Various militaristic organizations in Japan, which were established under MacArthur are now being-expanded and strengthened. Military, U1wal and air bases a>ëe being established and enlarged and a land army, a navy and an air force are being reconstituted. The former Japa,nese military arsenals' are being extended and modemizf<. Japanese industry has been tonverted to the manufachlIe of arms and military equipment. Th~ United States command is making e.xtensive use (Jf Japan's material resources and man- '. power for the purposes of'the war in Korea .which is being conducted illegally by the United States Gdvetnment under the flag of the United Nations. 40. From United States Q;:tses in Japan warpIanes are daily bombing Korectn towns and villages, slaughtering women, children and aged pe"sons,' and dropping streams of fiaming napalm. 41, Just recently, the United States Press reported that in the current budgetary year the United States is-placiugmilit<!ITQrderl)o.!o tlle value of more than $200 million in Japan. Under-fflese-ôràers-irom the United States, Japailese war industry, now restored and working to full capacity, issupplying the United States armed forces with shells, machine-guns, rifles, field guns, mortars, revolvers and other arms. The ]apanese Kyodo Agency reports Japanese Government circ1es as stating that aIl these arms will be delivered in "an uninterrupted· flow". . 42. AlI these facts indicate that the United States Cnverntnent has grossly violated the international obligations - not ta permit the revival of Japan as an aggressive State-which it assumed join,tly withothf'r States, and is doing everything possible to restore ]apanese militarism, to tnakeit its obedient instrument and tOèonvert Japan and the Japanesewar industry ~nto.a United S,tates base. and military arsenal, thus mevItably creating a threat to peace and security in the Far East, 43. .Rence, the separate United States treaty :Lrnposed Upon .. Japan with the assistance of .pro-American reac~ionary '. and militaristic drc1es in Japan, is a SPUrlOUS, false peace treaty. . 44. Unitecl States occupation forces have not been wit?c1rawn from Japan~ They are stillthereand only the1r appearance has been èhanged to deceive little children and big fools. Essentially, however, United States '. armedforces contipue' ta occupy.}apan. '.. Thl:; country isstill under a foreignmilitary occupation.. The Japanese people are not only deprived of elementary democratic rights and freedoms but are still compelled, 45. The Japanese I-'eople are sufferlng incalculably from the continuing United States occup&tion. One need only read the rare reports which filter through to the world Press, including the Press of the United States, to visualize the misery of the Japanese people under the oppression of the {areign, United States, occupation. 46. As the result of tl:e reactionary policies of Japanese and United States ruling circles, millions of Japanese workers are eking out a miserable edstence, receiving such low wagel? that they are unable to fced themselves and their families. The Japanese people are obliged to live in the difficult conaitions whicl1 result from inflation and high-priced consumer goods. 47. The American monopolists, obtaining millions and millio~s in pro;tits from the exploitation of low-paid Japanese labot,tr, are condemning· the Japanese people to starvatioq~ beggary and privation. Jfl.panese peasants al\: compelled, as in the past, to lead a miserable existence, either wlthout any land orwith insufficient land, since the land reform promised them has not been carried qut, and to pay exorbitant taxes. 48. At the instructions of their ,Awerican masters, the Japanese reaction?-ries are carrying. on a merdless perseçution of progressive leaders and are suppressing the activities of democratic organizations in Japan, and imprisonitlg those who are activeIy and courageously stliving towar<;1s makiqg Japan a teally dem.ocratic and peace"loving 'country designed to live in peace ancl friendship with a4 n~tions, a11d with its neighbours in parncular. 49. .Since .!le beginning of the aggressive war in E:qrea, tM scourge of the United States occupati<'n of Japan has been intensiiied. A, large part of the equipment far wa~ng t4is war i& e..xtorted by the i\mericans from JapWl~se resour~es.. As aresultthat .coilntry is ~periencing an· açute shortage ofmany essential goods. The' eCGnomi~ crisis is becomi~g increasingly serious. Jnthe tèxtile indu:;tty~that age-oId pride of the Japanese economy, pfPduction has decreased by 40 per , çent, anq this .bas seriof<1s1y affected mpny medium and smaIIerlterprises connected with that brar,nh of industry. Over .one hundred Japanese cQmpanies with a total gt1?it~I Qf.oyer ....WOmiIlion yenbwe bec()mf.. totally b?!1k:r~pt. '.