S/PV.83 Security Council

1 should like ta exte~d, on hehalf of the Security Council of the United Nations, a warm welcome ta our midst to His Excellency.Mr. Rzymowski, the Foreign Minister ofPoland, who is taking bis seat for the first timetoday. 97. Application of,Siam for membership in the United Nations

Thenext item on the agenda ~~ig-the~letteito·t.IieSèCiètary-General fromPrmce- 1 Sec:; Suppl,ement No. 10, Annex 15, of the Security. Counczl OfficIal Records, First Year, Second Series. • See. Suppl!lment No. lq, Annex 16, of the 8ecurity Counczl OfficIal Records, Flrst Year, Second Series. Mr. Quo TAI-CHI (China): At our lasf meeting, the representative of the Union of Soviet SociaIist Republics requested a postponement of a discussion on the application. of Siam for membership, and 1 wonder if he is now ready or if he has received instructions from bis Government to consider thisquesticn this afternoon. 1 think the members will remember that aIl, or nearly aU the ,members of the Council expressed their support for Siam's application, and that Mr. Gromyko, owmg to the absence of instructions from bis Govemment, requested a postponement, and, at the same time, many members expressed, the hope that this matter could beetealt with during the present session of the General Assembly. 1 should like to hear whether Mr. Gromyko is ready to go on with the consideration of this question. Mr. GROMYKO: (Union of Soviet Sacialist Republics) (translated trom R.ussian): 1 am wiIling to ,support the application of the Government of Siam for admission into the United Nations. Mr. Quo TAI-CHI (China): ln view of Mr. Gromyko's declaration, and also in view of the support that was expressed at our last meeting by the members of theCouncil for theapplication of Siam for membership in the United Nations, 1 propœ~ the following resolution: "The Security Council, having taken note .of the '.manimous approval by its members of thé application of Siam. for membership in thé United Nations, recommends to the General Assembly that it admit Siam to membership in the United Nations." HAssAN Pasha (Egypt): The 1&81; time this question was discussed, the Egyptian delegation expressed the wish togive its opinion êoncerning this admissionwhen the question was brought up agame We not only, of course, welcome Siam, but 1 want to second the motion which was presented by our Chinese colleague as to theadniission of ~"=.~,.,~Sian:Lto~memQersbip~mthtUnited·NatiofiS;"·

Under our mIes of procedure, a draft resolution should b~ distributed to the members of the Council in wiiting. 1 shaIl, however, put this resoltition toa vote,unIess 98. Continuation of the discussion of the Greek complQint concerning the situation in northern GI'QIKe. The ~SIDENT: The next item on our agenda is the letter from the acting chairman of the de1egation of Greece to the Secretary-General, dated 3 December 1946, together with an attached memorandum concerning the situation in northem Greece. This CouncU, at its last meeting, approved a reso!ution to invite the representatives of Greece and of Yugoslavia ta participate ~n the discussion of this question without a V0te. In accordance wîth tbis resolution, 1 will !tnvite the representatives of Greeœ and of Yugoslavia to take their places at the Council table. The credentials of the representatives of Greece and Yugoslavia have been received in due time and due course by the Secretary-GeneraI and have been found ta be in good arder. The Council, in the second paragraph of the same resolution adopted at the last meeting, decided to invite the representatives of Albania and Bulgaria ta sit at the table so that the Security Council would he enabled to hear such dec1arations as they might wish ta make. The credentials gf the representatives of Albania and Bulgaria have been received in due time by the Secretary-General and have been found ta be in good order. Pursuant ta this resolution, 1 will therefore invite the representatives of Albania and of Bulgaria to take their seats at the Cmmcil table. 1 would draw the attention of the CouncU ta the third paragraph of the .'lame resolutio~ which reads as follows: "Should the Security Council find at a later stage that the matter under consideration is in dispute, the representaqves of °Albania and Bulgaria will be invited °ta participate in the discussion without vote." Will the representatives of the countries mentioned kindly tak.e their seats at the Council table. . . , Mr. Hysni Kapo, Albanian Minister Plenipotentiary to Yugoslavia, Lieutenant-General Wladimir Stoytcheff, Bulgarian political representativet{}theUnited States of Americû; /rIT. Constantin Tsaldaris,. Greek Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs and Mr. Sava Kosanovié, Yugoslav Ambassador to the United States of .America, hok their places at the Council table. 