S/PV.6354Resumption1 Security Council
▶ This meeting at a glance
48
Speeches
0
Countries
0
Resolutions
Topics
Peacekeeping support and operations
Humanitarian aid in Afghanistan
Conflict-related sexual violence
Human rights and rule of law
Security Council deliberations
Israeli–Palestinian conflict
Thematic
The President: I should like to inform the
Council that I have now received letters from the
representatives of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Sri Lanka,
in which they request to be invited to participate in the
consideration of the item on the Council's agenda. In
accordance with the usual practice, I propose, with the
consent of the Council, to invite those representatives
to participate in the consideration of the item without
the right to vote, in accordance with the relevant
provisions of the Charter and rule 37 of the Council's
provisional rules of procedure.
There being no objection, it is so decided.
At the invitation of the President, the
representatives of the aforementioned countries
took the seats reserved for them at the side of the
Council Chamber
The President: I wish to remind all speakers to
limit their statements to no more than five minutes in
order to enable the Council to carry out its work
expeditiously.
I now give the floor to the representative of
Afghanistan.
Mr. Tanin (Afghanistan): First of all, let me
congratulate you, Madam President, for assuming the
presidency of the Council for this month, and thank
you for convening this meeting. Allow me also to thank
the Secretary-General, High Commissioner Pillay and
Under-Secretary-General Holmes for their briefings
today. I want to pay particular tribute to Mr. Holmes,
who is no longer in the Chamber, and to thank him for
his years of service at the United Nations and his
extraordinary efforts to protect civilians across the
world.
Only last week, we met in this Chamber to debate
the situation in my country (see S/PV.6351), and in my
statement at that meeting I emphasized the importance
of putting the Afghan people at the centre of our
common efforts and of re-engaging them in the
reconstruction and stabilization of their country. There
can be no legitimacy of efforts or sustainability of
progress without the support and partnership of the
people themselves. This awareness has led the
Government of Afghanistan, in partnership with the
international community, to focus on finding ways to
meet the needs and expectations of the people. In this
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regard, last month, my Government convened a
Consultative Peace Jirga, which brought together all
segments of Afghan society in the search for stability
and the end of conflict. One thing was very clear - all
Afghans desire peace. This is, at heart, the only way to
truly protect the Afghan people and stabilize the
country. This is my Government's ultimate and most
fundamental goal.
In the meantime, civilians continue to pay a
staggering price. Over 6,000 Afghans, including
women, children and the elderly, were killed and
injured last year alone, and even more are being killed
this year. More than half are killed by suicide attacks
and improvised explosive devices. Mines and other
remnants of war continue to claim lives, particularly of
children. In recent years, the Taliban, Al-Qaida and
their terrorist allies have been responsible for an
increasing and overwhelming majority of civilian
casualties, and they have embraced assassinations,
executions and threats in an attempt to control the
population through terror. They show a complete
disregard for human life and a willingness to
particularly target vulnerable groups, including
schoolchildren and teachers. Last month, in a
particularly gruesome example, they hanged a seven-
year old child, accusing him of being a Government
spy. The same day, they attacked a wedding ceremony
and killed over 40 people in Kandahar. Last week, in
another province of Afghanistan, they killed another
child, with the same accusations.
In addition to the cost of this conflict to Afghans,
our international friends are also targeted for their
efforts to build a stable, prosperous Afghanistan.
Attacks on humanitarian workers, United Nations
personnel and those working in education and health
care continue to increase. The attack in October on
Bakhtar Guest House, which took the lives of five
United Nations staff members and three others, was
just one of several such incidents. In this regard, and
on behalf of my Government, let me reiterate our
gratitude to the men and women of the United Nations
and our international friends, who work in Afghanistan
under very difficult circumstances for the sake of the
Afghan people and in the pursuit of international peace
and security.
The Afghan Government and people recognize
the critical work of the Organization in supporting the
efforts of my Government and in providing basic
services to and meeting the humanitarian needs of the
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people. We fully support all United Nations efforts in
Afghanistan and at Headquarters to improve security
conditions for United Nations staff.
It is not only the terrorists who are to blame; we,
too, bear an enormous responsibility to safeguard the
security of non-combatants. We have achieved
remarkable progress on this in the past year. We
welcomed steps taken by the former commander of the
International Security Assistance Force (ISAF),
General McChrystal, to change the rules of
engagement in order to better protect the lives of
civilians, and the Security Council noticed the results
in its mission last month. We expect that General
Petraeus, as the new commander of ISAF, will continue
this emphasis. However, we can and must do more to
prevent collateral damage and friendly fire, such as in
the unfortunate incident yesterday that cost the lives of
five Afghan servicemen.
Every civilian casualty undermines the belief of the
people in the good will of the international community
and emboldens the enemy. President Karzai continues to
raise this issue with our international partners at the
highest level, including in his May meetings with
President Obama, and we know that our allies share
our belief that every civilian death is unacceptable. In
addition, my Government is working to build an
efficient, effective and responsible army and police
force dedicated to the protection of Afghans and the
maintenance of security and the rule of law. The safety
of the Afghan people should be our central concern,
and we must continue to work together to be worthy of
their trust and confidence in our future efforts.
Afghanistan supports the growing trend of
including the protection of civilians in the mandates of
ISAF and other military missions. Increasingly, we
should measure our success not by abstract measures,
but by concrete improvement in the lives of the people.
It is both responsible and necessary that we continue to
search for ways to better meet our responsibilities and
to bring to Afghans and others the peace, justice and
stability that are the birthright of all humankind.
Mr. McNee (Canada): I would like, Madam
President, to thank you and the Nigerian delegation for
convening today's meeting on this important theme. I
would also like to thank both Under-Secretary-General
Holmes and the High Commissioner for Human Rights
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for their presentations this morning, and to join others
in praising John Holmes for his deep commitment and
very effective work in protecting civilians.
Since the last open debate (see S/PV.6216) on this
subject less than eight months ago, unfortunately there
has been no shortage of civilians in need of protection.
Long-standing crises in Somalia, the Sudan, the
Democratic Republic of the Congo and Afghanistan -
as we have just heard - have been joined by new
crises in Yemen and Kyrgyzstan. The international
community continues to grapple with protection issues
related to displacement, sexual and gender-based
violence and the forced recruitment of children into
armed conflict on a large scale.
Canada is pleased that the Council remains
actively seized of the need for strategic action, and we
believe that progress is being made. A clearer agenda
for the protection of civilians is emerging, with
increasing political engagement evident in the adoption
of four new Security Council resolutions over the past
year on the protection of civilians; women, peace and
security; and children and armed conflict. These
resolutions have been practical, providing an
operational focus with respect to peace operations, and
stronger tools in implementing the women, peace and
security agenda and the monitoring and reporting
mechanism for grave violations against children.
Canada welcomes the appointment of a Special
Representative to provide leadership and coordination
on addressing sexual violence in armed conflict.
Outside the Council, the African Union
Convention for the Protection and Assistance of
Internally Displaced Persons in Africa sends an
important signal about the seriousness with which
Africa - which is home to around half of the global
total of internally displaced persons - considers the
issue.
Nevertheless, despite these positive efforts,
regular reflection and refinement are needed for those
areas where action still falls short. Sustained,
pragmatic commitment is needed, as is the
mainstreaming of protection issues into policy and
decision-making processes. I would like briefly to
highlight three key areas of focus where positive
changes, we think, can be made: first, consistency in
the Council's approach; secondly, enhancing protection
through more effective peace operations; and, finally,
accountability.
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First, in our view the Security Council would
benefit from better-defined trigger mechanisms to
complement the aide-memoire (see S/PRST/2009/l, annex) and assist the Council in determining when and
how to engage when civilians are at risk. Too often, it
seems that there is a tendency to overlook those
contexts of which the Council is not actively seized
and to delay action rather than to get out in front of a
crisis. In this respect, the Council would benefit from
contingency planning when parties do not respond to
its resolutions or sanctions, and from the ability and
willingness to draw on other tools at its disposal, such
as commissions of inquiry, expert panels, envoys and
preventive deployments. Canada views the expert
group as an important forum for the humanitarian
community to brief the Council informally on
protection of civilians issues.
Secondly, we must continue to encourage greater
complementarity while reducing overlap and competition
among those engaged in peacemaking, peacekeeping,
peacebuilding and humanitarian response. Those
involved in peace operations should respect
humanitarian principles, while humanitarian actors
should recognize the need to re-establish the
responsibility and legitimacy of national institutions. If
peace processes are really to take hold, the rights and
well-being of civilians, including women and girls,
must be integrated into all peace processes, peace
agreements and post-conflict recovery and
reconstruction planning and programming. This means
building a holistic approach that is not focused solely
on a given humanitarian, military or policing task but
includes action on human rights, the rule of law,
political, security, development and disarmament.
In all these efforts, the international community
must be attuned to including the voices of those affected,
including refugees and internally displaced persons. The
independent study jointly commissioned by the Office for
the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs and the
Department of Peacekeeping Operations, as well as the
New Horizon initiative, present a comprehensive set of
recommendations on how peace operations can be
strengthened to better meet protection concerns.
Canada welcomes the efforts of the Secretariat to close
the gap between mandates, expectations, roles and
responsibilities. My delegation looks forward to the
establishment of clear benchmarks and guidelines to
ensure that peacekeeping missions are provided with
the tools to protect civilians properly.
When it comes to engagement by regional
organizations, it is critical to ensure clarity around
roles, expectations and lines of accountability. On the
ground, special representatives of the Secretary-
General and country teams must regularly assess,
monitor and report on the implementation of these
mandates. They must be able to rely on the Council's
support and receive the training and resources needed
to fulfil their roles. In turn, Member States have a key
role to play in providing the political momentum to
drive the protection of civilians agenda forward.
(spoke in French)
Thirdly, in many conflicts it is frequently the
absence of accountability that allows violations to
thrive. Protection work is first and foremost a sustained
and multifaceted effort to develop an environment
conducive to the rule of law. Whatever the nature of
the threat to civilians, compliance with international
law by all parties concerned is the best guarantee for
ensuring their safety. Strong, independent, transparent
and dependable judicial and policing institutions are
fundamental in that respect. The restoration of law and
order to prevent further violence and encourage
accountability must be a key priority for the States
concerned, the Security Council and peace operations.
The Council has an important role to play in
calling for security system reform and transitional
justice mechanisms and for supporting those reforms.
Canada is pleased to provide direct support to the
ongoing work of the United Nations in this area,
including via the inter-agency Security Sector Reform
Task Force in order to generate an integrated, holistic
approach to those reforms.
In the absence of adequate local capacity, the
rapid deployment of international civilian law
enforcement and criminal justice experts could make
an important contribution. Canada will continue to
make important investments in this key area, on both a
multilateral and a bilateral basis. Canada can never
stress strongly enough the fact that the protection of
civilians also includes ensuring the safety and security
of those individuals who put their lives on the line
every day to reach those in need.
The past year has been difficult for humanitarian
workers who have witnessed their colleagues abducted,
threatened and sometimes killed in the discharge of
their work. This situation is unacceptable. We
recognize the efforts under way to improve protection
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of staff, including national staff, who are often the
most vulnerable. We all have an obligation to support
those on the front line of humanitarian action.
In closing, Canada sees the protection of civilians
in armed conflict as an essential element in the
maintenance of freedom, democracy, human rights and
the rule of law. We recognize that this is a complex and
multilayered issue requiring concrete action to apply the
rules that Member States and the Council have adopted.
With focused and consistent engagement, the potential
exists to make strong gains over the coming year.
The President: I give the floor to the
representative of South Africa.
Mr. Mashabane (South Africa): We thank you,
Madam President, for convening this open debate on
the protection of civilians in armed conflict. I also take
this opportunity to congratulate you and the delegation
of Nigeria on your assumption of the presidency of the
Security Council for the month of July. We further
welcome the presence and participation of the
Secretary-General earlier in today's debate, and we
thank the Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian
Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, Mr. John
Holmes, as well as the High Commissioner for Human
Rights, Ms. Pillay, for their briefings to the Council.
Since the adoption of resolution 1265 (1999) 10
years ago and of the Geneva Conventions 60 years ago,
the Security Council has on many occasions addressed
the important issue before us today. In this context, we
commend the Council for its commitment to the
protection of civilians, especially its adoption of
resolution 1894 (2009).
South Africa attaches high importance to the
protection of civilians in armed conflict. As a country,
we have acceded to the Geneva Conventions of 1949
and the two Additional Protocols of 1977. These
instruments are critical to the issue before us today, as
they seek to protect various victims of armed conflict,
particularly civilians not involved in hostilities. My
delegation recognizes that the protection of civilians is,
by its very nature, the primary responsibility of
individual Member States. However, the issue of the
protection of civilians in armed conflict has become
more complex as various conflicts of different natures
have broken out.
The issue of the protection of civilians should
therefore be approached in a holistic manner. In this
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context, measures to protect civilians in armed conflict
can be viable only if the critical needs of civilians,
including their socio-economic needs, are adequately
addressed. Crucially, addressing the specific protection
needs of women and children must remain a priority
matter for the international community, in particular
the United Nations system. My delegation therefore
reiterates our support for the implementation of
resolution 1325 (2000) on women and peace and
security and resolution 1612 (2005) on children and
armed conflict, as well as other relevant resolutions.
South Africa is of the view that the appointment
of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General
on Sexual Violence in Conflict, in February this year,
was a positive development that reaffirmed the
readiness of the United Nations to take action in
addressing the plight of women and children when
sexual violence has been a major problem or any grave
violation has been committed.