['he number QftQ~llyand parti~liy un,. empJoy€dp~r~9nsex~eeds 18 million•. The Japanes~ people. as a whole.is living ttnder the n~'1st unbearable conditiotls of an occupation régime. . su. Th~.· f.eeJill~ .. of ··ha,treci agail1~~ the A~eriça,~ Q(:çupiers ~n4 aggressQrs, who have deprived Japan ~p.d the. Japanese• people of freedottl .anclnational ipgependeIlce,js grQwillg at;ld expflllciing~~ol1g the 52. The American oceupiers are living at the expense Clf the ]apanese people. Last year, their maintenance cost the country approximately 100,000 million yen and in 1952-1953, according ta the Press, the Japanese Government will spend 183,600 million yen on the equipment and maintenance of American troops. United States armed forces are stationed at many points in ]apan, from the northern tip of the island of Hokkaido to the southern coast of the island of Kyushu. Relying on these forces, the United States monopolies are now directing the Japanese economy. In such cireumstances, japan is not in a position to direct its foreign poliey mdependently. Consequently, it is not in a position independently to fulfil the obligations ineumbent on Members of the Organizution under the United Nations Charter. 53. In view of the fact that Japan bas been deprived of aU independence in bo~ its internal and external policy, even if it W'ere to undectake obligations under the Charter, it could fulfil them only within the limits whic'h. wOl,1ld be allowed or imposed upon it by Washington. lt is absolutely obvious that, in thes~ circumstançes, J?pan would not be in a position independe..ntly to fulfil the obligations incumbent on Member States under the United Nations Charter. 54. Furthermore, by compulsorily imposing a separate peace tre;J.ty·on J~pan and by turning that country into à base and centre for American aggressioïl and the preparation of war against Japan's neighbouring States, the United States ruling circ1es have deprived Japat1- of the possibility of conc1uding a normal treaty of peace with the USSR and the People's Republic of China, which are Japan's nearest neighbours. It is now no secret to anyone that the United States ruling circles not on1y do not wish, but are preventing in every way, the estabiishment of normal, peaceful and good-neighhourly relations between Ja~,outhe one hand, and the USSR.and China, on the other hand. 55. Th\: Upiteq States ruling Pirc1es are not basing their ?-ggr~!;s!ve designjjon! peaceful and gOQd~neigh.,. bpur1y relatjpt1s betweeii Japatl and the USSR and the PeQple's Reppblic of China, but, on the contrary, are Cl)Ullting OI!' the disruption and deNriuration of those r~l~ti(ms. l'hi!; i& in full agreemellt with the purposes ar l~1~~-ot1Q(!Amer-iéatl aggfcssors, which consist in k(;.,~Ang Japatl as their sllbmillsive and obedient tool for çarrylng out their aggressive poliey against China, ~orea, the USSR and the peoplesof Asia and the Far East. Japatl' ther~fqr~ continues tQ be in astate Of Wlj.r with two States Membefs of the United Nations wQîcb. are p~np.anePt m~tl1~ers of the'Security èoyncll. In these çirçutpst~nC~$, only People who haye lost their head?-nd eyery i4ea of re!lJity as a result of the fret:iZied 1 · ,L 56. Any objective person with common sense cannot fail to see that a count.t'}r ,which has not concluded a treaty of peace \Vith two ~eat States members of the United Nations Security Council and continues to be in a state of war \Vith them, and is resuming military preparations and 1S being transformed into a military base and an arsenal for the aggressors, cannot be regarded as a peaceful and peace~loving State. This is the more apparent since this country> which suffered a disaster and is now under hostile foreign occupation, is now being used by the foreign occupiers as a tool for their hostile policy against the two States with which Japan has not yet concluded tre.uties of peace. 57. United States ruling cirdes are using not only ]apanese war industry but Japanese manpower for nggression against the Korean people. Press commu~ niqués state that contingents of the Japanese police reserve corps were sent to Koje Island to take part in savage reprisaIs againstprisoners of the Korean People's Army and the Chinese People's Volunteers. 