1 invite the representative of Greece to make anystatement he desires. MI'. TSALDARIS (Greece) (translated trom French) :. The history of the last war is so recent and the part played in it by my country so well known that it is unnecessary to recaU the cÏrcumstances. At the most critical moment of the struggle for international peace and justice, when so many others were pursuing a "wait and see" policy, little Greece did not for a single instant hesitate to pay a completely disproportionate tribute in ;'suffering, blood, and tears". Once peace had come, she never dreamt of turning her sacrifices to profit. With the pride ordained by her history, she was reluctant to remind the great Powers of the promises they had aU heaped on her so generously during the war. She confined herself to asking for the justice and peace for which she hadfOlight. She did not think it exorbitant to claim a few mountain peaks to enable the inhabitants of her northern provinces, three times decimated under the yoke of the invader, to feel that no longer were they directly threatened by enemy raids. She wished those who had destroyed her territory to be forced to contribute to the work of recon.<l1:ruction. She believed she was justified in hoping that, ïn a calm state, though ravaged, she would be allowed to pursue the immebse task of recovery. She ha.s been sorely disappointed. Instead of the long awaited justice, she was compelled to suffer injustice; instead of the greatly desired peace, she is tCOnfronted byan undeclared war. Nearly two years after the struggle, alone amongst the· other fighting nations, and in return for her servicéS and immense sacrifices, Greece continues to suffer, to bleed and to shed tears. A martyrin the war, she is still a martyr in peace. Bach day scores of her sons are slain because their country wishes to preserve its freeoom ~and territorial··, integrity, because itis unwilling to abandon its cultural traditions, ethnical •features and great ideals, because it does not intend te> submit to certain demands contrary not only ta its national interests but aIso to the deepest meaning of democracy and to the fundamental principles of the United Nations. In_Jh~whole wortelthere is not a more peaceloving-people than the Greeks. They wish nobody any harm and are ready ta forget the wrong done to thettl. The principle of international co-operation derives· from the. Amphictyonie COlmcil of Delphi. The enthusiastntvith which Greece co-operated· in the League of Nations and wth which she has JlOW· associated herself darmes doine nombrables enfants assassinés rillas tières. de tinuer. que fins en surtout, n'affecte quatre The United Nations cannât afford to fallinto the same error. It has at its disposal the means of putting a stop to th.e present suffering in Greece. . Following on a series of communications, the latest of which was sent to the Secretariat by the acting head of our delegation on 26 Novembel', the Greek Government, in pursuance of Article 34 and Article 35, paragraph 1, of the United Nations Charter, on3 December requestedthaLo =oOharte thesituation whichhas arisen as aresult of .inci-CèmbreecC}1J!11e .• dents taking pl~cèon our northern frontiers should be brought tothe attentionof the Security COl~j.1cil forthwith. Being anxious notto take up too much of the . .Council's valuable tirne, especially as a large number of these incidents are recorded in detail in the file we have subrnitted, ~hich 1 propose 1. Intensive propaganda in favour of the incorporation of Greek Macedonia in the Yugoslav Federal State of Macedonia. 2. Active assistance to the revolutionary bands that use Yugoslav, Albanian and BuIgarian territory as bases of operations for their raids on Greek territory. 1 should like to deal separately with each of these two fonns of hostility towards my country. A considerable number of statements, broadcast from Belgrade, Tirana and Sofia, have recentlybeen made by citizens of those countries prorilinent in public Iife. Amongst others, Mr. Dmitar Vlahov, Vice-President of the Presidium of the Yugoslav National Assembly, said o~ 1 October that "Aegean Macedonia, like the whole of Macedonia, formerly represeIited and stiIl represents a clearly de:fined geographical, national, ethnical, historical, 'cultural and economic unit, in spite of the forced exchange of populations", and he added that "Greece has no· tight ta Aegean Macedonia either from the geographical and ethnicai point of view, or from the historical, political and economic point of view". - General Terpessev, President of the Bulgarian Economic Council, speakirig at Razlog on 10 October, made .the followÏag statem~nt: "There are not three Macedonias. Thereis no .such thing as a Bulgarian, a Serbian' or a GreekMacedonia; there is only one Macedonia, which stretches into BuIgaria, Yugos1avia and Greece, and will ultimately be, unîfied. Yugoslavia.and Bulgariaare prepared to do their utmost to further the unification of the Macedonian people in the Mac:edonian People's Republic, joined ta the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia." Mr. Kolisevski, Prime Ministerof Yugoslav Fe_cI~ralMacedonia, speaking at Skoplje on 11 October said: "The MacedoniaIipeople, together with'all the other Yugoslav peoples, are prepared to make the greatest sacrifices in order to liberate .the whole .of their territory, from Trieste. to the southem part of Aegean Macedonia." And lastly here is a statement which Marshal Tito made toan American correspondent on 16.Qctober: "We have not put forward the issue of Aegean Macedonia at all at tiüs first phase of the Peace Conference. But in view of the persecution of the Macedonian people by the organs of the Greek Governrnent we cannot remain indifferent. 