In recent years, United Nations peacekeeping
operations have played an important part in the
protection of civilians. In addition, modern-day
peacekeeping missions are by and large deployed to
address intra-State conflicts, and an increasing number
of United Nations peacekeeping operations have a
protection mandate. In that regard, in deploying
peacekeepers, the United Nations must ensure that all
parties to a conflict commit to and fulfil their
obligations with regard to non-combatants, as provided
in the Geneva Conventions. In my delegation's view,
that requires the Security Council and peacekeeping
missions to operate with great sensitivity to assure the
host country that they are there to work with the parties
and not to replace the State's authority. It therefore
requires a coordinated response by and greater
consultation among the Security Council, troop-
contributing countries and the Secretariat to ensure that
peacekeeping mandates are well defined and
peacekeeping missions well equipped and adequately
resourced.
For us, the African Union Convention for the
Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced
Persons represents a major milestone for the continent
when it comes to the matter under consideration. The
deliberate targeting of civilians and the indiscriminate
and excessive use of force, including suicide attacks,
have become widespread in certain places, creating an
atmosphere of fear aimed at further destabilizing and
displacing civilian populations. In other conflict
situations, militarily superior parties, including
multinational forces, often respond with methods and
means of warfare that violate the principles of
distinction and proportionality. In such cases it is again
civilians who bear the brunt.
We therefore unequivocally condemn both
deliberate attacks on civilians and the loss of life as a
result of the indiscriminate or disproportionate use of
force, which is a gross violation of international
humanitarian law. As a signatory of the Geneva
Conventions of 1949 and its two Additional Protocols
of 1977, South Africa wishes to underline the
importance of adhering to the principles contained
therein and calls for the full implementation of the
commitments made by States parties to those basic
tenets of international law. We support the good work
done by the International Committee of the Red Cross
and other humanitarian agencies in relation to the
promotion and implementation of international
humanitarian law.
The Security Council should also continue to call
on all parties to a conflict, including multinational
forces authorized by the Council, to uphold their
international humanitarian law and human rights
obligations and to report on steps taken to ensure the
protection of civilians during hostilities.
The issue of humanitarian access will require
further attention so as to find ways to ensure that those
in need of life-saving assistance receive it and that
those who provide it do so in a secure environment in
which attacks on humanitarian workers are not
tolerated.
In the case of the occupied Palestinian territories,
my delegation strongly urges that the blockade be
lifted in order to provide the necessary humanitarian
assistance to the people of Gaza, in accordance with
the principles of neutrality, impartiality and
independence.
The protection of civilians in armed conflict must
remain a priority of the United Nations system. My
delegation is therefore of the view that finding a
common solution to the protection of civilians will
require the cooperation of each and every Member
State. We also believe that the protection of civilians
would be better addressed in partnership with regional
mechanisms and that strengthening dialogue and
cooperation between the Security Council and regional
organizations would contribute to tackling common
security challenges and ensuring speedy action on the
ground.
In conclusion, my delegation firmly believes that
the protection of civilians would be better ensured by
addressing the root causes of conflict and by
preventing the outbreak of conflicts in the first
instance.
The President: I now give the floor to the
representative of Liechtenstein.
Mr. Wenaweser (Liechtenstein): I would like to
thank you, Madam President, for organizing today's
open debate on the protection of civilians in armed
conflict. I would also like to thank the Emergency
Relief Coordinator, John Holmes, for his briefing and
his dedication to advancing the work of the United
Nations on this issue over the past three years. It was
also a particular pleasure for us to see the High
Commissioner for Human Rights in the Security
Council.
We have seen significant progress in recent years
on the topic under consideration, such as the
establishment of an expert group on the protection of
civilians, the updating of the aide-memoire (see S/PRST/2009/Z, annex) and the appointment of a
Special Representative on Sexual Violence in Conflict.
Nevertheless, there continues to be a gap between the
normative framework and the realities on the ground.
Progress on the protection of civilians can only be
made when Security Council members put their
protection commitments before other interests and if
issues relating to the protection of civilians are
streamlined in the Security Council's consideration
beyond this thematic debate.
Timely and unhindered access to civilians in
armed conflict is vital to providing humanitarian
assistance. Too often access is unsafe, granted too late
or not granted at all. The Council must ensure that
parties to a conflict comply with their obligations
under international humanitarian law to facilitate
humanitarian access. We therefore support the
inclusion of an annex to the report of the Secretary-
General to better analyze, monitor and respond to
access restrictions. Restricting access to populations in
need contributes to the vicious cycle of war economies,
which tend to exacerbate and prolong conflicts.
Against that background, we also welcome the
announced partial lifting of the Gaza blockade as a first
step in the right direction.
Peacekeeping missions continue to suffer from a
disconnection between mandates and the conditions on
the ground. Mandates are often drafted in a vague
manner and are subject to multiple interpretations.
Future mandates should provide clear guidance, in
particular to police and force commanders. In the
meantime, we encourage the Department of
Peacekeeping Operations to continue developing
operational guidance on the implementation of
mandates. In particular, the protection of civilians
requires a holistic approach beyond solely military
considerations. Mission-wide protection strategies
must synergize all available components and resources,
including the country team and the host nation.
The Council must ensure that mandates are
backed up by the resources and capacities necessary to
match reasonable expectations on the ground. To that
end, we welcome the establishment of an expert group
on the protection of civilians and commend the Council
for adopting resolution 1894 (2009) as a crucial step to
improving the drafting of mandates of peacekeeping
missions. We encourage the Council to continue to
update the aide-memoire annually, as originally
envisaged in the presidential statement of December
2002 (S/PRST/2002/41).
Efforts to uphold the authority of the core
standards of international humanitarian law must be
redoubled. The International Criminal Court (ICC) is at
the centre of the fight against impunity at the
international level, but it can only act as a court of last
resort. We fully subscribe to the principle that national
judicial authorities have the primary obligation to
investigate and prosecute violations of international
humanitarian law. However, many conflict and post-
conflict countries lack the capacity to conduct credible
judicial proceedings and require comprehensive
assistance. One conclusion of the recent stocktaking of
international criminal justice, undertaken at the ICC
Review Conference in Kampala, Uganda, was the need
to significantly step up such efforts and to support
them. We encourage all stake-holders to engage in new
concerted efforts to this end.
Mr. Argiiello (Argentina) (spoke in Spanish):
Madame President, allow me at the outset to
congratulate you on assuming the presidency of the
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Security Council for this month, and to thank you for
the timely convening of this meeting.
The protection of civilians in armed conflict
continues to be a matter to which the international
community and my country attribute considerable
importance. It is unfortunate that the Security Council
must continue to consider this matter, as civilians still
suffer greatly from the consequences of armed conflict.
Thus the Council must continue its commitment to the
protection of civilians in armed conflict with the
fostering of full respect for humanitarian law and
international law and human rights, as well as the fight
against impunity.
My delegation has repeatedly underscored the
value and significance of the 1949 Geneva
Conventions, which represented a significant step
forward for the international community with respect
to the dehumanization through which it had lived. Six
decades later there are still conflicts. Unfortunately
there are still many situations in which civilians are
targets of attacks, resulting in unacceptable deaths
among the civilian population, situations in which
children are recruited as soldiers and girls are recruited
for purposes of abuse. Rape and every kind of sexual
abuse are daily occurrences, and thousands and even
millions of people are displaced. Access to
humanitarian support is rendered impossible or is
seriously hindered. Many such situations are
exacerbated by the lack of mechanisms that guarantee
justice and punishment for perpetrators - that is,
impunity prevails.
Parties in an armed conflict are subject to the
basic norms of international humanitarian law, which
stipulate that civilians must be protected from the
effects of conflict. As regards non-State armed groups
present in those armed conflicts that are not of an
international character, it is clear that common article 3
of the four 1949 Geneva Conventions contains specific
obligations that must be respected by the parties in
conflict. It also applies to a party or parties that are not
of a State nature.
Peacekeeping operations and the protection of
civilians are of direct concern to the Security Council.
As I have indicated on other occasions, my country is
convinced of the need to include protection activities in
mandates of United Nations missions and to develop
them with clarity and provide them the resources they
need in an efficient and timely manner. Interaction with
the contingents on the ground is essential for the
mandates to be not only clear, but also, and
fundamentally, appropriate to the circumstances that
the peacekeeping operation will face.
Regarding the composition of the contingents, it
is important to bear in mind the structure required to
meet the needs for the protection of women, in
particular, in matters of sexual violence. It is also
important to bear in mind the need to protect children
from being recruited as soldiers, and for their
rehabilitation.
Another critical aspect of the protection of
civilians is ensuring access to humanitarian assistance.
If parties to a conflict fail to fulfil their obligations
according to international humanitarian law, they must
at least do their utmost to ensure access of shipments
and materials and the delivery of support. Also,
persons fleeing combat areas must be allowed to safely
transit to areas where they can be safe from hostilities.
One delegation mentioned the possibility of
establishing commissions of inquiry. On this matter,
and in the matter of international conflicts, I would like
highlight a means for one or more parties to a conflict
not only to gain access to an investigation of facts that
could be serious violations of the Geneva Conventions,
but also to obtain the unofficial offices of an impartial
body that can allow full respect for the Conventions. I
am referring to the International Fact-Finding
Commission established in Protocol I to the Geneva
Conventions. We encourage States to keep that
possibility in mind, and we welcome the fact that, at its
sixty-fourth session, the General Assembly granted
observer status to the International Fact-Finding
Commission.
Being a victim of an armed conflict is a condition
that extends beyond the end of hostilities. In the
stocktaking exercise of the International Criminal
Court (ICC) that took place during the Review
Conference of the Rome Statute, held in Kampala,
there was an analysis of the victims and affected
communities. One element to underscore - as was
done at that event - is that the ICC has allowed
victims of serious crimes to speak for themselves and
that child soldiers were recognized more as victims
than perpetrators. It was also underscored that women
are usually subjected to sexual violence as a tactic of
war. In the case of both women and children it is clear
that they continue to be victims when they return to
their communities, often stigmatized and subjected to
reprisals.
In that context it is thus necessary to refer to the
role of justice, a matter to which my country attaches
the utmost importance. Perpetrators of war crimes,
genocide or crimes against humanity are responsible
for serious crimes, and they must be brought to justice.
Ensuring justice in relation to such very grave crimes
is more than an obligation of States; it is in the interest
of the international community represented in this
Organization, since justice contributes to alleviating
the wounds caused by the conflict and paves the way
for reconstruction and peace.
This Council established two international
tribunals: the International Criminal Tribunals for the
former Yugoslavia and for Rwanda. Currently we are in
transit towards a system for international justice for the
most serious crimes, including war crimes, based on a
permanent tribunal more than on an ad hoc tribunal.
Such a permanent tribunal is fully functioning - the
International Criminal Court, established by the 1998
Rome Statute.
It must be repeated once more that, in accordance
with international humanitarian law and the resolutions
of this Council, any kind of attack targeting civilians
and other protected persons in situations of armed
conflict - including obstructing access to
humanitarian assistance and the recruitment of
children - constitutes a violation of international law.
Therefore I wish to conclude by once more urging
strict compliance with the obligations arising from the
1899 and 1907 Hague Conventions, the four 1949
Geneva Conventions and their 1977 Additional
Protocols, general international law, and Security
Council decisions.
Mr. Manjeev Singh Puri (India): At the outset,
please allow me to clarify that I am representing my
Permanent Representative, who had to be elsewhere
because of the slight delay in our being able to speak.
India would like to thank the Nigerian presidency
for organizing this thematic debate on the issue of the
protection of civilians. This is a theme that, in our
understanding, falls within the broader rubric of
peacekeeping, which, with more than 100,000
peacekeepers and an $8-billion budget, remains the
most visible operational activity of the United Nations.
The fact that both the Security Council and the General
Assembly have organized thematic debates on
peacekeeping within two weeks of one another is a
reflection of the centrality of peacekeeping both to the
Council and to the Assembly.
This is the second time in less than a year that the
Council debates the issue of the protection of civilians.
There has been considerable movement in the
normative sphere in the period intervening those
debates. The protection of civilians and other
associated concepts have been discussed in detail by
Member States during the deliberations of the Special
Committee on Peacekeeping Operations. Work is also
under way on developing operational doctrines that
will actually bring succour to the weak and the helpless
in the face of violence and conflict. The debate is no
longer on whether we protect civilians; it is about how
we protect them.
My delegation is in favour of intergovernmental
discussions to develop the normative and operational
framework for the protection of civilians. As our record
establishes, we stand ready and willing to engage. We
would, however, like to caution against the tendency,
evident in recent debates on important strategies, to
pay lip service to or even bypass the consultative
process that is built into a multilateral decision-making
structure. Those attempts will fail and undermine the
trust and credibility that are integral to the efficient and
effective functioning of the Department of
Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) and the Department
of Field Support.
International humanitarian law, particularly those
provisions that protect civilians, arose to deal with the
terrible suffering of civilians in war. The Security
Council, in its wisdom, attempted to apply some of the
provisions of those laws to intra-State conflict.
Unfortunately, the situation on the ground in the areas
where the United Nations operates is not entirely
satisfactory. Civilians continue to suffer today. It is
non-belligerents who continue to bear the brunt of
violence in conflict and post-conflict situations.
The operational reasons behind the United
Nations inability to fully translate the Security
Council's intent to protect civilians on the ground were
spelled out with clarity and precision by the
independent study commissioned by DPKO last year. It
is clear that the major share of the blame lies with the
Council itself. Over more than a decade, it has been
unable to develop a clear understanding of the nature
and extent of the problem, has been unable to give
clear directions to DPKO about what it wants and what
and how DPKO should operate, and has not taken into
account the experience and inputs of countries whose
troops are actually on the ground. As the report
succinctly states, the confusion over the Council's
intent is evident in the lack of policy, guidance,
planning and preparedness. As a representative of a
country that has been an active participant in United
Nations peacekeeping since 1956 and has contributed
more than 100,000 peacekeepers to 40 of its
operations, my delegation cannot claim to be surprised
by the findings.