58. The Japanese newspaper Kova Shimbttn reported in J1.tl)'t' that, according to available data, 700 members of' the reservè police corps in Japan had been sent to Korea after three months' training and that twenty of them had already been killed. Tt was forbidden, however, to report these deaths and to arratigeburials. 59. A Dutc}1 newspaper reported that the United States General Clark told the Japanese Premier Yoshida and the Minister without POJ:'tfolio Ohashi.,that Japan would have to send a reservepolice-c<lrps of 110,000 men to Korea "if the peace talks in Korea break doWn". Clark then hypocritical1y tried to justify hisdemand on the ground that, in accordance with article 5 of the separate Treaty of Peace between the United States and Japan, Japan was obliged. to ttheIp the United Nations". 60. According~to the Chines~, Press, some Japanese who had fought in the. Syngrp,an Rhee and United- ,States.Arn1y in Koren were foundamong the-prisoners of war taken in that country. 61. The Japanese Press also l:eports that an institute has beenset up in the Soytama district of Japan for research in connexion with, hacteria! warlare. The instittite is headed by a deputy to the assembly of the' prefect1.tre of Odzaka, who formerly served undet General Ishiyi, a weU...lmow.l!l~~Wanesespecialist in the preparation andconduct. of bacteriaI warfare. As is known, Ishiyi is now in the $ervice of the United States armed forces. ' 63. In the light of these facts and data, it is quite obvious that Japan's application for admission to the United Nations is, to say the least, untimely, just as the consideration of the question of its admission to the United Nations is untimelv, whatever efforts the American occupiers may make to drag it in as a Member of the Organization. The United States ruHng circ1es, who have tumed Japan into their military base and arsenal for aggression and the Japanese people into colonial slaves to serve the machine of American aggression in Korea and the Far East, require the discussion of the question of admitting Japan ta the United Nations in order to bolster up demagogy and propaganda in favour of their foreign policy. They are not concemèd with the question whether or not Japan will be a free, independent, democratic and peace-Ioving State Member of the United Nations. It is in their intereststhat Japan should become' a Member of the United Nations as a submissive and obedient United States satellite and military ally. That would give the ruling circ1es of the United States an opportunity of covering with "the name of the United Nationsn the fact, which they are carefully concealing, that Japan has really been deprived of national independence and has been turned into an American colony and military base, in which the United States occupiers and monopolies hold sway and mastery as they would in a conquered province. 64. The admission of Japan to membership of the United Nations in those circumstances would also serve as a smoke screen for the exploitation of Japan's manpower. as canno1.1~fodder for the American aggres~ors lU theIr· war agamst the Korean people. The Umted States .Command i~ already usinÜ Japanese for aggresslve purposes lU Korea. But the United States - ..isobliged to do this secr.etly and in a hidden manner. The admission of Japan tD the United Nations would enable the United States aggressors openly to use Japan as a co-participant in the aggression against Korea ttnder the false cover of "Japanese aid" to the United Nations. It is obvious that the admission to mëmbership of the United Nations of a country which has been deprived of its independel1ce and sovereignty and has already been dragged into war by the America.'1 ~ggressors would be not only harmful, but dangerous; . }t would also constitute a crude violation of the United Nations Charter. . 