1 céJIlIlot tell what steps . we shall take, 'but there will be sorne, of that 1 am certain, to put an end tothe terrorism practised against minorities in Greeee, particulady in Aegean Macedonia." Permit me once again to draw your attention to these words "Aegean Màcedonia". They are of recent date· and coneeal a large-seale plan for a politicaI campaign. 'The expression is eagerly seized upon on the other side of the Greek-Yugoslav and· Greek-Bulgarian frontiers in the hope that it will gain currency. Words have, in fact, a magical quality, and the juxtaposition of the two with which we are eoncerned not only represents a challenge to historical, ethnical and geographical .nomenclature but their' excessive repetition revealsthe intention of resurrecting the question of Macedonia, and at the same time creating a new one, namely, that of the Aegean. These noisy efforts are actually rernhliscent Jof the Drang nach Osten policy which we beIieved obsolete. Intentions are conceived in the mind before being translatedinto action.. ' The general purpose of aIl these statements is: . 1. to represent this îundahlentally Greek area as irredentist Slav territory, regardless of the fact that, out of the 1,400,000 inhabitants, there are oruy ,a few thousands speaking a Slavonie tongue, of whom only a small proportion have Yugoslav or Bulgarian sympathies; 2. to denounce Greece as '(he persecutor· of these persons of Slavonie tongue. Nothing couldbe more· c:ynicfÙ thàrtthese prôtests by authorities who are e:;:pelling hundreds of thousands of persons. from their own territory while they endeavour .to represent as victims of Greek persecution a small number of· criminals who, right up to the last moment, acted· in close collaboration' •th the German occupying authorities. To enable the full scope of these attacks to he realized, it is necessary to recall the note sent by the Yugoslav legation at Athens to the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs on 22 July 1945; its text is so·significant th:\t it deserves to he quoted: "The legation of Federal Democratie Yugoslavia has the honour, on the instructions of its Govemment, to draw the attention of the Greek Government to the necessity of putting an end to the persecution of our compatriots, the Macedonians in Aegean Maeedonia, by irregular bands, frequently with the assistance of the regular troops and the support of organs of the State ... The Yugoslav Govemment expects the Greek Government to issue the necessary instructions with a view to putting a stop to all the terrorism and persecution directed against the population of Yugoslav origin in Aegean Macedonia, and to respect the rights of our minority ..." A similar note having been sent to the Government of the United States of America, that Government took the initiative of proposing the establishment of a commission of enquiry con-· sisting of representatives to be chosen from the members of the missions, at Belgrade and Athen:i, of France, the Union of Soviet SociaIist Republies, the United Kingdom and the United States of America. The Gred: Government hastened to accept this proposal (letters of 3 and 9 September 1945), which was not, however, followed . up on account of the lack of co-operation on the part of the Yugoslav Government. But the Belgrade Government's daim to be given the right to interfere in the domestic affairs of Greece brings out the full sigvificance of these manœuvres and reveals the persistent nature of its schemes. Since the summer of 1945, terrorist bands have in fact been gradually infiltrating into Greek territory from Yugoslavia. These bands consist, on the one hand, of members of the former Bulgarian secret police, who, at the rime when they were dose1y collaborating with the Germans, were known as Okhrana and who are now disguised by the label NOF (Slavonic speaking EAM), and, on the other hand, of common criminals from the ELAS of whom about 5,000 sought refuge in Yugoslavia after the Varkiza agreement. They were concentrated in the Bulkes (Voivodina) camp, which may be styled a "military academy of terrorism" and is about three hours distance from Belgrade. The memorandum ?ttached to the letter of 3 December, together with the supplementary ainsi que les documents documents which 1 have the honour of placing l'honneur on the Council table, afford superabundant proof prouvent ..o.f.th.e.a.ss1st.·.a.n.ce.an.d.mili.·iii·tia.oirijanIZ.·iaiitiijoin"w.hi.·cih._ms.· . In the name of the Greek people, who hitherto have received only platonic conunendation and actual injustice in return for their innumerable services. ta the common cause, 1 appeal ta the international conscience and 1 request the Security Council ta take forthwith the measures necessary to put an end to this tragic situation with regard to which it is truly no exaggeration to saythat its continuance "is likely to endanger the maintenance of international peace and security" . '- .