More than 8,000 Indian peacekeepers are on the
ground today and, as I speak here, protecting civilians
in some of the most challenging operational
environments. They operate in situations where
violence is low-intensity and often confusing, where
belligerents are not necessarily combatants under
international humanitarian law, where information is
deficient, and where resources and infrastructure are
woefully inadequate. Working within those
deficiencies, our men and women are trying their
utmost to prevent conflict and to stabilize post-conflict
situations.
My delegation has concluded that peacekeepers
on the ground find it difficult to connect to the debates
taking place here. They find that there is insufficient
appreciation of the operational challenges of actually
executing the mandates of the Security Council. They
find that there is an emphasis on normative aspects
rather than on implementation. They find that they are
being asked to do more and more with less.
Today, 80 per cent of peacekeeping resources are
devoted to operations that are more than five years old.
Those operations are being called upon to transition
into peacebuilding missions, even as they have not
entirely overcome the challenges of peacekeeping. In
that context, the normative debate associated with the
protection of civilians runs the risk of becoming a
debate on the strategy to fight yesterday's battle.
We are meeting in the shadow of a demand for
reduced United Nations presence in certain key
operational areas. It is unlikely that this demand arises
out of the success of the United Nations. It is more
likely that the United Nations is now of limited
relevance in responding to the challenges facing
national authorities as they struggle to consolidate
peace. There is no better way of protecting civilians
than by consolidating peace. Debates on issues such as
strategic consent will not be found helpful by national
authorities. That is not what host countries want as
they struggle to build institutions and stimulate
economic growth.
Attempts to obfuscate the difference between
Chapter VI and Chapter VII of the Charter do not serve
the ideal purpose of peacekeeping. There is a time and
a place for both. Backdoor efforts to evade the
Council's special responsibilities, while retaining its
privileges, will affect the credibility of the institution.
There is only so much that peacekeepers and
DPKO can do. It is important to remember at all times
that the primary responsibility for maintaining peace
under a Chapter VI operation is that of the host
Government. The role of the United Nations is to
support their authorities in accordance with their
priorities and the relevant ground realities.
We hear from national authorities that the Office
of Rule of Law and Security Institutions is now as
important as that of the military component in
protecting civilians. We also hear that an augmented
police presence is required while security sectors are
reformed. Security sector reform must be driven by
national requirements, and not by donor priorities. The
capacity-driven approach that has been adopted needs
to become an exercise in understanding and providing
what host Governments require, not one of collating
what donors can give. Security sector reform will fail
to consolidate the hard-earned gains of peacekeeping
unless it is based on organic growth and related to the
realities of the developing world.
There are countries that have overcome post-
colonial challenges similar to those we are concerned
with today. There are nations that have faced these
obstacles in democratic and open settings while giving
primacy to human rights and the rule of law. We need
to look at such examples.
The success of the Indian female formed police
unit in Liberia is testimony to the power of an example
that is relevant to ground realities.
In conclusion, let me thank you again, Madam
President, for organizing this debate. India is
committed to contributing, through its peacekeepers
and its national capacities, to the promotion of peace
and security and to the role of the United Nations.
Ms. Schonmann (Israel): I would like to thank
you, Madam President, for convening this important
debate. I also wish to thank Under-Secretary-General
for Humanitarian Affairs Holmes for his informative
briefing, as well as High Commissioner for Human
Rights Pillay.
Israel considers the protection of civilians in
armed conflict to be of the utmost importance. We are
encouraged by the continued efforts of the Security
Council, the Secretary-General and his staff in this
area. Israel works closely with the United Nations here
at Headquarters and on the ground to ensure
humanitarian access to civilians in need in times of
armed conflict, and will continue to do so.
Since last November's debate in the Council (see S/PV.62]6) - which marked the anniversary of the
adoption of resolution 1265 (1999) on the protection of
civilians in armed conflict - and the adoption of
resolution 1894 (2009) as well as last week's debate on
the protection of children in armed conflict (see S/PV.634I), it has become evident that, alongside the
considerable progress that has been made, including
the recent appointment of a Special Representative on
Sexual Violence in Conflict, key challenges and
difficult operational, humanitarian and moral dilemmas
still remain.
In the face of asymmetric warfare, which is a new
and complex phenomenon that the international
community has yet to address, regular armies
increasingly find themselves fighting paramilitary
terrorists or guerrilla organizations that deliberately
operate in the vicinity of civilians in densely populated
urban settings. While the principle of distinction
between combatants and civilians under the laws of
armed conflict remain of paramount importance, it has
been challenged time and again by developments in
modern warfare.
The dilemmas inherent in asymmetric warfare,
especially in a situation where terrorists intentionally
draw civilians into armed conflict, using them as
human shields, warrants close, candid and serious
consideration by the Council, taking into account that
there are no easy answers, no simple formulas, nor any
mathematical certainty in calculating the tragic toll on
civilian lives in any given armed conflict. It further
requires international lawyers and policymakers to
grapple with the reality on the ground, intricate and
complex as it may be.
Although asymmetric warfare has unfortunately
become characteristic of the challenges facing Israel in
its fight against terrorism in Gaza, it features in many
other situations around the world, with similar modus
operandi and warfare tactics employed by terrorists,
including the deliberate placement of civilians in the
vicinity of military targets, turning residential
neighbourhoods into combat zones, firing rockets and
mortar shells from within civilian population centres
and using mosques, hospitals and educational
institutions as locations for storing weapons and
terrorist infrastructure, to mention but a few.
From our own experience, the blatant disregard
by terrorists of the sanctity of human life is not
restricted to civilians of their adversary, but is also
extended to their own populations. In the Gaza Strip,
Palestinian terrorists use similar tactics to launch
rockets and mortars from densely populated areas,
while turning the civilians' homes from which they
operate into a battlefield.
In Lebanon, Hizbullah, just as Hamas in Gaza,
maintains its military activity within the fabric of
civilian life. Only a few days ago, Hizbullah yet again
demonstrated its disregard of civilians when its
operatives organized and actively encouraged Lebanese
residents and Hizbullah activists to stage seemingly
spontaneous violent riots of protest against the United
Nations Interim Force in Lebanon, to be followed by
numerous incidents directed at these forces, which
consequently took place on 3 July. Those orchestrated
incidents by Hizbullah against United Nations
peacekeepers violates resolution 1701 (2006). Israel
expects that these incidents will be addressed in the
upcoming briefing to the Security Council on the
implementation of resolution 1701 (2006), which is
scheduled for next week.
Israel also wishes to pay tribute to, and express
its continuing support for, the work of humanitarian
agencies that provide essential services on the ground.
Israel's continued efforts to facilitate humanitarian
assistance to Gaza, including, most recently, the
expanded opening of crossing points and the lifting of
restrictions on products, are indicative of its genuine
efforts to alleviate the hardship of the civilian
population subjected to the control and manipulation of
the hostile terrorist entity.
However, we must not ignore the fact that
terrorists often abuse access privileges, which greatly
endangers humanitarian workers and obstructs the
movement of aid. Under international humanitarian
law, the right to free movement of humanitarian
personnel is subject to military necessities and security
considerations, among them the safety of the
humanitarian personnel themselves and the need to
prevent the abuse of humanitarian channels.
Ultimately, any candid assessment of the
challenges and dilemmas involved in the protection of
civilians in contemporary battlefields as well as the
applicable rules of the laws of armed conflict must
properly address and balance between several key
concepts and principles, including military necessity,
humanity, distinction and proportionality, as well as the
recognition that civilians too have the responsibility
not to abuse their protected status to take direct part in
hostilities.
Israel's Supreme Court has had to address such
real and practical challenges during active warfare and
combat activities, at times even at the expense of
suspending military operations. In seeking a balance
between competing security and humanitarian
considerations, the protection of civilians resurfaces
throughout the Court's extensive jurisprudence on this
matter, shedding light on the dilemmas involved in
finding an appropriate balance within the framework of
the rule of law.
Israel, for its part, will continue to engage in this
critical debate and share its experience as part of its
commitment to ensuring the protection of civilians
amid hostilities and warfare and as part of its
commitment to the rule of law.
The President: I now give the floor to His
Excellency Mr. Pedro Serrano, acting head of the
delegation of the European Union to the United
Nations.
Mr. Serrano (European Union): Many thanks,
Madam President, for giving the floor to the European
Union (EU), allowing it to contribute to this timely and
important debate.
The candidate countries of Croatia and the former
Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, the countries of the
Stabilisation and Association Process and potential
candidates of Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Montenegro and Serbia, and the European Free Trade
Association country of Iceland, a member of the
European Economic Area, as well as Ukraine, the
Republic of Moldova, Armenia and Azerbaijan, align
themselves with this statement.
In the interest of time, I shall read out an
abridged version of the EU statement.
Let me thank Under-Secretary-General Holmes
for his presentation on the current challenges relating
to the protection of civilians. I also welcome the
participation of the United Nations High Commissioner
for Human Rights, Ms. Pillay, in this debate, and thank
her for the proposals aimed at strengthening human
rights protection for civilians in the most difficult
situations.
Thanks to the work conducted within the United
Nations, there is an increasing understanding of the
important concept of the protection of civilians in
situations of armed conflict. As it is a cross-cutting
issue, our strategy needs to be comprehensive. It
should encompass activities that range from ensuring
the safety and physical integrity of civilian populations
to preventing war crimes and other deliberate acts of
violence, securing humanitarian access and ensuring
full respect for human rights and international
humanitarian law by all parties to conflict.
The adoption of resolution 1894 (2009), last
November, is a landmark development. It reflects the
increased attention paid by the Security Council to
protection issues. Security Council resolutions on
women, peace and security and on children and armed
conflict also contribute to enhancing the protection
agenda. Furthermore, stronger interaction between the
Council, troop and police contributors, Special
Representatives of the Secretary-General, missions and
other relevant actors in the field adds to greater
coherence and helps mainstream the issue of
protection. The European Union commends the work
of the expert group on the protection of civilians as a
valuable forum for addressing protection concerns in
the run-up to mandate renewals.
Moreover, it is crucial to highlight the importance
of developing synergies between the protection of
civilians and other fields such as transitional justice,
gender policies and development, and of ensuring good
cooperation among all actors concerned. In the same
vein, enhanced cooperation between the Security
Council and the Peacebuilding Commission (PBC) will
allow the sharing of experience and expertise with
regard to protection issues, especially relating to the
four countries currently on the PBC agenda, as the EU
has repeatedly underlined in the consultations for the
2010 review of the PBC. In particular, the return,
resettlement and protection of internally displaced
persons and refugees and the specific protection needs
of women and children need to be addressed in still-
volatile post-conflict environments. The PBC has been
indeed active in this field.
We are grateful to Under-Secretary-General
Holmes for underlining the need for better compliance
with international humanitarian law, including by
non-State actors, and we concur with the need for
greater accountability for violations of international
humanitarian law.
The European Union encourages the Council to
adopt appropriate measures in cases of widespread
violations of international humanitarian and human
rights law in situations of armed conflict. In this
regard, we welcome the recently adopted presidential
statement on children and armed conflict
(S/PRST/2010/10), which provides for increased
exchange between the Security Council Working Group
on children and armed conflict and sanctions
committees.
Moreover, as Under-Secretary-General Holmes
underlined in his briefing today, it is essential to ensure
safe access to the civilian population - particularly to
vulnerable groups, such as detainees, IDPs, women and
children - for humanitarian assistance. We look
forward to more comprehensive reporting by the
Secretary-General on challenges to humanitarian
access in situations on the agenda of the Council.
As the world's largest provider of humanitarian
aid and through its contributions to crisis management,
the European Union is an important partner in United
Nations engagements in conflict and post-conflict
situations. Over the course of the past year alone, the
United Nations and the European Union have worked
together in more than 60 countries that were either in
emergency or protracted crises to provide assistance
and offer protection to vulnerable groups.
While the protection of civilians and the
responsibility to protect are two different concepts that
must not be confused with one another, there is a clear
linkage between them because, when populations are
properly protected, they will not fall victim to
genocide, war crimes, crime against humanity and
ethnic cleansing.
As many speakers have stressed today, the
implementation and operationalization of the
protection mandates of United Nations peacekeeping
and other missions are key to protecting civilians. The
European Union recognizes and welcomes important
implementation steps taken since the adoption of
resolution 1894 (2009). These include the independent
study commissioned by the Department of
Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) and the Office for
the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs; the
operational concept and the lessons learned note
circulated by DPKO; and the regular inclusion of
protection of civilians tasks in the mandates of United
Nations peacekeeping operations; the more consistent
and systemic consideration of protection of civilians
issues in the Secretary-General's reports; the
significant inclusion of several paragraphs on the
protection of civilians in the 2010 recommendations of
the Special Committee on Peacekeeping Operations
(see A/64/ 19), including the development of a strategic
framework for mission-wide protection strategies; the
elaboration of protection of civilians training modules;
and an assessment of the resource requirements for
implementing protection mandates.
We look forward to the next report of the
Secretary-General on the protection of civilians and to
the first progress report on New Horizons, and trust
that the issue of improving the protection of civilians
will be addressed therein. All these measures will
contribute to the development of a culture of
protection.
The European Union, for its part, is currently
studying the United Nations implementation tools
closely, not least in view of our own efforts to further
develop the guidelines on the protection of civilians in
European Union crisis-management missions and
operations. We are very eager to exchange experiences
with the United Nations on this issue. In our view,
cooperation in this field could be extended to other
international actors engaged in crisis management,
such as NATO, the African Union, the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe, the Council of
Europe, the International Committee of the Red Cross,
civil society groups and others.
I would like to close by thanking Under-
Secretary-General Holmes for his excellent and tireless
work for the United Nations humanitarian cause, and
wish him all the best for his future.
The President: I now give the floor to the
representative of Switzerland.
Mr. Giirber (Switzerland) (spoke in French):
Madam President, I thank you for organizing this
debate on the protection of civilians in armed conflict.