65; .That. is why the. U:SSR del(~tion regards the consIderatIon of thequestton oUhe adnlission of Japan to the United Nations as untimely and insists thaf the consideration .of that application should· be postponed untilbetter times, when the Japanese people has been saved from the misery whkh it is undergoing in "connexion with foreign occupatioÏl~ when the Japanese people "and the Japanese State are. free, indepertdent ~l1d sovereign, when they are delivered from foreign occU~ation. and when Japan concludes. normal peace tre~t1es wlth the USSR and the People's Republic of Cluna. There can be 110 doubt that it will then be 68. We in China have reached the conclusion from all the observations which we have been able to make that the Japanese people have learned a Iesson-that aggression does not pay. The love of peace is today deep and sir.cere with the Japanese people. The Government and the people of Japan have today neither the will nor the means to commit aggression against anybody. As the Japanes~ ·)eople survey their horizon) they have only one emoti-. .1, namely) that of fear; fear of new aggre.ssion against Japan. 69. The Security Council will recall that the Yalta Agreement a~signed the island of Sakhalin and the Kurile Islands, territories of great economic and strategie importance to Japan) to the Soviet Union. The Yalta Agreement placed Soviet Union power at the very door of Japan, and that is the secret worry of the Japanese people. Aside from tha\ we have observed no desire in Japan for war. There is fear of war, and deep and sincere love of peace. . 70. As to the individual freedoPls and standards of living in Jq.pan, l can speak from personal knowledge. l visited J ap~ ten days after it had a<;cepted terms of surtender; that was in August 1945. l visited Japan againin Match-April 1951. As to the human tights a.nd individual freedoms of the Japanese people, l can state the situation as l saw it very simply. r believe that in that respect Japan equals the world level of achievement. l would go a little further than that and SaY that rn their assqrance 01 individual freedoms, the people of Jap~n,. l am convinced, cnjor cOliditions considerably superior to those existing iL the Iron CUl:tain countries. 71. Standards of living in Japan are not as satisfactory a,s the people themselves wish. The government and the people are wOrldng energetica,lly towards improving such. §ltél11Qards. Again) J will .say thélt in that respect the çonditioI!sin }a.Pétn eqqal th<: standard on.tbe worId 1evel élnd are above that in the Iron Curtain countries. 73. Having said this, 1 would have said all that was necessary to support the admission of any other State to the United Nations, but the application of Japan for membership in the United Nations is, in the eyes of my country, â special case. Vve cannot treat it as an ordinary application. In the first place, between my country and Japan there are particular bonds of blood and culture. On the other hand, we have experienced in recent years the terrible tragedy of war. 1 do not need to remind this Council that Japan waged aggressive war against my country in a limited way from 1931 to 1937 anQ., in an unlimited way, from 1937 to 1945. If any member of this Council is justified in opposing the admission of Japan ta membership in the United Nations, my delegation is justified. Wedo not wish to pursue that course. 74. My Government and my people, long' ago, in the very midst of our resistance against Japanese aggression, decided on a different course of action in the matter of a post-war treaty with Japan. 75. The problem we face in the Far East is this: We observe that among nations which are close neighbours, there is either strong friendship or bitter enmity. We have examples of strong friendships and examples of feuds èontinued generation after generation·bet.ween two close neighbours. My Government and my people, in the midst of war, decided that every effort should be made after the war to turn the Far East into a bright pattern of close neighbours and strong friends. Therefore, the policy of my Government is not a policy of revenge; it is a policy of reconciliation. It is a policy of constructive statesmanship towards the building of friendship and co~operation for the benefit of both countries. And this policy is not one of recent origin; it was decided in the midst of war. 76. In the winter of 1943 1 came to this country on a war-time mission. 1 was asked to speak at the Metropolitan Opera House on China's ideas of the peace sett1ement with Japan. Irt preparation for that speech, 1 asked for instructions from my Government. Dnder instructions of my Government, 1.laid principal emphasis on one point: that the post-war settlement with Japan shùuld keep the roads of peacefulendeavour wide open to the Japanese people. That has been the guiding policy of my Government from the midst of the war ta the present. So far as it is possible, we must keep the roads of peacefu1 endeavour. wide open to the Japanese people. 