The request of the' representative of Greece will be complied with. 1 invite the representative of Yugoslavia to speak. Mr.KOSANOVIé (Yugoslavia): At a time when the enme freedom-Ioving world i~ watching with greatest interes\: the work in New York of both the United Nations Gen~ral Assembly and the Council of Foreign Ministers, at a time when the world welcomes with joy every endeavour directed toward increasing harmony, toward bringing about .disarmament and a lasting peace, at such a time the Government of Mr. Tsaidaris considers it appropriate tosubmit its memorandurn to the Security .Council, a memorandum which accuses the neighbours of Greece, and chiefly Yugosla\ia, of provoking the civil war which, according both to Mr. Tsaldaris and to numerous cQiTespondents of the world Press, rages in Greece todaY. 1 submlt that lt is childish, and hardly adds to the prestige of the regime that rules Grecce, toseek to attribute the civil war. to influences from her peace-loying neigllbours abroad. The responsibility for the present civil war in Greece ·rests on the fact that the present regime is contrary to the feelings of . Yugoslavia, like all other Balkan States and peoples, including of course the people of Greece, cannot but be concemed by the way in which events in Greece are developing. This development has not proceeded along the normal lines of free determination and democratic decisions by the Greek people, for in that case it would undoubtedly have conformed to the trend of deve10pment of all other Balkan nations. This democratic development was preventp ':;' by force, specifically by the presence of ~ùreign troops, even at the cost of provokinr:; civil war. It was attended by the persecuP':..d of the democratic elements, and above al! of those elements of the Greek people which were the backbone of the resistance movement against Mussolini, Hitler and the conaborationists. And the persecution was particuIarly brutal against the Slav minority in Aegean Macedonia; even the mémorandum now before the Security Council is undemocratic in its description of this minority as "Slav-speaking Greeks". For more than ayear and a half Yugoslavia, which wan:ts only peace and a cha":1ce to rebuild. after the hOlrible suffering of th~war, has viewed the events along its eastem frontier with concern. A considerable measure of magnanimity, patience and seH-restraint was required if these events were not to lead the Yugoslavs to actions which mightbc irreparable, if the Yugoslavs were not to fall victims· to provocations which . could have dealt the United Nations a serious blow. It is notnecessary ta go to Yugoslav sources for evidence that this is sa. It i sufficient to glancethrough the world Press, including sections of that Press which for various reasons arenot friendly'tothe YugoslavRepublic;or to récall· some of the debates in .the British Parliament. I sball quote only two or three excerpts from the American Press. Mr. William King, of the Associated Press, who visited the frontier areas of Yugoslavia and Greece on 7 July 1945, cabled bis agency from Bitolj: "Unofficial estimates today said ten tllOUsand Slavs had fled from northern Greece recently to escape a reign of terror in which Greek armed bands and Greek militia were reported to be sacking entire villages . . . Nearly two thousand refugees from Greek Macedonia have entered Yugoslav Macedonia through this border town alone, according tû the best available information . . . Asserting that Greek armed bands were using terror and intimidation against them merely 'because we are Macedonian', men, women and children, many barefooted and in patched, torn clothes, clamoured to tell their stories." The New York Times Balkan correspondent, Sam Pope Brewer, reported to his paper on 7 July-1945, the following: "Terror is still being used as an instrument of poliey in the Balkans, and at present the Greeks are using it ta intimidate the Macedonians of Greece ... Here in Bitolj, l have interviewed eighteen refugees, picked at random from a hundredand twelve of them ..., and the pieture formed from the interviews is qne of genuine terrorand oppression. Whether or not the Greek Government is berund-it, there is no question oppression exists. . .- "These persons have been beaten and robbed of their few pitifulpossessions and terrorlzed into taking the long trek over the rugged C'Another case is the village of Krupista, near Kastoria. Giorgi Todorovski, aged 42, a shopkeeper, says that three hundred and thirty men from a village of four thousand had been taken to prison in Kastoria. The trouble began on 10 April, he says, when three hundred soldiers surrounded the village during the night while 'colonists', Greelœ btought from Turkey in an C'..change of minority populations after the last war, came iuto the village, drove the inhabitants from their homes and beat them ... . "Another man who arrived today from Krupista, Ilya Atanasovsky . . . left Kmpista twelve days ago . . . Wé'Jking through the woods at night. He showed legs covered with sears, wmch he said came from repeated beatings with sticks and iron rarr.