S/PV.703 Security Council

like, at this stage, if 1 may, to explain views on the individual ap}li.cants not rehearse again the criteria for admission to memhership of the United 1 discussed in my intervention at the the Council, on 10 December. In 1 The text of this resolution was 8ecurity Council in a letter from (8/3467) ; it is also reproduced in the Official General Assemb'ly, Tenth Session, Supplement resolution 918 (X). 9. T~elve of the applications before us have for long been supported by Her Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom. They are beyond any shadow of doubt' fully qualified for mem~rship. Six of these countries are in Asia, and among them is, of course, our trusted friend and fellow member of the Commonwealth, Ceylon. We shaH count it a great advantage that these Asian countries, especially Ceylon, can join us in the United Nations. Asia has not had its full representation here. We trust that this deficiency will now be remedied. 10. Among the applicants there are seven European countries-six old applicants and one new one. We support aIl these candidates, and we believe that the United Nations will gàiti great benefit from their participation in our work. 11. 1 come now to the five Soviet candidates for which in the past the United Kingdom delegation has felt unable to vote. It is about these countries that my Government has certain reservations, especially about two of them. 12. 1 should like to make it cIear that the fact that we are now prepared to vote in favour of each of these five candidates must not be taken as in any way implying approval of their p~st actions and attitudes. Our readiness to vote in favour of them is in some sense an act of faith in their disposition te comply in the future with the obligations which they will be assuming under the Charter when they are admitted to the United Nations. 13. The two countries about which We have particular reservations are Outer Mongolia and Albania. 14. Our reservations about Outer Mongolia arise primarily from the fact that we have had difficulty in satisfying ourselves that Outer Mongolia is a sovereign 2 Admission of aState to the United Nations (Charter, Art. 4), Advisory Opinion: I.C.J. Reports 1948, P. 57. 15. Finally, 1 come to A!bania. reservations about Albania arise ablJilt its independence but fr.om whether, judged at any rate by its he regarded as peace-Ioving. 1 qceply into the history of the shocking took place in 1946, involving the life in peace time of aImost 100 of the Royal Navy. There 45 injured in that incident. 1 despite the award of compensation Court of Justice,s the Albanian far consistently refused to make outrage. 16. It is not easy for us in the to regard Albania as a peace-loving for it. Nevertheless, nine years have The British people are by nature tolerant and· we do feel capable of restraining general interest, however strong this one outrage, and serious as We shall, therefore, vote for Albania. we are making an act of faith conduct of the Albanian Govemment. 17. Those are the reasons why 1 of all the eighteen candidates listed lution submitted by Brazil and New -