I would also like to thank Under-Secretary-General
John Holmes for his work during the past three and a
half years as head of the Office for the Coordination of
Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) and as United Nations
Emergency Relief Coordinator. In a climate
characterized by the ever-diminishing application of
international humanitarian law, OCHA's role as
advocate for the protection of civilians has never been
more necessary.
Last year's tenth anniversary of the Security
Council debate on the protection of civilians was
notable for the adoption of resolution 1894 (2009). The
resolution reiterated the fundamental aspects on which
the action of States must focus to ensure the effective
protection of civilians in situations of armed conflict. It
should be implemented without reserve.
I would like to focus my remarks on the follow-
up to three key aspects of the resolution: the links to
the questions of children in armed conflict and of
gender; the need to focus more attention on the
protection of civilians in peacekeeping operations; and
the question of respect for international law by
non-State actors.
First, concerning children in armed conflicts and
the gender aspects, Switzerland considers the adoption
of resolution 1882 (2009) to have been an important
step forward. It is now necessary to consolidate efforts
to ensure the effectiveness of the new provisions and to
ensure the effective implementation of resolutions
1612 (2005) and 1882 (2009). In this context,
Switzerland would like to recall the importance of
strengthening the operational response, which it
considers to be essential for ensuring the effective
protection and care of children who have fallen victim
to serious violations, as well as for preventing further
violations.
Moreover, we cannot discuss the protection of
civilians without taking into consideration resolution
1325 (2000) on women, peace and security and the
resolutions that have succeeded it. These point to the
need to strengthen the participation of women in
peacebuilding activities, the prevention of gender-
based violence, and the protection of the rights of
women and girls in conflict and post-conflict
situations. The principles reflected in these resolutions
are relevant to the establishment of effective global
strategies to protect civilians. As a general rule, the
Security Council should consider the question of the
protection of civilians in situations of armed conflict
through systematic referral to the resolutions on
women, peace and security and on children in
situations of armed conflict.
Secondly, I would like to draw the Council's
attention to the growing recognition within the United
Nations system of the challenges posed by the
protection of civilians. Of particular note is the Special
Committee on Peacekeeping Operations, whose efforts
produced a number of concrete recommendations last
spring for improving the operational implementation of
the mandates for the protection of civilians. I invite the
members of the Council and the group of experts on
the protection of civilians to bear these
recommendations in mind in their work.
Thirdly, Switzerland wishes to underline the
importance of the Security Council's appeals on all
conflict parties to respect the provisions of
international humanitarian, human rights and refugee
law with regard to civilians in armed conflict. Non-
State armed groups are very present in most of the
conflicts on the Council's agenda. We must therefore
continue to support efforts to ensure that non-State
armed groups commit themselves to better respecting
civilians in conflict zones, as well as to initiatives to
record such cases. In this way, we will be able to
identify new measures to ensure that non-State armed
groups adhere to the existing norms. In this context,
Switzerland welcomes the initiative of Geneva Call to
organize, in collaboration with OCHA, a debate on this
subject at the International Peace Institute in New York
on 20 July.
Last but not least, combating impunity is an
essential part of efforts to improve respect for the
rights and needs of civilian populations. It is essential
that investigations be undertaken into all alleged
violations of international humanitarian law, whatever
the context and whoever the alleged perpetrator. To this
end, Switzerland would like to raise the possibility of
calling upon the International Humanitarian Fact-
Finding Commission, created under the First
Additional Protocol to the Geneva Conventions.
Mr. Quinlan (Australia): Australia very much
welcomes the opportunity today, especially under the
Nigerian presidency, to discuss this critical issue before
the Council. First, I would like to thank the Secretary-
General, the High Commission for Human Rights, Ms.
Pillay, and the Under-Secretary-General for
Humanitarian Affairs, Sir John Holmes, for their
presentations. It is essential, of course, that the Council
and the United Nations system generally keep this
compelling matter within its sights. I especially want to
recognize the role of Under-Secretary-General Holmes
in helping candidly to keep us honest about this
imperative, which, of course, goes to the core of why
we created the United Nations.
The presentations today remind us tellingly that
the plight of civilians in modern conflict remains very
dire. From the numbers of internally displaced persons
to the horrifying statistics on sexual violence, it is very
clear that the international community needs to do
much more to ensure that innocent and vulnerable
civilians in armed conflict situations are protected.
Given today's time constraints, I would like to
focus my remarks on one aspect discussed in the
briefings - the issue of protection of civilians in the
context of peacekeeping operations. When the Council
debated this issue in November last year (see S/PV.6216), there was still a wide gap in the
understanding among Member States of the meaning of
protection of civilians in the context of a peacekeeping
operation. The development of a draft operational
concept late last year in response to calls from the
Special Committee on Peacekeeping Operations and
the Security Council in its resolution 1894 (2009) was
a significant step forward in closing that gap, although
more needs to be done. This year, the Special
Committee on Peacekeeping Operations subsequently
requested the Secretariat to develop a strategic
framework which, importantly, will contain elements
and parameters for mission-specific strategies to guide
senior mission leadership, to develop training modules,
and to outline resource and capability requirements.
As part of Australia's own continuing
engagement on this practical agenda, we have been
pleased to engage with other Member States to further
contribute to the efforts of peacekeepers to protect
civilians. In January, we were pleased to again partner
with Uruguay in hosting a workshop here in New York
to discuss the recommendations of the independent
study - jointly commissioned by the Department of
Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) and the Office for
the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs - on the
protection of civilians. In April, as one of 17 member
countries of the Challenges Partnership, Australia
hosted the third International Forum for the Challenges
of Peace Operations, which examined the challenges of
strengthening the protection of civilians in
multidimensional peace operations. And most recently,
we have been very pleased to support the United
Nations Development Fund for Women, United
Nations Action Against Sexual Violence and the DPKO
in the development of an analytical inventory for
peacekeepers to respond to conflict-related sexual
violence. The inventory was launched here in New
York last week.
As noted by the Joint Special Representative for
the African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in
Darfur, Mr. Gambari, at the recent General Assembly
thematic debate on peacekeeping, regional
organizations have a critical role to play in
peacekeeping efforts. Australia has been pleased to
work with the African Union (AU) to assist with the
consideration of draft operational guidelines on the
protection of civilians for AU peace support
operations.
Despite some of the positive normative
developments, which have been explained to us, to
support the ability of peacekeepers to protect civilians
when mandated as part of a peacekeeping operation,
the deteriorating situation on the ground, which has
been plainly made clear to us, means that there is still
very significant work that needs to be done to ensure
that what we think is a shared understanding of what
the protection of civilians means actually does result in
improved conditions for civilians on the ground. The
drawdowns in recent peacekeeping operations have
been highlighted by many speakers today. Both the
Council and the host Government have critical roles to
play in ensuring that civilians are protected, including
during mission drawdowns.
For its part, the Council must clearly articulate its
expectations of the peacekeepers it mandates to protect
civilians. Peacekeepers on the ground are asking
unambiguously for that clarity and that guidance,
which does not necessarily mean the development of
even more lengthy, detailed or intricate mandates. In
turn, the development of measurable benchmarks will
go a long way towards ensuring the implementation of
the mandate and towards the management of
expectations.
As we look to the future, we are encouraged, I
have to say, by the work under way to develop a
strategic framework and the mission-wide strategies,
which is a marked improvement on the tools available
to implement protection of civilian mandates a decade
ago. But we must not lose sight of the reality that those
developments will be of very limited value without
direction from the Security Council itself and without
the support of Member States to ensure that all those
involved in the formulation, development and
implementation of peacekeeping operations that have
protection of civilians mandates have the guidance, the
training and the resources necessary to ensure that
peacekeeping lives up to the expectations that all of us
here share.
To conclude, peacekeeping is one tool to improve
the lives of civilians affected by conflict on the ground,
and peacekeeping missions obviously have a very
special responsibility for the physical protection of
civilians. It is therefore critical that we continue to
support those endeavours and, frankly, do a better job
in doing that.
Mr. Mahmood (Bangladesh): Let me begin by
congratulating Nigeria on its assumption of the
presidency of the Security Council for the month of
July. I thank you, Madam President, for convening this
important meeting. Allow me also to express our
sincere thanks to the Secretary-General for his
insightful briefing this morning. My delegation also
commends the Under-Secretary-General for
Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief
Coordinator, Mr. John Holmes, and the High
Commissioner for Human Rights, Ms. Navanethem
Pillay, for their comprehensive briefings this morning.
Civilians continue to suffer the brunt of violence
during armed conflicts. Civilians are displaced from
their homes and are often denied access to life-saving
food, medicine and shelter. It is against this backdrop
that the States Members of the United Nations pledged
in the Millennium Declaration "[t]o expand and
strengthen the protection of civilians in complex
emergencies" (resolution 55/2, para. 26).
Protection for civilians is a basic principle of
humanitarian law. Civilians not taking part in the
fighting must on no account be attacked and must be
spared and protected. The 1949 Geneva Conventions
and their 1977 Additional Protocols contain specific
rules designed to protect civilians. In situations that are
not covered by these treaties, in particular internal
disturbances, civilians are protected by the
fundamental principles of humanitarian law and human
rights law.
The Council has been discussing this important
issue for more than a decade and has adopted many
resolutions and heard strong and relevant statements by
distinguished representatives. However, ironically, a
large number of civilians continue to be exposed to the
atrocities of conflict. My delegation urges all parties to
conflicts to ensure the protection of the lives and
property of civilians. My delegation condemns all
violations of international humanitarian and human
rights law and stresses the need to combat impunity,
safeguard access for humanitarian assistance, and
protect the safety of humanitarian aid workers.
Peacekeeping operations are one of the most
important tools available to the United Nations to
protect civilians in armed conflict. The Security
Council's thematic resolution 1894 (2009), the updated
aide-memoire (see S/PRST/2009/l, annex) and the
inclusion of protection activities in the mandates of
United Nations peacekeeping missions have been
important steps forward. However, at the same time,
the gap between the words of the protection mandates
and their actual implementation persists. In this regard,
my delegation would like to re-emphasize the
importance of the principle of the responsibility to
protect, as endorsed in the 2005 World Summit
Outcome Final Document (resolution 60/1) in
preventing harm to civilians in armed conflict.
The vulnerable situation of civilians in post-
conflict societies needs special attention. Long after
the guns have fallen silent, such people remain
traumatized and permanently scarred by the brutalities
of war. If peace is to be sustained, they must be
rehabilitated and reintegrated into their communities
more effectively, and the perpetrators must bear the
resultant cost.
The presence of uniformed female personnel may
play a pivotal role in protecting civilians in armed
conflict. I take this opportunity to refer to the efforts of
the all-female Bangladeshi police contingent working
in the peacekeeping mission in Haiti. We believe that a
female police force could also play a critical role in a
State's ability to protect its citizens.
Finally, we would like to mention what my
delegation considers to be two overarching themes for
the protection of civilians in armed conflict. The first
relates to prevention and the building of a culture of
peace. Prevention is at the heart of protection. The
preventive capacity of the Organization must be
enhanced. At the same time, Member States need to
take steps to inculcate the values of peace, tolerance
and harmony that contribute to long-term prevention.
The second theme is that of coordination among
all stakeholders. We believe that the protection of
civilians is the primary justification for a United
Nations presence in the field. However, despite some
improvements, various political, humanitarian, military
and development components of United Nations
missions in the field still lack an integrated focus on
the protection of civilians. My delegation stresses
effective coordination, particularly among the Office
for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, the
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees, the Department of Peacekeeping Operations
and the Department of Political Affairs.
In conclusion, my delegation expresses its grave
concern over violations and breaches of international
law, including international humanitarian law. For
example, the total disregard and rejection of
humanitarian and international law and values being
committed in particular by occupation forces in the
occupied territories of Palestine for years are a
disgrace to humanity. My delegation strongly urges the
international community, particularly the Council, to
take effective steps to ensure respect for and
compliance with the Geneva Conventions in such
situations.
Mr. Gutierrez (Peru) (spoke in Spanish): Allow
me first of all, Madam President, to express my
delegation's profound gratification at seeing you
preside over the Security Council this month. I should
also like to thank you for having promoted the
convening of this open debate, and to express the
Peruvian delegation's appreciation to Mr. John Holmes,
Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs, and
Ms. Pillay, High Commissioner for Human Rights, for
their comprehensive briefings on the topic that brings
us together today for this open debate in the Council.
For 11 years, the Security Council has been
seized of the matter of protection of civilians in armed
conflict. In that time, important progress has been
made, such as the establishment of the Security
Council group of experts on the protection of civilians,
whose contributions have been reflected in numerous
Council resolutions. We have also seen the adoption of
important resolutions and presidential statements that
have had an impact on matters of primary concern in
the realm of the protection of civilians in contemporary
conflicts.
While such progress is an important starting
point, its value is relative if it is not manifested in
tangible improvements in the protection of civilians on
the ground. We believe it important to continue to
strengthen the necessary interaction between the Office
for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs and the
Security Council. We also believe it essential to fully
implement resolutions 1296 (2000) and 1674 (2006),
which define the essence of this debate, which is the
responsibility of all Member States to protect civilian
populations in armed conflict.
Along these lines, we believe it necessary, based
on the Secretary-General's report A/63/677 on the
implementation of the responsibility to protect -
which recognizes the principal role of States in
protecting their populations from, among others, war
crimes - that we continue to focus on pillars one and
two: the responsibility to protect incumbent on States;
and international assistance and capacity-building.
Also, in its resolution 63/125, entitled "Status of
the Protocols Additional to the Geneva Conventions of
1949 and relating to the protection of victims of armed
conflicts", the General Assembly affirmed the need for
more effective implementation of international
humanitarian law. We hope that the discussions held in
the Sixth Committee at the sixty-fifth session of the
General Assembly will promote substantive progress
that ensures the full implementation of international
humanitarian law.