üods . . . "In Lipintz, aceording to Stamat GrabefI, troûble was caused by the collaborationists ... Grabeff says that when the Greek .ELAS forces were disanned, the Greek Govermnent released thirteen men who previously had be~n arrested by the ELAS guerrillas as collaboratars and allowed them to return to the village with arms. On Easter, he says, he fled when he heard the Greeks approaching and fll'Ïng rifles ... "He remained in the mountains some time, then walked over the mountains to Bitolj," Allow me now to skip eighteen months and to quote from recent issues of the New Y orkHerald Tribune and the New York Times. Gaston Coblentz writes, for instance, in the New York Herald Tribune some days ago, on 7· -cember 1946: "The 'rebel' mountain village of Koupa ... is still smouldering after an attack yesterday by Greek Gcvernment forces operating out of this fimùy entrenched garrison six miles south of the Greek-Yugoslav frontier . ; . It has taken twenty-four hours to learn who actually destroyed the village. Greek royalist officers here told two American correspondents who had watched Koupa blazing yesterday, that the.villàge had been fired by the· 'rebels' in an attempt to terrorize. the people of·Aegean Macedonia. However, muleteers returning with "Two-thirds of the village population of a hundred familles left with the 'rebels' . . . The village of Koupa is Slav Macedonian. "The Government troops here all wear British. battle dress. Their uniform is indistinguishable from the British except for an embroidered silver Crovm and a small brown circle on the ganison cap. The troops are equipped with British mortars, Enfield rifles and tommy guns with American-made a...~u­ niuon. They use American signal corps telephones and British small-scale maps. "One of six trucks seen carrying Government troops here today bore the marking of UNRRA. None 01 the officers with whom this correspondent had taLJced fought as a partisan after the Greek. army was demobilized by the Germans. "A British lieutenant-colonel from the British Military Mission in Greece arrived here today and was warmly we1comed at the officers mess. He explained to correspondents that it was necessary for him to take great precautions not to be noticed in this area, so that the Russians will not challenge' the British with directing these operations... "The British lieutenant-colonel; wearing a royalist crown on bis left breast pocket, said bis job is tQ direct the training but not the operations of the Greek. army. 'For example,' he said, <we show them when a foxhole is pointed the wrong way.' " The quotation is from Mr. Coblentz. The same event was described, no less convincingly, bythe.Ne~ York Times correspondent, Arthur Brandel, in the issue of 7 December 1946. He points out the following: "It is an interesting fact that not one of the officers of· the Phanos battalion, practica1ly all .of whom were. pr~fessionals with twenty totwenty-five years of experience, had fought in the resistance against the Nazis after the Greek capitulation ... Their hatred of YugoslavÎa is vocal. Many said they felt a new war was .inevitable and voiced promises ··of Greek âid' to the Anglo-Americans against comrnu· IDst forces." "But certainly there is no lack of rumour about Yugoslav participation. There is a con~ stant round of stories to the effect that in each operation soldiers and officers are seen directing these 'rebels'. But whep an attempt is made to pin down such stories, they always fail." These quotations require no explanation. In addition to persecuting the democratic elements-representatives of all democratic parties recently sent a letter to Mr. Trygve Lie making c1ear their opposition to the Tsaldaris regime in connexion with the request that British troops be withdra\'ffi from Greece-in addition ta this persecution, the Greek Government considered, in the period from 1944 to 1946, that the time was particularly appropriate for laying claims to Albanian and Bulgarian territory. It did this even at the Paris Peace Conference. Nor is this all. The Greek Government even tolerates and encourages propaganda supporting territorial daims directed against Yugoslavia, although it does not venture to question Yugoslavia's part in the struggle against Hitler and Mussolini. The Greek Foreign Minister informed the Yugoslav Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs in September 1944 that Greece would demand rectification of her frontier with Yugoslavia. Innumerable instances of violent inciteme.ut are to be found in the Greek Press. 