The at this moment is the draft resolution by the delegations of Brazil and questions are involved. First, there priority. Secondly, there is the question of this draft resolution. Technically the two aspects. We might question of priority and then go question of merits. While it is cally possible to separate the question, it seems to me that, dependent one upon the other. draft resolution would naturally those who dislike the draft resolution he reluctant to concede it priority. • Corlu Channel r.ase, ]udgment of I.C.!. Reports 1949, P. 244. 21. 1 now come to the second paragraph. As intel'- preted by the sponsol's: 1 understand that this paragraph provides for a separate vote on each of the eighteen applicants. This is a distinct progress in the discussion of the subject. With this interpretation, this part the draft resolution manages to keep within the letter of the law-that is, the letter of the Charter. 1 wish to thank the sponsors of the draft resolution for making this concession to the Charter of the United Nations. 22. This second paragraph lists the eighteen applicants. 1 note, first of aIl, that the list does not include Korea and Viet-Nam. 1 i•.::ve submitted a series of draft resolutions [S/3468 to S/3480] which include Korea and Viet-Nam; draft resoltuions S/3471 and S/3472 cover Korea and Viet-Nam respectively. Does this paragraph mean that my draft resolutions on Korea and Viet-Nam will not be considered and voted upon, or does it mean that, if the Council gives priority the joint draft resolution, those draft resolutions would be voted on only after the eighteen applicants on the list have been voted on? 23. If this paragraph is interpreted to Mean that my two draft resolutions on Korea and Viet-Nam are not to be voted upon at aIl, then 1 cannot support this paragraph from that viewpoint. 1 should like to make it cIear that 1 insist that the Council consider the applications of Korea and Viet-Nam and vote on those two draft resolutions. 24. In the second place, this list has followed the order of application. It is the order that the Soviet delegation has always stood for. It begins with Albania and the so-called Mongolian People's Republic, and ends with Spain. So far as the order of this list concerned, 1 am sure that it will also be the order voting when we come to the separate votes. 25. In this respect, this draft resolution is again a total surrender to the contention of the Soviet Union. There is ne compromise, there is no consideration other viewpoints. The Soviet Union tells us that we must vote on these applicants in that order, and the draft resolution says: Let us vote on the applications in that order. This list, of course, is the list eighteen. The Soviet. Union stand is: eighteen none. According to the speeches here on 10 December r 27. In fact, if we were to follow rules of procedure, this final paragraph necessary at all. The second changed into the main operative draft resolution. If the draft changed in that way, it certainly improved. 28. For these reasons, my delegation priority for this draft resolution. 29. I wish now to present to the vie~ on the larger issues involved. attention to phrases and paragraphs lution, we often lose sight of the I ask the Couneil DOW to look at from a distance, and to see its real 30. At our 701st meeting, the United Kingdom told us: "My thought of the United Nations like-minded States, such as an alliance 31. My delegation's reaction partial agreement and partial answer to that statement would "no". Of course the United uniformity of political, social and Of course we must learn ID tolerate both of systems and of policies. readily concede that the United Memher of the United Nations whether it adopted flexible supports prices or rigid supports of agricultural would say the same thing for the whether the United Kingdom nationalizes nalizes the coal mines. I would for Franc~whether Mr. Faure et 'ait stiljet fié, 34. Secondly, the Charter provides for the sovereign equality of nations. What does that phrase mean? It means that there must not be any domination of country ovel'" another; there must be no impenalism; aU nations, large and small, must he accepted sovereign equals. That is not such a fantastic rnindedness as some people might say. In fact, many parts of the world, respect for sovereign equality of nations exists. Unfortunately, it is not universal. However, we have achieved that in important areas the world. :lé- de nes lUS 'un rue :êt. le ,la 35. Let us take, for example, western Europe. aIl that 1 know, France respects the sovereign equality of Luxembourg; and Belgium, the Netherlands Denmark have no fear of aggression from the United Kingdom and France. There is a community in which this Charter ideal is realized, and it can he used to as a model for that concept of the Charter, namely, sovereign equaIity of nations. rni en y lue les ien er- )ar nis lle pIe en aais ou es 36. We may turn to this hemisphere too. In Central America, there are ten republics, aIl small in size population. They have for neighbours large States, ten times and even a hundred times their size. again, in this hemisphere, it is commonly taken granted that aIl States respect the sovereign equality nations. 1 am even told that a small country Costa Rica does not care to keep an army, which shows how much confidence the people of Costa Rica have the concept of respect for the sovereign equality nations. That is a fact and that fact is in confonnity with the ChaT ..c· 39. The Charter, of course, enjoins us not· in the domestic affairs of States-and it that this matter of human rights and matter of domestic concem. With the vast in international relations wmch we have, world has, that matter of observance of, for, human rights has both aspects: a domestic and an international aspect. And, if 1 am the framers of the Charter put that concept Charter not out of general sentimental or reasons alone, and still less for rhetorical contend that that phrase was put into ~he a very practical purpose. 40. We must remember that the San Conference was held at a time when the War had not yet been finished, when aIl pants in that Conference were under the the awful horror of the Second World War. was one influence wmch dominated the the frcUDers of the Charter, it was the Second World War. 41. Now, when we look back upon the War, we naturally like to ask: how did it How did it happen that, in this enIightened century, the world should have been afBicted awful a thing as that world war? WeIl, let history. There is one feature about itthat takable: Hitler in Germany, Mussolini Tojo in Japan could not possibly have countries and their peoples into the war washing the brains of theirpeoples, controlling thoughts, depriving them of these basic and freedoms. 42. That was the cause of war. 1 believe peoples are peace-Ioving. 1 believe that could make their will felt if they still had mental human rights and freedoms. 