77. Japanese participati~n in the wor1cof the United Nations is one of those roads of peaceful endeavour. Mydelegation would like to see this road of peaceful elld~avour wide open to the Government and. people of Japan.· . 80. A~tdiatur et altera pars. we have also listened to the contrary point of view, and l must confess that, having listened to it, l have become even more convinced, if such were possible, of thè necessitv of admitting Japan to the United Nations. ~ 81. The representative of the Soviet Union has reminded us of two facts. He reminded us first of the disgrac:eful part played by pre-war Japan. And who can ever forget the acts committed in China orin Pearl Harbor? Certainly not the Japanese people who, to repeat the words of Mr. Austin, "repudiated their military masters and undertook to rebuild a new Japan. T'hey have succeeded in their undertaking. They have produced a new structure of government and brought into leadership those who know the ways of freedom and of peace". 82. However, l respectfully submit that there is at least one government who· ought to forget the militaristicand pro-hitlerite pre-war Japan. l am, of course, referring to the government whichon 13 April 1941 signed. with this aggressive pre-war Japan a general pact of neutrality pledging its assistance iln case it should become the abject of hostilities on the part of one or several third parties, the government which adhered to this pact during aIl of the aggressive t\'ndertakings of pre-war Japan in Manchuria and in China, and remained faithful to that pact even after' Pearl Harbor, until the eleventh hour of the Second \Vorld War; 83. Mr. Malik, on the other hand, reminded us of the fact that Japan is today, from the strictly formaI point of view, still at war with the Soviet Union. That again is to be regretted. But who is to be blamed? Certainly not Japan. Only this morning l read in the Ne'w York Times a cable from Tokyo transmitting a statement of Mr. Kakitsuboia spokesman of the Foreign Office of Tokyo, saying that "Japan is ready to conc1ude a peace treaty with the Soviet Union any time ...... 84. l shaH.he happy to cast a favourahle vote for the draft '.resolution submitted' by the United States delegation. ' 85. Mr. HOPPENOT (France) (translated !rom Fr~nch): The 'French. delegation will be guided, in votingonthe.draft resoltttion submitted by the United States delegation, hy the saUle .reasons ofprinciple which determined its vote yesterday on the admission of Lihya. 86, ' There. is nO doubt, in ourmind, that since 29 April 1952, the date of the entry into operation of the Treaty 88. We also have full confidence in the will of the ]apanese Government to accept the obligations of the Charter and in its capacity ta fulftl them. 89. Heir to one of the most andent systenls of human culture and having through its own efforts mastered the greatest achievements of modern science and technology, a democratic and peaceful Japan would make a valuable and fruitful contributioù to the common work of the United Nations. 90. The French Government wishes to see filled the gap left among us by the absence of Japan, and its delegation will vote in favour of the United .States draft resolution recommending to the General Assembly that Japan be admitted to membership in the United Nations. 91. The PRESIDENT: As the representative of BRAZIL, l wish to explain the position of my delega~ tian, regarding the draft resolution submitted by the United States on the admission Qf Japan ta the United Nations. We are fully satisfied that upon the signature of th~ Treaty of Peace y,rÏth Japan, to which Brazil was a signatory country, Japan regained its status as an independent andsovel'eign Statè. 92. A sustained effort is being made by the Japanese people ,toward the democratic reconstruction of their country and their fuller participation in the normal peaceful relations in the comrnunity of nations. 93. We ieel that the time has now come when we should make every possible effort towards the eli111ination of the remaining post-war factors,which stand in the wav of the sound and stable international co-operation we" are trying to achieve. The admission of Japan to the United Nations in conformity with Article 4 of the Charter would ensure the'fuller participation of Asia in the task of the United Nations. 