Peru firmly supports programmes and policies
that promote the prevention of violence, and in
particular those that protect women and girls from
gender-based violence, particularly rape and other
forms of sexual abuse, as well as other forms of
violence that arise in armed conflict. In this context,
we insist on the need for the full implementation of
resolution 1325 (2000) to ensure that serious cases of
rape and other sexual violence do not go unpunished.
We consider it a priority that States assume the
responsibility to ensure that justice is served and that
responsible parties are punished, as part of a central
focus on national reconciliation that all should
emphasize.
I would like to underline that Peru is party to the
Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court,
which establishes in its articles 5 and 9 the Court's
jurisdiction to judge war crimes in international and
domestic armed conflicts. In that respect, Peru has
complied with the requirement to incorporate into its
domestic legislation measures for cooperation with the
Court in order to ensure that responsible parties are
effectively tried. I further wish to underscore that at the
Review Conference of the Rome Statute in Kampala,
Peru, together with the Netherlands, coordinated the
process of presenting pledges to strengthen States'
commitment to the fight against impunity and the
principles and purposes of the Rome Statute.
Peru reiterates its firm support for the promotion
of respect for international humanitarian law and
efforts to encourage compliance by all parties to armed
conflict, in particular non-State armed groups. We also
believe that civilian protection must be strengthened in
order to make peacekeeping operations and other
missions more effective. In this context, I would like to
highlight that my country is a party to the Fourth
Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of
Civilian Persons in Times of War and to the Additional
Protocols on the protection of victims of international
and non-international conflicts, which together form
the cornerstone of international humanitarian law in the
area of protecting civilians. In that regard, we call on
all States that are not yet parties to these instruments to
accede to them as soon as possible.
Furthermore, at the Thirtieth International
Conference of the Red Cross and Red Crescent, Peru
made a series of pledges relating to the effective
implementation of international humanitarian law and
the protection of civilians in armed conflict and other
situations of armed violence. Allow me to note a
number of the efforts of the International Committee of
the Red Cross in its difficult task of disseminating
international humanitarian law and protecting civilian
populations in armed conflicts. These efforts include
such events as the annual seminar for officials
accredited by the United Nations, which is an
important tool in this undertaking.
Regarding access to humanitarian assistance in
armed conflict, my delegation is convinced that parties
to a conflict and third-party countries should strictly
comply with their obligations to allow and facilitate the
rapid and unhindered transit of shipments, equipment
and rescue personnel, and to encourage States to foster
respect for basic humanitarian principles. We are
convinced that concrete actions would give new
momentum to the protection of civilians in armed
conflicts.
Finally, we must recognize that if we are to
strengthen the protection of civilians in post-conflict
situations, we must initiate resolute actions to rebuild
and then strengthen institutions and the rule of law in
affected countries, and stabilize economic conditions
through development strategies. Those would be
crucial steps towards consolidating any comprehensive
effort for peace and development that would serve to
effectively combat poverty and social exclusion -
problems that are often at the heart of the internal
armed conflicts that we strive to prevent. As a member
of the Peacebuilding Commission, my country has
been contributing to achieving that goal.
Mr. Haroon (Pakistan): Please accept my
felicitations, Madam President, on your assumption of
your very important office and for your able
stewardship in convening this very important debate.
We have carefully listened to the briefings of the
Secretary-General and Mr. John Holmes, the Under-
Secretary-General heading the Office for the
Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). We bid
him a fond farewell and commend the very good work
he has done in his tenure. It is a thankless job. Of
course, we wish him the very best in his next
appointment. I also wish to thank Ms. Navanethem
Pillay, High Commissioner for Human Rights.
At the outset, let me state unequivocally that the
Government of Pakistan condemns attacks on civilians
under all circumstances. It is indeed an abominable act
that cannot be justified under any circumstances. That
was rightfully reflected in Mr. John Holmes'
submissions.
Pakistan is very proud of being one of the largest
troop-contributing countries to United Nations
peacekeeping missions and is fully engaged in this
important debate on the protection of civilians in
armed conflict. However, there have been some
references made that are perhaps somewhat out of
context and might have been better viewed in
perspective, as I shall explain in a while.
As we debate the subject of the protection of
civilians in armed conflict, we understand, or should
understand, that this is not a debate on the protection of
civilians in all situations. There are some strict
applications and criteria. Perhaps we should have heard
more mention of parts of the world where innocent
people continue to suffer because of their inability to
exercise their right to self-determination and the lack
of judicial succour. Maybe the mention of the attack on
the humanitarian flotilla in international waters off the
coast of Gaza, which was an act of wilful intent, and
the continuing violations in Palestine could have been
portrayed a little better. But as far as we are concerned,
we have the very difficult task of eliminating the
scourge of international terrorism from our territories
and of protecting not only ourselves but the world.
I think that the two comments made about
Pakistan - one on the aspect of thousands of civilian
conflict dead, where we are bunched together with
Gaza, Sri Lanka, the Democratic Republic of the
Congo, Afghanistan and Somalia; and the other on the
1.8 million displaced people in Pakistan, although it
has been stated quite clearly that many have since
returned - need a little more explanation.
First, the world is calling upon us all the time to
take on international terrorism in the boundary regions
so widely mentioned in the document before me. We
have to go along with the international community. But
I think that document rightly says that, whereas in
Swat and in South Waziristan there were at one stage
nearly 1.8 million people displaced, they were not in
fact displaced. They were asked to leave the areas
before our militaries moved in with complete
international backing to rid the areas of the miscreants
creating world terror. The fact is that they went out
voluntarily and that OCHA did a really good job in
looking after them, as did many other institutions and
the Government of Pakistan. Less than a few hundred
thousand were actually in camps set up by OCHA; the
others were in fact looked after by our own people and
the Government. The fact that they went back at such a
fast rate is perhaps a reflection of the fact that they
were kept out of harm's way. They could have suffered
awfully, but we brought them out despite the fact that
our doing so perhaps gave a lot of leeway for the
terrorists to slip away. But we took that option because
it was the right one. We had to protect our people. By
the grace of God, we have been able to see a lot of
them back in the various parts from which they came.
In my mind, that is vindication that we have tried our
level best and succeeded in keeping civilians out of
harm's way.
Pakistan is a functioning democracy with a very
strong, rejuvenated judiciary that is pursuing suo moto
any contradiction of humanitarian acts or matters in a
very activist manner. That is being done at the highest
possible forums, even up to the supreme judiciary
level. We are determined to achieve the protection and
promotion of the human rights of all our citizens. That
objective has the fullest support not only of our people,
but also of the international community.
We are very concerned about attacks on
humanitarian actors, and we are committed and
continue to provide all possible protection and security
to humanitarian actors working in Pakistan. We have
often succeeded in retrieving those who were
kidnapped. Many hundreds of our own security
personnel have given their lives to protect
humanitarian actors. I cannot underscore that more
strongly than I am doing now.
Let us not underestimate our constraints, of
which the Council is aware, or let our will and sacrifice
be undermined by being included in dissimilar country
groupings. We have our own particular situation.
Obviously, we ask for the Council's indulgence and
understanding. But believe me, as far as we are
concerned, we will do anything to protect our civilians,
and yet relentlessly pursue all those who try to make
the world an unsafe place.
Mr. Michelsen (Norway): We appreciate this
opportunity to take the floor on the protection of
civilians in armed conflicts, and we thank Nigeria for
organizing this debate. We also thank the Secretary-
General, Under-Secretary-General Holmes and High
Commissioner Pillay for their informative briefings.
We echo previous speakers in expressing appreciation
for the work of Emergency Relief Coordinator John
Holmes over the past three and a half years, and we
commend him for his unstinting efforts during his
tenure.
Over the past 10 years, the United Nations,
including the Security Council, has succeeded in
raising awareness on the need for enhanced protection
of civilians. Through these efforts, new humanitarian
normative standards have been developed and the
protection of civilians is now quite rightly seen as an
integral part of our common security agenda.
Nonetheless, we are seeing a continuing increase in
violations of international humanitarian law. In too
many conflicts, we are witnessing an erosion of the
protection that civilians are entitled to under
international humanitarian law, and we are observing a
widening of the definition of legitimate targets and a
too-liberal interpretation of the rule of proportionality.
Furthermore, we are witnessing deliberate attacks on
civilians, as well as armed non-State actors using
methods that run counter to international humanitarian
law.
The landmark adoption of resolution 1894 (2009)
last November reaffirmed the Council's commitment to
the protection of civilians. I would like to make four
points in this regard.
First, on the application of international
humanitarian law, recent conflicts, such as those in
Gaza and Sri Lanka, are characterized by unacceptably
high numbers of civilian victims and widespread
destruction of civilian infrastructure. There is now an
urgent need to work towards greater respect for
international humanitarian law, including through the
Security Council. In particular, there is a need for an
open and frank discussion on how the law should be
implemented in order to provide adequate protection
for civilians affected by armed conflict. Norway,
together with France and the International Committee
of the Red Cross, have initiated a process to facilitate
such a discussion with the aim of strengthening the
implementation of international human rights law in
today's armed conflicts.
Secondly, on the protection of children in armed
conflict, Norway welcomes the Security Council's
development of an increasingly strong protection
framework for children in armed conflict, most
recently through its resolution 1882 (2009). Such a
framework is key to the protection of civilians and to
strengthening the rule of law in conflict situations.
Still, the lack of decisive action against persistent
perpetrators, as well as accountability measures to fight
impunity, continue to limit the effectiveness of those
efforts.
Norway is encouraged by the Security Council's
expressed readiness to impose targeted measures
against persistent violators of international law who
recruit, sexually abuse, maim and kill children in war.
We support the Secretary-General's proposals to
include the recruitment and use of child soldiers in the
mandate of all sanctions committees and to improve
the flow of information between the Working Group on
Children and Armed Conflict and the relevant
sanctions committees.
Thirdly, on the protection of women and armed
conflict, it is of particular concern that women
continue to be targets of sexual violence in conflict, as
stressed in previous speakers' references to the
Democratic Republic of the Congo. Our top priority
must be to end the vicious cycle of impunity. We must
therefore provide justice for survivors, punishment for
perpetrators and effective deterrence for the future. For
war-affected women, justice delayed is more than
justice denied - it is terror continued.
Abuses against women tend to continue
unchecked when they are not properly dealt with
during peace negotiations and in post-conflict
situations. We must thus continue to enhance women's
active participation in conflict resolution, peace
processes and peacebuilding.
Norway builds civilian peacekeeping capacity in
Africa, together with our African partners. In our
experience, a field-based approach, innovative use of
existing resources, and local support and ownership are
necessary elements in strategies to protect civilians in
mission areas. We welcome the practical inventory
launched by the United Nations Action Against Sexual
Violence in Conflict and the Department of
Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) on 30 June, entitled
"Addressing Conflict-Related Sexual Violence - An
Analytical Inventory of Peacekeeping Practice". This
document captures best practices and represents the
first-ever review of efforts by uniformed peacekeepers
to prevent, deter and respond to widespread and
systematic sexual violence.
Finally, on punitive measures, Norway stands
ready to support efforts to increase accountability.
Warfare conducted in violation of international
humanitarian law should carry a strong political
stigma. We support work currently undertaken by
DPKO to develop guidelines for investigating sexual
and gender-based violence in United Nations mission
areas. Effective investigation, prosecution and
punishment are key elements of broader efforts to end
impunity for such crimes.
We look forward to the Secretary-General's
report on the protection of civilians in November, and
we sincerely hope that it will show progress on the
implementation of resolution 1894 (2009).
The President: I give the floor to the
representative of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela.
Mr. Valero Bricefio (Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela) (spoke in Spanish): I congratulate you,
Madam President, on your assumption of the
presidency of the Security Council and wish you every
success in executing your tasks.
The debate on the protection of civilians in armed
conflict continues to evoke concern and controversy.
The Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela believes that the
State bears or should bear the primary responsibility
for the protection of civilians and the prevention of
violations of human rights or humanitarian law during
armed conflict that should be condemned in all
instances.
I wish briefly to refer to the protection of
civilians in armed conflict in the framework of
peacekeeping operations and their mandates. The
consent of the parties, impartiality and the non-use of
force are guiding principles for such operations and
must be preserved. On other occasions, we have
insisted that any strategy for protecting civilians must
systematically address the causes that led to a conflict,
including discrimination, poverty, injustice and a lack
of channels for the peaceful settlement of disputes.
A functional political system founded on social
justice, dialogue and coexistence is very important to
conflict prevention. Under the Fourth Geneva
Convention, the State or parties to the conflict has or
have the primary responsibility of protecting civilians.
The responsibility of peacekeeping operations is
limited to specific and limited occasions when it
becomes necessary to protect the physical safety of
civilians when there is a real danger of loss of life, and
always in the context of a deployed mission or when
humanitarian assistance is needed.
However, based on recent experiences,
international interventions in such cases are of
increasing concern. Discrepancies persist in the
manner, timing and advisability of undertaking military
interventions, and in identifying who is authorized to
undertake them.
Great world Powers have sought to invoke
seemingly noble concepts for political or military
interventionist actions that undermine sovereignty. For
that reason, the concept of the responsibility to protect
has not attained the consensus necessary to become an
instrument for the protection of civilians in armed
conflict. In some cases, certain States may be accused
of violating human rights, whereas world Powers may
undertake actions leading to coups, territorial
splintering and social and economic crises. The fact
that a domestic conflict has been created or stimulated
from beyond its borders is obfuscated.
Those who create and encourage such crises are
the ones who must be condemned and punished. Not
infrequently - and history provides plenty of
examples - an international intervention ends up
supporting those who breach and violate human rights.
Foreign interventions thereby undermine the
sovereignty of States. At other times, conflict situations
are ignored in which it does not suit transnational
interests to provide international solidarity, as the State
violating human rights acts as the intermediary for
those interests. Some Powers brandish rhetoric of
humanitarianism and human rights, but they undermine
and distort the true nature of those rights. The case of
Iraq is emblematic of that.