1 in creating the conditions for peace in nothing is so important as the observance of, for, human rights. 43. From that point of view, and to that conception in the United Nations is a matter national concern. And it must remain basic elements of our like-mindedness. have like-mindedness in tms respect, we patch up one quarrel after another, but failing to ereate ;Je conditions of an enduringpeace. 46. Let us take just one aspect of the question and see how the world has changed ·since 1945. 1 have mentioned the so-called common elements of like- II!' 'dedness; 1 have specified them and 1 have emphasized the concept of the sovereign equality of nations. Since the San Francisco Conference, we have had two lines of development. On the one band we have seen new nations bom. We now have in Asia an independent Philippines, an independent India, an independent Pakistan, an independent Ceylon, an independent Bunna, an independent Laos, an independent Cambodia, an independent Viet-Nam. That is a line of development in the direction of the Charter. These former colonies or protectorates today enjoy sovereign equality among the nations. That is a hopeful line of development; it is worthy of the United Nations and of those Member States that have made it possible. On the other hand, we have another line of development in the world: we see Latvia, Estonia, Lithuaiua, Poland, Czeehoslovakia, Albania; Bulgaria, Hungary, Romania, Mongolia losing whatever sovereign independence they had. That is going in a direction against the Charter. 4-7. Here, then, we are faced with two lines of developm~nt: one in the direction of the Charter, for the promotion of the sovereign equality of nations, the other in a direction against the Charter, suppressing such independence as existed, creating empire over peoples. That is the dilemma. That is the central issue f&cing this world. 48. In the course of this session of the General Assembly, during the time we have met here, we have aIl been bothered about conflict regarding the Gaza strip, conflict in Cyprus, conflict in North Africa. We have had to pay sorne attention to the question of West Irian a.'1d to the question of South West Africa. AIl these questions and conflicts sink into insignificance -when compared with the central conflict between one 51. How does this question of the admission Memhers affect the supreme issue of slogan is: "aIl eighteen," or "eighteen Now, this eighteen includes five satellite four European satellite States are remote country. 1 admit that my Government's of those States may not be as ample as delegations here. At the 27th meeting Politicai Committee, we heard a presentation situation in those four satellite States of representative of Cuba. He told us about in the Danube valley. He pictured for of slave labour and the persecution of religion. 1 do not know that part of the world other representatives, 1 did not myself arguments on those points. 52. But several facts are cIear. These satellite States were condemned only yesterday United Nations for their aggression That is common knowledge. No matter my country may he from the Danube valley, that facto And that fact seems to important for the consideration of the 1 • 53. Then, there is another fact-a know without having to have an intimate of these countries. Whether we like the political, social and economic systems countries, we know for certain that the imposed from outside. 1 cannot imagine people of Hungary would of themselves persecute the Catholic Church or to condemn of the Church to a death sentence. CouId sentative here say in conscience that prevailing in those countries are not outside? Can any representative really these four European satellite States are colonies of the Soviet Union-and slave that? Other representatives daim that more. about these States than 1 do. 55. sur Pei-ta-chan. agression 55. In 1947, Mongolian troops invaded my :::ountry to a depth of 100 kilometres, to a point called the Peitashan. At the time when that aggression took place, 1 duly reported it to this C~uncil. 4 56. rieure coréens, sation blindés les 5.000 Mongols aux chinois accueillir sécurité, suis les que contre 56. We all know, too, that Outer Mongolia participated with the Chînese Communists and the Korean Communists in the war in Kore~ against the United Nations. Mongolian cavalry, Mongolian tank corps, Mongolian pilots fought against the United Nations in Korea. There are in Formosa 5,000 ex-prisoners of war who saw the Mongolians in action, who saw the Mongolians fighting side by side with North Koreans and Chinese Communists against the United ]'-ations. 1 offer to welcome a commission of the Security Council in my country for the purpose of questioning these 5,000 witnesses. 1 offer, as an alternative, to bring here as many witnesses as members may desire to question and examine. The fact that Outer Mongolia has committed aggression against the United Nations ~s indisputable. 57. gouvernement demande de Mon Gouvernement extérieure. ranger sentant 57. The United Kingdom representative states that bis Govermnent is not certain about Outer MongoIia's daims but feels obliged to defer to the opinion of India, in particular. My Government is, 1 think, in a slightly better position to know Outer Mongolia than is the Indian Government. 1 therefore find it as diflicult as the United Kingdom representative finds it easy to defer to India's opinion. 58. Finally, in this debate in the Seeurity Couneil, we 58. have been reminded again and again that public on opinion is overwhelmingly in support of this package _ .publique deal, and that that is confirmed by the fifty-two votes confirmeraient in favour of the proposition. 1 know very weIl that cette there were fifty-two votes cast in favour of the propoobtenu 8ition. If, when people say "public opinion", they l'opinion mean the opinion of the delegations at the Headsation quarters of the United Nations, 1 think that they are que 60. 1 appeal to ail delegations to join gation to make a last fight for the preservation United Nations. 1 appeal to ail delegations enough courage to stand up to the Soviet say: "We will not he dictated to". 61. 1 formally move an amendment the joint draft resolution submitted by Zealand [8/3502]. 1 would add Korea and Viet-Nam to the list of membership contained in the second draft resolution. 62. . The PRESIDENT: It appears to we vote on the amendment, we shouId question of priority, and 1 intend Council the proposai of the representative [702nd meeting] that the draft resolution Brazil and New Zealand should have other draft resolutions.

Is it that proposaI to the l'ote? ! did objections. M. The PRESIDENT: 1 understand sentative of China does object to that being given priority.

That is

Then 1 shall the proposaI of the representative of Iran. A vote was taken by show of hands. ln favour: BraziI, France, Iran, New Turkey, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Against: China.

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