94. We have listened attentively ta the remarks which have jV!3t been made by the Soviet Union delegation and we are nowaware that Mr. Malik willagain thwart ' the will of the Security Council·through the use of the so-called vital veto. A'gloomy picture has bee", presented of colonial enslavement and colonial interests and monopolies. We are an-eady too familiar with the nature and charader of such charges' and ;:J.ccusations. The serious side of the question i5 that it is now clear that the Soviet Union, considering itself as still at war \Vith ]apan, seems determined to oppose any settlerhent of the situation in the Far East. 95. On severa! occasions, we have emphasized the necessity of basing our task in the United Nations on the removal Oftheremaining post-war factors; If 96. For aIl these reasons, the Brazilian delegation will vote in favour of the United States draft resolution cot:lcerning the application of Japan. 97. Ml'. MALIK (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) (translr,tted from Ru.ssian): l had not intended to address the Council again, but the slanderous statements made by the Greek slanderer compel me to call to your attention the important fact, known to the whole world, t~t the USSR and its valiant armed forces bore the ma;:t burden during the Second World War both in Europ~ and Asia. That is a well-known fact and the neutrality ~act with Japan served to facilitate the bàsic 0l.sk of defea~tng hitIerite Germany during the years wh"n-and l .::.m speaking to the Greek representativl: - your present masters were taking two full years to p!'epare a .second front, promising the whole world that they· would do so, looking for a vulnerable spot in the soft ù~derbelIy of Europe and finding it fina1ly onlyaiter the Hitlerite war machine had really smashed itself against th~ USSR's armed forces. They found that spot it. Gl'eec.e, became stuck in that soft place and have remained tnere since to governyou. 98. Those are the true facts :ti the matter. 99. As for the Brazilian repre~'entative's remarks that he was familial' with the situ~tion· in colonial and dependent cottntries,.that is not n,~ws to anyone. His contention that the admission of Jap:.u would contribl.1te to peace is not in. accordance VI.riththe faets. If he addressed his passionate appeal 'éo .the ~rnited Statescalling u1?l?n it to withdraw its armed for,~es from]apan and to gIve Japan and the Japanese peoIJe their complete freedom and independence- Japan would be admit€ed sooner to the United Nations on ..\ free and -equal footing vvith other States. In. the position mwhich it now finds itself, it cannot become a member of the United Nations.

In view oOhe late hour and as .we .'. have· 'to. nieet .again tomotrow, Isuggest we 101. Mr. BOKHARI (Pakistan) ~ 1 will bow to the President's decision; but it seems ta me that aIl the representatives on the Security Council have spoken, and it is not c1ear to me why we could not vote on this drait resolution, unless there is an objection ta it. 102. Mr. \USTiN (United States of America): Since an objection has bee:l interposed here and in order ta make this a parliamell.tary motion, 1 move that the Security Council adj-:lUrn until tomorrow afternoon at 3 p.m., this heing a mntion setting a definite time. 1 consider 1 have a right, on this ground, to support the President's suggestion to adjourn. 103. It is true that ten representatives on the Security Cottncil have already dec1ared an opinion in favour of the admission of Japan to menlbership in the United Nations. No argument is necessary to sell these members of the Security Council the qualifications of Japan or the wisdom of having Japan become a Member of the United Nations. That is not the reasbn why we should shut things off at this immediate moment. Perhaps there may be no rejoinder to be made to the only representative on this Council who has opposed the view held by all the other representatives on this application for Japan. Perhaps there is no need of a rejoinder ta any of ms spe~~hes, and yet the dignity and importance of the application of any country for membership is sa grave a responsibility of the Security Council that we should not make an arbitrary c10sure of the business of the Security Council in this matter. There may not be any rejoinder tomorrow. But, on the other hand, the dignity and importance of the business at hand is such that tliere may be a rejoinder. Therefore, 1 ask for a vote on the motion for an adjoumment.