In recent decades, we have seen a succession of
various concepts and categories that tend towards neo-
colonial domination. We understand the reasons why
many countries of the South would identify with a
concept such as the responsibility to protect, for
instance. We understand their concerns, since
international solidarity is essential. But international
solidarity is one thing and intervention in order to
dominate is another. We must show a common front for
solidarity and unite to reject intervention that oppresses
peoples. We must reject the concept of the
responsibility to protect, for it disguises the violation
of sovereignty in order to promote neo-colonial
interests.
When it comes to providing support to a people,
there is near unanimity as to the serious violation of
human rights and international humanitarian law by the
State of Israel through its occupation of Gaza. Why do
we not then protect the Palestinian people and
decisively help them to become a sovereign State?
The financial leadership that currently governs
the world is predicated on increased military
expenditures, financial speculation and economic
policies that foster the recessive trends being
experienced throughout the world. That crushing
reality produces wars and poverty and the destruction
of the planet and of sovereignty, human rights and
democratic systems. That is the basic cause of
conflicts. It is up to the United Nations to consistently
implement, for the benefit of peoples and not the
interests of the powerful, the Charter and the other
legal instruments and resolutions that sovereign States
have established through the years for the good of
humankind and the planet.
The President: I now give the floor to the
representative of the Syrian Arab Republic.
Mr. Ja'afari (Syrian Arab Republic) (spoke in Arabic): Allow me to congratulate you, Madam
President, on Nigeria's assumption of the presidency of
the Security Council for this month and to commend
the delegation of Mexico for its outstanding efforts
during its presidency of the Council last month.
I also wish to express our gratitude to the Council
for convening this meeting on the protection of
civilians in armed conflict, in particular at such a
critical time of unprecedented violations of the rights
of the Palestinian people in general, and in particular
those in the Gaza Strip. Those violations stem from
Israel's barbaric aggression, which includes the
ongoing blockade of Gaza, preventing the arrival of
humanitarian assistance for civilians and attacks on
ships and international peace activists transporting that
aid.
Before I continue with my statement, I would like
to thank Under-Secretary-General Sir John Holmes of
the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
for his efforts to implement international humanitarian
law at a time when serious crises hampered that goal in
various regions of the world.
The awakening of the human conscience in
sympathy for civilian suffering resulted in legal
developments that led to the establishment of the
United Nations and various international instruments
aimed at stopping and preventing war, ending foreign
occupation and promoting the use of law to resolve
international disputes and address the protection of
civilians in armed conflict. First among those was the
Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of
Civilian Persons in Time of War, followed by a number
of Security Council resolutions.
Despite those developments, we continue to see
situations on the ground that uphold double
standards - often in defence of the violation of
international humanitarian law instead of protecting it.
In fact, the gap between the letter of the law and its
application on the ground is increasingly widening.
We are concerned by the fact that some
statements by representatives of Member States in
connection with deliberations on the protection of
civilians in conflict situations at times display a
selective understanding of the issue that is contrary to
the provisions of international humanitarian law. We
are also concerned by the fact that some seek to
transform the suffering of civilians in certain areas of
armed conflict merely into a contentious academic
debate. That does not help to alleviate the suffering of
civilians.
I would like here to raise some of the same
questions that many other Member States have asked.
Are not the 12,000 prisoners held in Israeli jails
civilians? Are not the Syrian inhabitants of the
occupied Golan Heights civilians? Are not the more
than 500 killed and injured as a result of Israeli mines
planted in the occupied Golan Heights civilians? Do
they not deserve protection? Are not those who daily
face the most severe violations of their rights in the
occupied Arab territories civilians? Are not the
children, women and older persons who are deprived of
more than 7,000 basic commodities, including
chocolate, mayonnaise and other necessities, civilians?
And not the people of occupied Jerusalem, whom the
Israeli occupying authorities are daily expelling from
their houses and their occupied city, civilians?
Were not the Lebanese who were killed by Israeli
forces while seeking protection in United Nations
facilities in Qana in 1996 civilians? Were those
civilians launching rockets against Israel as they
sought refuge in the United Nations compound? Or
were United Nations forces in Qana and Gaza using
those civilians as human shields? The same questions
could be asked with regard to Palestinian civilians who
were killed by attacking Israeli forces in Gaza during
the aggression of 2008 and 2009 as they sought shelter
in the schools of the United Nations Relief and Works
Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East
(UNRWA) in the Gaza Strip.
The Security Council adopted resolution 1894
(2009) on the occasion of the tenth anniversary of the
Council's consideration of the issue of the protection of
civilians in armed conflict, and two years after the
Israeli aggression against the Gaza Strip and its civilian
population. Since the adoption of that resolution, with
which the Council has systematically dealt with on a
daily basis, the Israeli aggression against the rights of
civilians in Gaza has continued.
Those violations are in evidence in the blockade
and in the hunger and injustice that prevail there. To
date, the United Nations as a whole, including the
Council, has failed to ensure the entry of basic
materials necessary to rebuild UNRWA schools
destroyed by Israel, in spite of the fact that resolution
1894 (2009) urged the parties to take all necessary
measures to respect the rights of civilians, protect them
and provide for their basic needs.
In addition to continuing to refuse to comply with
that and previous resolutions, Israel is also continuing
its aggressive policies against Palestinian civilians.
Those include the blockade, the closing of crossing
points, detentions, denial of the freedom of movement,
refusing to allow students to receive medical treatment
and obstacles to the flow of international assistance,
not to mention the deplorable conditions of civilians in
the West Bank and the Golan Heights.
Israel's actions have even affected humanitarian
activists of various nationalities from the freedom
flotilla, who attempted to provide assistance to the
people of Gaza. Israel confronted the flotilla with acts
of aggression that led to the death of nine civilians,
who were only guilty of trying to provide medical and
humanitarian assistance to people subjected to a
blockade. All the requests, resolutions and international
calls have failed to alleviate their suffering.
We do not know how much longer we can turn a
blind eye to Israel's inhuman actions, which constitute
a unique case of systematic wholesale violation of
every principle, norm and law enshrined in
international agreements. The United Nations Fact-
Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict, headed by
Justice Richard Goldstone, has in its two reports
provided compelling evidence of Israel's violation of
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and
international humanitarian law during its aggression on
Gaza. As described by Justice Goldstone himself, those
violations could be considered as war crimes and
crimes against humanity.
We wonder about the Council's response to all
the facts contained in an international report accepted
by the Human Rights Council and the relevant United
Nations agencies, as well as about its response to the
hundreds of reports and conclusions by other
international fact-finding commissions and Special
Rapporteurs, such as Richard Falk, Jean Ziegler and
John Dugard, among others.
The same war crimes committed by Israel against
Palestinians have also been committed against the
Syrian people of the occupied Golan Heights. They are
therefore dual crimes, and the Council should deal with
them appropriately. We say they are dual because, as
we all know, Israel annexed the occupied Syrian Golan
Heights and Jerusalem despite the existence of two
Council resolutions condemning that annexation and
requesting Israel to abolish all legislation imposed on
the two occupied territories.
Israel is continuing its oppression of the civilian
Syrian population of the occupied Syrian Golan,
detaining them in prisons without any legal grounds
and in violation of all legal and moral principles. In
essence, they have been placed under house arrest. For
example, house arrest was imposed for years against
Fahd Shokir, a two-year-old child, under the pretext
that he had been born outside Israeli territory while his
parents were studying in Syria.
In order to give credibility to this debate, Syria
calls upon the Council to compel Israel to allow
without delay the resumption of visits by Syrian
citizens to residents of the occupied Syrian Golan
through the Quneitra crossing. We have addressed
messages in that regard to the Secretary-General, the
President of the Security Council, the President of the
General Assembly and the relevant international
Governmental and non-governmental organizations.
We hope that they will translate into deeds the
statements that we have heard during this and other
meetings. Will the Security Council move from debate
and declarations to committing itself to the
implementation of its promises and resolutions? That is
the question with which I wish to conclude my
statement.
The President: I now give the floor to the
representative of Colombia.
Ms. Blum (Colombia) (spoke in Spanish): Allow
me to congratulate you, Madam President, for your
work as President of the Security Council for this
month, as well as to express our appreciation for the
convening of this debate. We are grateful for the
briefings made by the Under-Secretary-General for
Humanitarian Affairs and the High Commissioner for
Human Rights. My delegation would also like to
express special appreciation to Under-Secretary-
General John Holmes upon the end of his tenure to
strengthen the humanitarian work of the United
Nations.
The establishment of more concrete conditions
for the protection of civilians and the enjoyment of
theirs rights in the face of the violence committed by
illegal armed groups is a priority for Colombia. The
Government of my country has concentrated its efforts
in reinforcing and ensuring the rule of law throughout
our territory by implementing our democratic security
policy. After eight years of implementation of that
policy, we can assert that we have helped to reduce the
gap between the formal recognition of rights and their
effective implementation.
Strengthening democratic authority and State
control over its territory have resulted in a dramatic
reduction of all acts of violence and crime that deprive
citizens of the enjoyment of their rights. In addition to
those efforts, we have put in place a comprehensive
policy on human rights and international humanitarian
law, which includes effective preventive measures and
ensures appropriate penalties in case of possible
violations, including those involving members of the
public security forces. An essential component of that
effort by the Colombian Government has been the
collective and individual demobilization of 51,407
members of illegal armed groups since 2002. That
process, embodied in special legislation, has allowed
for the implementation of principles of justice, truth
and redress for victims.
Assistance to displaced persons continues to be
one of the areas requiring greater attention from the
Colombian State, and it poses ongoing challenges. To
address them adequately, we have a legal and
institutional framework and a comprehensive care
policy for displaced persons, including humanitarian
approaches to rights and social and economic
integration. The allocation of resources to this policy
significantly increased from 2007 to 2010, reaching
annual averages of over $500 million from the national
budget.
This framework has been strengthened recently,
given the needs on the ground and its established
objectives. To this end, modifications were made to the
policy components of prevention and protection;
comprehensive assistance; truth, justice and redress;
and the return or resettlement of displaced persons. The
implementation of public policies in this area takes due
account of the different needs of people according to
gender, ethnicity, age or disability. We have also
designed mechanisms to ensure the effective
participation of the displaced population through the
adjustment, restatement or enhancement of public
policies. Additionally, efforts have been made to
coordinate programmes defined at the national level
with those carried out by regional authorities at the
local level, seeking to ensure that the regions adopt and
coordinate the necessary measures in terms of budget
and institutional capacity to assist the displaced
population.
Colombia reaffirms its commitment to the
Cartagena Action Plan adopted at the second Review
Conference of the States Parties to the Convention on
the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and
Transfer of Anti-personnel Mines and on Their
Destruction in December 2009. My country has
undertaken a high-level presidential programme that
coordinates and supervises the activities of the
institutions responsible for implementing the Ottawa
Convention.
The Colombian population has experienced the
dire consequences of anti-personnel mines planted by
illegal armed groups. The Government is working
intensively on prevention and humanitarian demining.
It also supports the affected communities through the
recovery of productive lands, the return of their
inhabitants, the reconstruction of the public services
network, and physical and psychological rehabilitation
aimed at facilitating the full social and economic
reintegration of the victims.
Colombia reaffirms its support for efforts to
protect civilians and ensure their rights, in conformity
with the Charter of the United Nations and
international legal norms. The activities of the
Government of Colombia are guided by the essential
premise that the primary responsibility for the
protection of civilians rests with each State.
Consequently, each State may turn to international
support when necessary. In this context, the United
Nations and the international community in general
have a supporting role to play in the strengthening of
national protection efforts.
My delegation wishes to stress the importance for
the humanitarian system, in observing the principles
that govern its actions, to avoid circumstances that
could compromise the neutrality, impartiality and
independence of its work. These principles are of
particular significance in the case of possible contact
of humanitarian actors with illegal armed groups. The
recommendations concerning such contact must take
national contexts into account when their viability is
assessed on a case by case basis, taking fully into
account the decisions of the democratically established
authorities.
The Government of Colombia reiterates the
commitment of its democratic institutions in
consolidating the protection of the population against
the actions of illegal armed groups. We reiterate our
call on the international community to vigorously
condemn the crimes committed by these violent groups
against Colombians.
The President: I give the floor to the
representative of the United Republic of Tanzania.
Mr. Seruhere (United Republic of Tanzania): I
thank you, Madam, for convening this meeting on the
protection of civilians in armed conflict. We thank the
Secretary-General for his statement and Under-
Secretary-General John Holmes and High
Commissioner for Human Rights Navanethem Pillay
for their briefings. We wish Mr. Holmes every success
in his new endeavours.
We associate ourselves with the statement of
Uganda in the spirit of the East African Community
and the Pact on Security, Stability and Development in
the Great Lakes Region, both of which are keenly
focused on protecting civilians in armed conflicts.
The United Republic of Tanzania is profoundly
committed to the protection of civilians in armed
conflicts. We consider the protection of civilians in
armed conflicts to be a fundamental human right and
critical to the legitimacy and credibility of any United
Nations peacekeeping mission. This subject has been
on the United Nations agenda for over 10 years ever
since the Security Council got engaged in the
protection of civilians in armed conflicts. We commend
the Council for the achievements made so far in that
regard, especially with the adoption of resolutions
1265 (1999) and 1296 (2000) and, most recently,
resolution 1894 (2009).
Across the globe, we have seen violence and
mass atrocities against helpless civilians who had
hitherto placed all hope and trust for their protection in
the United Nations, but in several cases never got it, as
was witnessed in the Rwandan genocide of 1994, in the
case of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1995, and in the
present Somalia, to mention but a few. In that regard
and especially in conflict situations, it is and should be
an absolute requirement for all actors and
stakeholders- from the State to civil society, from
belligerents to humanitarian organizations and from
armed personnel to unarmed partisans - to work with
the United Nations in the protection of civilians. No
one should be allowed to shirk the responsibility to
protect civilians in armed conflict, but since the United
Nations was created and entrusted with the primary
responsibility for the maintenance of international
peace and security, it bears perhaps the greatest
responsibility.