The Pakistan .representative's arguments appear ta be very reasonable. We have all stated our views and a vote can be taken on the item under discussion and the proposaIs which have been submitted. If any representative, however, intends to speak, if the United States representative has such an intention, let him state plainly that he intends ta speak tomorrow. The debate will then have to be continued. 105. In the circumstances created by the United States represantative - when it is not c1ear whether or not he.is going to speak-!i: is difficult fol.' the Security CounC11 ta adopt a decision. If he intends to speak it is the Council's dutY ta give !'liman opportunity ta do' so for as .lo?,g as he n~e,ds. If he is no~ going to speak toda:y, 1t 1~ the CounC1l s duty, as estabhshed by practice, to gt;ve hm,; thaï opportunity tomorrow. If, however, he· hlmself 1S not sure whether or not he is going to speak, why leave the Council in ignorance? 108. The PRESlpENT: l shall now put to the vote the proposaI for adJournment. A vote was taken by show of oonds. In favour: Brazil, China, France, Greece, Netherla~ds, Pakistan, Turkey, United Kingdom of Great Brhain and Northem Ire1and, United States of America. Abstaining: Chile, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. The proposaI was adopted by 9 votes in favour,wïth 2 abstentions. . 109. The PRESIDENT: The Conneil will meet tomorrow at 3 p.m. The meeting rose at 6.15 p.nt. IIlICl_lIIKI ..ilIflh.rouIMi.... PI.cn tion. Athenu• _1ItI1IA...A"'ltn~1 5lI1tori.1 s.~!i.m.rkon. s...... Alstn. 500. ....ncr Aifls. AII1UlIA - AUS1lA1I~ H.A. •••••rd. 2S•• Glor•• lit. Syincy. m....-IU5ItIIE "g.n.a .t M,ulglrles d. 1. l'tin. s.A.. 1"':2 ru••u '4,..1/••",...Ilas. " ·W. H. Smllh " S.n. 71.75 ~....nl •:.' :" .....I,lI••Mu. 'rux.U... . . _lYlh-HLWII llIA'!WAlA &oub.ud " Cf•• Us/•• 45••tom.I•• NAm Libr.lrla ..... 1. C.r.v.II.... III... P.:t..u·Priu.. lliIIIlItiS Î.horarr. P.n.mllicana. Fol.nta. t~gu.IIIIIJ:III • iAfè,il~·S,t.i:clon",Caiill. 9~2. La P;lr. . !IIUI1t-IIIIIL U""a/Ïa A,lr, Itu~ Mexico ,.••• RIa •• J.nol". '•. WIADA Ry.rson t't•.., 29' QUeln St. West. T••ont.. IllifA-INII Onord 800k & St.tion.ry HOUII. N.w D.lhi. P. V.rod.ch.ry " Co St~ M.dru 1. IIIIOlIœA_IMIONUII J.j.lon Prmlolnllun~n. Of·urt•• Le~ l'ou.s Unlvorsltalros Lav.l. <lu.b.e. anlil-CllUN Th. Auocl.t.d N.ws,.p.... of Ceyl:ln, IUH Ket.b·Khonah D.nnh. nue, rohr.n.. Lt"'~ ùla H.u... Colombo. ..u-ClItU libtl.l. Iv.ns. Monld. 822. Santlat<lo IUCI-IUK M.danria·, Boohhop. GlIIIA- CIIIIII Cemmarcl.1 Prass. ltd.• 211 Hon." Rtl. Shangh.i. IMlAMi -lmUKlilI Hib..nl.n Gonerol Ag.ncy. marcl.1 Buildings, Ooml COl.r;;;1IlA - OllMl11 lillrort. latina ltd... C.rrar. (..3.. 13.05. 'o,ot'. ctSTA IlCA- COSTA·lICA IS"-'~~ Blum."ln·, Boohlotll. b ••• , ,1 Avlv. Tra~s H.rm.nos.....p.rt.do 1313. S.n ,101'. lWA ~ CoI.II.t,•• O'Railly 0455. La Hell.n•• GIGlIIlOVAllIA- ICIII'lIllIYAIUII Celkaslov.nllcy Spls,vl,t.l. N.",dnl Trtol:l t. 'r.h~ 1. 5!tIMAII-l"'iMUI Einar M.",,"g••rd. ltd.. N_rro,.de .. K,1o.nhavn. K. ....NlCAN UPlIIll(-PUIII. NIlIIIWliI Libr..r. 'Demlnic.n•• Mer".d'I 4'. CIu'. tI.d Tllljllla. ICUAIII-auAIIUJ U1...;r. Ci.nUil... Box 36~. Guayaquil. .lm-llllPII i;;.llfllri. "La Ito••iuinca d·Egypta." 9 5h. A.Uv Pllh~. C.iro. IL UlVOOII-'.UYAKIl M.nu.INav'l y cr•.• 1. Av.nltl. IUr 17. S.. Selvatlor. l11li......- nIIIO..2 Ag.nea &thtapilnne de ",ubllett" 1. i21, AtIôi" b•• ~- .IJfiI1 ') ...ug.....lnlin klr/ehuppa. 2. Ka"~I.ltu. Hellinkl. .... Edltlens A. Padon... 1J rJa S,ultle'. 'IllsV. ITA~Y -ITAl!1r C.Ubri S.A•• Vi. Chio"otto lWNOII-lIlA~ librairio univ.....n•• @.yrauth. lRII'A' J. M.mélu K.mer., M.nrovia. lllllMIIUH !.ibr.lrl. J. Sallumm.r. JlllXJCO - _UIIUI EditClri.1 H.rm.. SA. 41. M'xica. D.F. 1IDIlIIWIU-"'''''AI N.V. M.rtinu. Nljholf. ·~.Grav.nhag" NIW !~AW.-t:lIUYllll.IlWetlI U. N.Au". of Naw Ze.land. WaJli'llton. IllUU'" tir. R.miro R.mi,,,,. V~ IIlIIWAY-IlOWI.. Joh.n Srundt T.num Ilustagt. 7A, Oslo. 'AIlII"'U Tholllll le Th.mu. ""rtM.nllon. Ro.d. Kw,..hl. 3• Pul>llth.rs Unlt.d ltd.. he... ." .... Onlm and lnqll!rills fro",. counlrles wh.e .sales 011'"'' Ilcrte net}'et bHn ,pF-ilnftfl ,.~ be ..nt t~ SalIS and Cm....n 51c.'!en, Unlt"'~!e,!lom. New York,U.S.A.1 erSllltlSecf,;,n, Unlm(Nations OHfce,Palala .rIS Natlol!~ Cf.'Myo...SWttâiland. Printed in Canada Priee: 25 cents (or equivatent il! othercunencies)