Armed conflicts and terrorism not only violate
universal freedoms, but also cause insecurity to human
society and instability to States. Above all, they retard
the advancement of human civilizations and undermine
the various initiatives for bringing prosperity through
the United Nations and country partnerships. The
United Nations and the international community cannot
assist countries in attaining the Millennium
Development Goals when armed conflicts and
terrorism strike at will.
Only yesterday, the sovereign of the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, Her
Majesty Queen Elizabeth II, reminded the United
Nations community that since the United Nations was
created, prosperity and changes in human and social
behaviour, as well as advances in technology, have
arisen because the people wanted them. Well, they still
want them. The Queen asked the United Nations to
take leadership, not only to fight terrorism and climate
change but also with more enthusiasm, inspiration and
greater determination to bring peace, security, stability
and prosperity to all of us. The protection of civilians
in armed conflicts is indispensable if that is to happen.
The United Nations remains the lead agent for
civilian protection and change, so the Security Council
must provide the catalyst on a continuous basis with
commitment and impartiality. In the same vein, donor
nations and the international community must not shy
away from their responsibility to support the
attainment of global peace, security and prosperity
through the protection of civilians, who are the
producers of real wealth. In so doing, regional and
subregional organizations and non-State actors should
be brought on board to participate as stakeholders.
Recent United Nations-sponsored studies have
shown that not all peacekeeping missions include the
component of civilian protection in their mandates.
However, that is very crucial if confidence-building
measures are to succeed and if civilians are to be
effectively involved in post-conflict reconstruction
activities.
In that regard, two imperatives emerge. First,
mandates for peacekeeping missions have to be
reassessed with a view to including a mandatory
provision to protect civilians and to spelling out
benchmarks for its fulfilment. Secondly, as a rule of
thumb and a matter of principle, the planning of
missions by the Secretariat should, from its inception,
involve troop-contributing countries and, where
necessary, other actors and stakeholders to specifically
cater for the protection of civilians, taking into
consideration their interests and strategies, but without
violating the sovereign rights of host nations.
The President: I now give the floor to the
representative of Sierra Leone.
Mr. Kamara (Sierra Leone): My delegation
wishes to pay special tribute to you, Madam President,
for organizing this open debate of the Security Council
to discuss the protection of civilians in armed conflict.
I would also like to express our deep appreciation to
the Secretary-General, Under-Secretary-General John
Holmes and High Commissioner Pillay for their
perceptive remarks.
Sierra Leone welcomes this open debate on the
protection of civilians in armed conflict, which has
become one of the most valuable and indispensable
tools available to the Security Council in addressing
conflict challenges. The significance of this discussion
cannot be overemphasized, but it is particularly
important given that Africa is still home to a number of
conflicts, making the challenges so real.
I would like to explicitly stress the nexus between
the protection of civilians and transitional justice,
especially when occasioned by default in the context of
armed conflict, as the nature of war keeps changing,
with conflicts increasingly interrelated, involving
non-State actors and including the deliberate targeting
of civilians.
It is important from the outset to recognize the
significant strides made by the United Nations in
addressing the immense challenges confronting the
protection of civilians and the adoption of resolution
1894 (2009) of 11 November 2009 following a
comprehensive review. Broadly speaking, those
challenges include measures that can be taken to
protect the safety, dignity, integrity and sanctity of all
civilians in times of war, which are rooted in
obligations under international humanitarian, refugee
and human rights law. International humanitarian law
lays down the minimum protection and standards
applicable in a situation where people are most
vulnerable in armed conflict. It aims to prevent
situations that might exacerbate vulnerabilities, such as
displacement and the destruction of civilian property.
On the specific question of mandates, I would
like to preface our intervention by comprehensively
looking at the situation in my country immediately
following the United Nations troop hostage crisis in the
eastern part of Sierra Leone. The initial mandate of the
United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone was changed
in 2000 to include, among other functions, assisting in
monitoring respect for international humanitarian law,
including at disarmament and demobilization sites,
emergency relief and the repatriation of internally
displaced persons and refugees.
Security and geopolitical situation during that
period in Sierra Leone posed a very serious challenge
to the concept of the protection of civilians. The
atrocities committed by the warring factions
accelerated the deployment of one of the largest
peacekeeping forces in the history of the United
Nations. That was necessary to protect civilians, who
were left at the mercy of the rebels and their cohorts.
The new mandate also included the provision of
security in and around disarmament and demobilization
areas and facilitating the free flow of people, goods
and humanitarian assistance. Although the mandate
succinctly talked about the protection of civilians
under imminent threat of danger, it did not specify how
it should be done. Therefore, a mandate has to be very
clear so as to leave no ambiguity. Today, most
peacekeeping operations have the protection of
civilians entrenched in the mandates given by the
Security Council.
In his last report (S/2009/277), the Secretary-
General urged compliance with international
humanitarian law and human rights law, as well as
international and domestic criminal law, by States and
non-State actors alike. The provisions of international
human rights law also demand that all belligerent
groups respect the distinction between combatants and
non-combatants, attack only military targets and use
only the degree of violence proportionate to their
military requirement, while taking due care to protect
civilians and civilian infrastructure. Regrettably, the
practices of warring factions lag well behind the legal
requirements and the global culture of the protection of
civilians.
The rational dimension of the protection of
civilians is critical to the attainment of lasting peace.
The Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the Special
Court for Sierra Leone and other tribunals were
established as instruments to combat impunity, thus
holding responsible parties and individuals to account
for serious violations, especially those considered to
bear the greatest responsibility for violations of
international humanitarian law.
Despite the systematic efforts made within the
United Nations system to find ways to streamline and
improve peacekeeping operations in tandem with the
protection of civilians, there are still inherent
challenges related to ambiguity over how the United
Nations should intervene when its Members lack either
the military force or, in some cases, the political will to
halt all forms of carnage. Ultimately, the end-state
objective of a peacekeeping operation should include
protection mandates to help create an enabling
environment for the host nation to exercise absolute
control in protecting its citizens.
Judging from my country's recent past, I would
like to conclude by reaffirming Sierra Leone's interest
in and commitment to addressing the challenges
affecting the protection of civilians in armed conflict.
The President: I now give the floor to the
representative of Azerbaijan.
Mr. Mehdiyev (Azerbaijan): At the outset, I
would like to thank you, Madam President, for
organizing this timely and important debate on the
protection of civilians in armed conflict, and Under-
Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs John
Holmes for his presentation on the matter.
Azerbaijan aligns itself with the statement
delivered today on behalf of the European Union. I
would like to make a few additional remarks in our
national capacity.
The engagement of the Security Council,
including its adoption of resolution 1894 (2009), as
well as resolutions on women and children in armed
conflict, has increased attention to protection issues.
Azerbaijan recognizes and welcomes the important
implementation steps taken since the adoption of
resolution 1894 (2009).
At the same time, civilians continue to suffer
from inadequate protection in situations of armed
conflict. A defining feature of most, if not all, conflicts
is still the failure of parties to respect and ensure
respect for their legal obligations to protect civilians.
The heightened vulnerability of civilian populations in
wartime - in particular forcibly displaced persons,
refugees, women and children - brings an element of
urgency to our efforts. In that regard, insistent
measures aimed at ensuring strict compliance by
parties to armed conflict with their obligations under
international humanitarian, human rights and refugee
law remain crucial and must constitute an absolute
priority.
Particular consideration must be given to the
implications for the protection of civilians in armed
conflicts aggravated by population displacement and
foreign occupation. The impact of conflict on housing,
land and property, as well as forced demographic
changes in such situations, require a more consistent
approach to putting an end to illegal policies and
practices and ensuring the safe and dignified return of
displaced populations to their homes.
It is important that the recognition of the right to
return, along with increased attention to its practical
implementation and concrete measures aimed at
overcoming obstacles preventing return, be applied by
the international community with more systematic
regularity. Ensuring the right to return constitutes a
categorical rejection of the gains of ethnic cleansing
and offers important measures of justice to those
displaced from their homes and land, thereby removing
a source of possible future tension and conflict.
The lack of agreement on political issues should
not be used as a pretext for not addressing problems
caused by continued and deliberate disrespect for
international humanitarian law and international human
rights law in situations of armed conflict and military
occupation.
Therefore, we proceed from the importance of
reaffirming, in regard to such situations, the continuing
applicability of all relevant norms of international
humanitarian law and international human rights law,
achieving the invalidation of activities aimed at the
consolidation of military occupations, initiating urgent
measures to mitigating the adverse effects of such
activities, and discouraging any further practice of the
same or similar nature.
As far as the international responsibility for
violations of international humanitarian law and human
rights law is concerned, it is important to note that, in
certain well-known instances, occupying Powers are
responsible not only for the actions of their own armed
forces and other organs and agents of their
Governments, but also for the actions of subordinate
separatist regimes illegally created by them in occupied
territories.
Integral to the existing challenges is the need to
ensure accountability for violations of international
humanitarian law and human rights law, both for
individual perpetrators and for parties to conflict. In
recent years, important steps have been taken for the
protection and vindication of rights and the prevention
and punishment of wrongs. The punishment of crimes
with an international dimension and scope has
demonstrated how effective international justice can be
when there is political will to support it.
It is important to emphasize in this regard that
ending impunity is essential not only for the purposes
of identifying individual criminal responsibility for
serious crimes, but also for ensuring sustainable peace,
truth, reconciliation, the rights and interests of victims
and the well-being of society at large. To hold
otherwise would be tantamount to accepting the
consequences of breaches of the rule of law and human
rights and thus to legitimizing the results of
wrongdoings.
The President: I now give the floor to the
representative of Sri Lanka,
Mr. Kohona (Sri Lanka): I join previous speakers
in expressing appreciation to you, Madam President,
for convening today's open debate and congratulate
you on your assumption of the presidency. We also
thank the Secretary-General for his statement and
Under-Secretary-General John Holmes and the United
Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights for
their useful briefings.
My delegation believes that the protection task
cannot be understood and addressed in humanitarian
terms alone, as it requires focus and action on a
multiplicity of different areas, ranging from politics to
human rights to disarmament. The Security Council
has considered the protection of civilians issue for over
a decade. We can acknowledge that substantive results
have been achieved in establishing a normative
framework. The politicization and selectivity that
characterize the debate have affected credibility. This
has called into question our sincerity about concerns
for the plight of civilians affected by armed conflict.
The normative framework on civilian protection
cannot be applied in a theoretical manner, regardless of
the circumstances. Our own past experience in dealing
with a terrorist group that used the civilian population
forcibly as a human shield to launch attacks on the
armed forces should remind all of us of the challenges.
While shielding themselves behind innocent civilians,
they also succeeded in marshalling the support of their
sympathizers abroad to stage massive demonstrations.
Unfortunately, too many well-meaning persons were
taken in by these cynical efforts to garner sympathy.
Many of the rules of war are based on the presumption
that the parties to the conflict are the conventional
armies of responsible States, but terrorists totally
disregard these laws and principles.
We also need to address the causes of the
escalation of armed conflict. The proliferation of illicit
arms has contributed to the spread of violence and
terrorism everywhere. Unless we are able to stop its
proliferation, civilian safety will remain at stake, and
our best efforts to deal with the humanitarian
consequences of conflicts will soon exceed existing
capacities and available resources.
Whilst measures can be imposed, albeit
selectively, on States legitimately engaged in
protecting their civilian population from terrorists,
non-State actors such as terrorist groups, on the other
hand, have relatively easy access to illicit weapons.
This is because there is no dedicated international
regime to conduct surveillance, let alone interdiction,
of such illicit arms trafficking. On the other hand,
external actors such as diaspora communities openly
fund arms purchases aimed at destabilizing States
whilst receiving support and protection in their host
countries, and their criminal agents cross international
boundaries at will, unchecked.
There is also a need to recognize the legitimate
role of the military in civilian protection, whilst we can
agree that it is not an exclusive role. It is noteworthy
that protective responsibilities are part of the mandate
of United Nations peacekeeping forces, and their
valuable contribution in this regard has been noted.
More than 3,000 Sri Lankan peacekeepers are on the
ground protecting civilians in challenging operational
environments.
The role of Governments in civilian protection
should be respected, as it is their primary responsibility
to protect their own citizens, especially in times of
armed conflict. United Nations and other humanitarian
agencies must support and assist Governments and, in
doing so, be sensitive to the realities on the ground,
including by respecting the sovereignty of States. The
principle of unimpeded access for humanitarian
personnel must be respected, but it cannot disregard the
State's responsibility to ensure the safety and security
of humanitarian personnel, as terrorists do not
distinguish between military and humanitarian
personnel in their attacks. Calls for unimpeded access
in some situations are once again a clear case of
applying theory without factoring in the realities on the
ground. It must never be overlooked that, as in our own
experience, the military, often at a huge cost to its
personnel, has to brave the dangers of terrorism to
bring civilians out of harm's way.
Therefore, military and humanitarian personnel
must seek to work in partnership, and their
responsibilities towards civilians must be addressed
through regular dialogue and consultation in places
where civilian protection is at stake. Therefore, we
should look at capacity-building measures for military
personnel and peacekeeping forces to deal with civilian
protection activities. The assumption that civilians can
best be protected and cared for only by civilian
humanitarian workers belies the training provided to
our armed forces to respect humanitarian law at all
times and to handle peacekeeping responsibilities.
These are particularly pertinent given that we are
dealing increasingly with internal conflicts.
An inevitable consequence of armed conflict is
internal displacement. Internal displacement poses
several challenges; key among them is that armed
groups use displacement to exploit civilian
populations, sometimes by masquerading among them.
In this context, civilians have a right to be protected
and the State has the primary responsibility not only to
provide for the welfare of displaced civilians in terms
of food, clothing, medical care and shelter, but also to
ensure their safety in keeping with the provisions of
the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement.
Unfortunately, ground realities are not understood or
considered by those who look at civilian protection in
isolation and apply generalizations regardless of the
specific circumstances.
The resettlement issue is also politicized. In my
country, we have resettled nearly 90 per cent of
internally displaced persons within one year of
concluding a 27-year conflict. Resettlement
necessitated clearance of uncharted mine fields laid by
the terrorist group in civilian residential areas,
farmlands and roads. Whilst assistance for de-mining
and resettlement is miniscule, there are those who
hypocritically preach to us about the need for early
resettlement.
The cost of armed conflict on civilians and the
need for accountability is a matter of concern to all
democratic and elected Governments, including our
own. In this context, our Government established a
commission of inquiry in May this year. Quite often
and quite naturally, the focus on civilian casualties is
centred on the loss of life and property damage caused
in military operations, whilst insufficient consideration
is given to the thousands of lives lost in suicide attacks
on civilian targets by non-State actors. We have to
devise means to also hold non-State actors accountable
and to recognize the asymmetrical nature of conflicts
where democratic States are confronted by ruthless
terrorist groups that pay scant attention to the rules of
war and challenge conventional armies on how best to
protect vulnerable civilian populations.
My delegation hopes that the Council's
discussion on the protection of civilians will facilitate
practical decisions based on ground realities. The
challenges facing us are primarily of a practical nature,
requiring more international cooperation and greater
coordination between the United Nations and Member
States.
In conclusion, we would like to acknowledge the
valuable contribution of the United Nations agencies,
particularly the Office of the Emergency Relief
Coordinator and the Office for the Coordination of
Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), and other national and
international partners in providing support and
assistance to Government efforts for relief
rehabilitation and the resettlement of the affected
civilians. My delegation wishes to convey a special
word of appreciation to Under-Secretary-General Sir
John Holmes for the very constructive and supportive
role he has played and for his excellent leadership of
OCHA. We wish him well in all his future endeavours.
Mrs. Khoudaverdian (Armenia): I thank you,
Madam President, for organizing this essential debate.
At the outset, we would like to join previous speakers
in thanking the Secretary-General for his briefing and
in commending Under-Secretary-General John Holmes
for his tireless and noble efforts and his exceptional
contribution in systematically addressing this important
issue in this Chamber. We wish him all the best in his
future endeavours.
Armenia aligns itself with the statement made by
the representative of the European Union. However, we
would like to make some remarks in our national
capacity.
The frequency with which the Security Council
addresses this issue underscores the urgency of the
matter and the need for the international community to
fulfil its commitments to protecting civilians through
the implementation of the provisions of international
humanitarian law. Therefore, we share the views
expressed by the Council's members and other
speakers, which call for more systematic attention to
protection, and we believe that it should be frequently
reflected in the deliberations of the Security Council.
We also trust that increased efforts to fight impunity at
the national and international levels are essential.
Armenia therefore welcomes this opportunity to recap
and reflect on the Council's past 10 years of experience
in dealing with the issue of the protection of civilians
and to highlight priority aspects for united practical
actions.
In a lessons-learned process, this debate should
also enable the Council to more effectively address
specific concerns related to the protection of civilian
populations. The Council has to send a clear message
to all parties to armed conflicts, reminding them of
their obligations and condemning violations of
international humanitarian and human rights law.
It is unfortunate that, despite the existence of
international legal instruments and normative
mechanisms, innocent civilians - including women,
children and elderly persons - as well as international
humanitarian personnel, continue to suffer in conflict
situations. We are convinced that, in order to address
the situation, we must abandon selective approaches to
violations of international humanitarian law. There
must also be strict adherence to human rights
standards. Armenia believes that the international
community must effectively seek the thorough
compliance of all parties with the norms of
international humanitarian law.
The peaceful resolution of any conflict is not an
easy enterprise and requires strong political will and
painful compromises from both sides. We believe,
however, that the time has come to replace the
unchanged rhetoric of hollow allegations with
constructive steps aimed at making the environment
more conducive to peaceful settlement. Armenia
remains committed to the peaceful resolution of
conflicts and strongly believes that the fundamental
solution of the problem can be achieved only by
peaceful means based on the principles of international
law.
We believe that the Security Council should
further contribute to the strengthening of the rule of
law and upholding the international law also by
supporting criminal justice mechanisms. Undoubtedly,
the prosecution of those responsible for these crimes
continues to be an urgent matter. We strongly condemn
deliberate attacks on and killings of civilians through
the indiscriminate or disproportionate use of force,
which is a gross violation of international humanitarian
law in any conflict, in any part of the world.
The President: The representative of Lebanon
has asked for the floor to make a further statement. I
give him the floor.
Mr. Ziadeh (Lebanon): I take the floor to reply to
the statement made by the Israeli representative
regarding Security Council resolution 1701 (2006).
While reiterating its commitment to the full
implementation of resolution 1701 (2006), which, inter
alia, defines the role and mandate of the United
Nations Interim Force in Lebanon, Lebanon would like
to underline the fact that Israel is the party that is not
abiding by its obligations under the resolution through
its daily violations of Lebanese sovereignty. These
violations have been documented in all of the
Secretary-General's reports on the implementation of
resolution 1701 (2006), the latest being that to be
discussed by this Council on 14 July.
The President: I shall now give the floor to
Mr. John Holmes to make a brief statement.
Mr. Holmes: Let me take the opportunity to
thank all those delegations that have spoken in today's
debate for their participation and the great commitment
they have shown through that participation to the
protection of civilians agenda, now and in the future.
Let me also thank those who have sat through the
debate this afternoon for ignoring the temptations of
the World Cup. Let me also thank the many delegations
that thanked the Secretary-General, myself and the
High Commissioner for Human Rights on our initial
presentations and on the role of the Office for the
Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) and the
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for
Human Rights.
Of course, many delegations also mentioned in
very kind terms my own role. Let me say that I hope
that this is my last statement to the Security Council,
although because I still have almost two months of my
mandate still to run, nothing is excluded in this rather
uncertain world.
I was struck by the reference that was made, I
think, by the representative of Bosnia and Herzegovina
to the forthcoming anniversary of Srebrenica, which is
a very powerful reminder of exactly what we are
talking about here. If we needed further reminders,
today has seen further suicide bombings in Iraq,
resulting in at least 35 civilian deaths amongst Shiite
pilgrims in that country.
I noted the strong interest of many of those who
spoke in the protection of civilians mandates in
peacekeeping contexts, the particular value of the study
that was commissioned jointly by OCHA and the
Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) and,
of course, the work that has been done since then to
implement some of the recommendations of that report.
I note the particular emphasis, which I also strongly
welcome, on getting mandates of peacekeeping
operations right in the first place and, in particular, on
matching mandates to means and ensuring that
expectations and resources for the protection of
civilians are not too far removed from each other. Let
me assure the Council that OCHA will continue to
work with DPKO and the Department of Field Support
in this area.
I also noted the worries that many delegations
expressed, as I did myself, about the implications for
the protection of civilians of the withdrawal of the
United Nations Mission in the Central African
Republic and Chad later this year and the potential
withdrawal at some future stage of the United Nations
Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO). Again, let me
assure delegations that we will continue to follow these
questions very closely.
Let me respond very briefly to some specific
points that were raised by delegations during the
debate. The representative of United Kingdom drew
attention to the difference between deliberate or
indiscriminate attacks on civilians and those military
actions where efforts are made to avoid civilian
casualties but they nevertheless result. I agree that
there is a difference between these two kinds of
situations, and I understand the difference and the point
that is being made. But of course, this does not justify
the civilian casualties that are caused in an unintended
manner, since the requirements of distinction and
proportionality, which are basic to international
humanitarian law, still have to be fully met in all cases.
I also appreciate the points made by the
representative of Pakistan about the displaced in his
country. Of course, a briefing of the kind that I gave
this morning cannot do full justice to all the aspects
and subtleties of any particular situation. I recognize
the efforts that have been made by the Government of
Pakistan to protect civilians, but the fact remains that,
despite the returns that there have been in the past few
months, there are still around 1 million people
displaced in Pakistan, and that process of displacement
continues.
There has been mention by several delegations of
the relationship between the protection of civilians
agenda and the responsibility to protect. These are, of
course, linked but distinct domains and distinct
initiatives, and it is important that they remain so. The
protection of civilians is a much broader and wider
concept, with wider application, whereas the
responsibility to protect is very much focused on the
four major crimes, and we need to bear those
distinctions in mind.
A few speakers have mentioned the sensitive
subject of engagement on humanitarian issues with
non-State armed groups. Let me echo again the view
that was expressed by the Secretary-General this
morning that engagement with such groups is a critical
element to ensuring compliance with international
humanitarian law and especially with requirements to
enable humanitarian access. I note that some States
have suggested - or asserted - that their consent is a
precondition to such engagement, even on
humanitarian subjects. Of course, such consent is
preferable, but let me point out that the first duty of
States that are party to the Geneva Conventions is not
only to respect international humanitarian law but also
to ensure respect for international humanitarian law. I
believe that this duty also includes the facilitation of
engagement with non-State armed groups, again to
enhance their compliance with international
humanitarian law.
We are long past the days in which either the fate
of civilians or the conduct of non-State armed actors
can simply be seen to be beyond the proper purview of
the international community, even if no one is putting
in question, naturally, the sovereignty of nation-States.
This is the reason why, as both the Secretary-General
and I noted earlier today, that States need to distinguish
between engagement with such groups for political
purposes and engagement with such groups for
humanitarian purposes.
On the related point of the applicability of
international humanitarian law to situations where
terrorism is being practiced, I must respectfully
disagree with the idea mentioned by some delegations
that counter-terrorism cannot be defined as armed
conflict, and therefore subject to international
humanitarian law, and that it is instead entirely a matter
within a country's sovereign right. Naturally,
Governments have the responsibility to protect their
citizens, including against terrorist acts. Nevertheless,
the rules of international humanitarian law, including
the Geneva Conventions, apply not only wherever
there is conflict between States in international
relations, but also when armed hostilities involving
non-State armed groups rise to levels of frequency or
severity that go beyond that of sporadic violence,
occasional riots or internal disturbances. Thus, facts on
the ground that reflect conditions above these
thresholds do trigger the application of the
international humanitarian law of armed conflict,
whether or not they also involve acts that can be
characterized as terrorism.
Some delegations have also referred, as we have
heard before in similar debates, to the difficulties of
asymmetric warfare and of reconciling the protection
of civilians with this kind of warfare - in other words,
fighting non-State armed groups that often take
advantage of operating from within the civilian
population. Asymmetric warfare is not, in fact, quite as
new of a phenomenon as it is sometimes portrayed.
However, there is no doubt that it does increasingly
characterize many of today's internal conflicts and
pose significant problems for those trying to conduct
such warfare. I recognize that systematic violations by
one party to armed conflict in these situations create
great challenges for other parties, especially when
these violations themselves involve the principle of
distinction and the use of civilians as human shields in
one way or another.
But the point that I want to make is that such
challenges and violations cannot and do not justify
disregard of the rules of international humanitarian law
by other parties to the conflict. Indeed, as I have
argued before, they actually require the party to the
conflict to take more care, and not less, to protect
civilians in such hostilities, however difficult that may
be.
Let me assure the representative of Sri Lanka that
we do believe that non-State actors should be held as
accountable for the acts they commit as member States
are. Let me also assure him, in response to some of his
comments, that we accept that the military can and
does play a role in the protection of civilians. However,
we also have to accept that it does not always play such
a role, or does not always play such a role as well as it
should, and I therefore agree with him that further
training for military forces of whatever kind would be
well worthwhile in this area. I also agree with him that
the realities on the ground must be respected and taken
into account in all these areas, but we must also start
from principles such as unhindered access for
humanitarian actors, or we shall be lost.
A lot of speakers have referred to the issue of
accountability, as the Secretary-General, the United
Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and I
did in our presentations. Several delegations have
echoed the call for enhanced or more regularly
available mechanisms to investigate violations of
humanitarian law and human rights law in armed
conflict. I take particular note, for example, of the
recommendation of the representative of Argentina,
that the existing International Fact-Finding
Commission established under article 90 of Additional
Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions be considered by
parties to armed conflict as a neutral and independent
body designed for this purpose. This is not a new idea,
and I have to say that previous efforts to actually put it
to practical use have not hitherto been successful.
However, what is clear to me is that something more
systematic, more automatic and less politicized than
the system we have now would be well worthwhile.
On the question of accountability, let me also add
that, while there is room for legitimate disagreement
over the right process for any given situation, it does
not seem to be acceptable that a Government minister
in Sri Lanka should advocate blocking the activity of
the United Nations in that country to put pressure on
the Secretary-General over a legitimate decision that he
has taken to establish an advisory panel. I trust that the
assurances that we have received about the safety and
freedom of United Nations staff in Sri Lanka will be
fully restored or fully met, and that the Government of
Sri Lanka will clearly dissociate itself from the call of
one of its own ministers and reassert the normal
Government doctrine of collective responsibility for
Government policies.
In conclusion, let me once again thank all those
who have spoken in this debate and contributed to it. I
think it was a very rich and worthwhile debate. Let me
repeat, as this is probably my last word to the
Council- although not necessarily, as I said at the
beginning - my basic point that the gap between
principle and practice, between norms and the reality
on the ground, and between statements in the Council
and how many States behave outside it is simply too
wide at present to be acceptable. It must be bridged. If
it is not, not only will the condition of civilians on the
10-43968
ground deteriorate, but so will the credibility of the
Council and its members. Thank you again, Madam,
for giving me the opportunity to respond.
▶ Cite this page
UN Project. “S/PV.6354Resumption1.” UN Project, https://un-project.org/meeting/S-PV-6354Resumption1/. Accessed .