1 quote three excerpts from sources which cannot be called irresponsible. General Mazarakîs wrote an article in Ethniki Floga on 3 June 1946, under the heading UBitolj and the security af (}reece, a vital national c1aim." He said the following: "In order ta have security Greece must hav,e (1) Strumïka VaIley, (2) the Bemir Kepia Gorge, and (3) Morlkovo and the mountain plateau north of Bitolj. These places have always been Greek and were, from a lingujstic point of view, endowed with a Greek national consciousness and Greek fanaticism." And Mr. Tsaldaris, himself, just two weeks before he became Prime Minister, wrote in the Anoksirtissia on 18 March 1946: "May 1 be allowed to add something . . . and to start with our national daims which 1 shall .sum up once again as follows: what Greece needs is security on her territory . . . She does demand security and in order to achieve it she needs rectification of her boundaries, and of course Northerri Epirus must be restored to tht: mother country. In short, with regard tothe degree of security of the pre-war frontiers, the position is as follows: between the Ftolja Gulf and the Ionie Sea and Florina security is doubtful; between Florina and the Vardar there is a total lack of security; hetween .the Vardar and the Struma there is practically no security; between the Struma and the Mesta security is not certain but doubtful; between the Mesta and the Marica there is absolutely no security." In today's New York Times, under the headline, "Greece to appeal to Big Four on border", Mr. Tsaldaris' statement is repeated in the same spirit. . 1 remark, in passing, that the Yugoslav terri- . tory here involved had in 1912, not according ta Yugoslav statistics, of course, a population of 188,380, of whom 210, 1 repeat, 210, were Greeks. . Meanwhile, certain circles in .Greece and abroad were carrying out a policyof deceit against Yugoslavia, aiming to incite chauvinism, to strengthen reaction, as though Yugoslavia threatens the territorial integrity of .Greece. 1 wish again to assert most categorically that tbis is not true. Neither the Yugoslav Government, nor the National Front organization in Skoplje in Yugoslav Macedonia has made any territorial claims against Greece in any form whatsoeyer. Nobody from Yugoslavia is trying to impose some special regime in Greece. It is true that the sympathies of the Yugoslav peoples are on the side of the democratic forces within Greece. But that· is no crime. That does not imperil the integrity of Greece. In oui opinion, democracy is the best safeguard of Greek integrity. 1 feel 1 should point out here that, even today, the Greek army and gendarmerie include considerable numbers of officers who served under . . These are our general observations on the memorandum submitted to you by the Government of Mr. Tsaldaris, accusing Yugoslavia, Albania and Bulgaria of endangering the peace. It is not necessa..-y to refute in detail the different assertions contained in the memorandum. Its mistaken, unsubstantiated and unscrupulous character is perfectly obvious, at this moment of such great importance in the life of the United Nations. 1 shall refer to orny three of the details contained in this memorandum. On page 8, Mr. Tsaldaris asserts that on 20 October 1946, at 7 a.m. "a Yugoslav coastal craft armed with a machine-gun penetrated three hundred metres into the Greek territorial water& of Lake Dorian. The Yugoslav crew arrested nine Greek fishing boats and their crews numbering eighteen men in aIl. It was not until 8 November that they were set fTee, together with their boats. The Greek Government lodged an official protest with the Yugoslav Government." In actual fact, however, the Yugoslav Government rejected the Greek protest as unfounded, because the Greek fishing boats had penetrated three hundred metres into Yugoslav territorial waters. This was the reason why the Yugoslav coastal craft arrested them. This was duly registered in the protocol signed by the Greek fishermen. The Greek legation then sent a note in which it admitted the possibility that the events had actually taken place in this way and asked that the incident be dismissed on.a friendly basis, and that the Greek fishermen be released; this we did. 1 shall give the number and the date of this note subsequently, as soon as 1 obtain them from Belgrade. As regards the refugee camp of Bulkes, which • is located in Voivodina, in northern·Yugoslavia, about seven hundred kilometres from the Greek frontier, where several thousand Greek refugees have been living for over eighteen months, the memorandum endeavours to make it appear that this was a mysterious camp in which military preparations are going on and which is involved in constant traffic to and from Greece. Mr. Tsaldaris said that it was a militaristic academy. On page 28· the memorandum states, 1 quote, "the camp.had never been visited by any American or British persons". At one time, however, the Greek Government had officiallycontended ih.:;t Yugosla,v assertions regarding Greek refugees in YugO&lavia were mere propaganda against Greece, and that it was not true that there were Greek refugees in Yugoslavia. The Yugoslav Ministry of Information refuted this contention in an official statement, which showed that there were approximately 20,000 refugees from Greece in Yugoslavia, of whom some 4,000 were in e In order ta give confirmation of dûs l, Allow me finally to give you a third example of this unscrupulousness on the part of Mr. Tsaldaris' GovernmeJit. You will find it on page 25 of the memorandum.1 "The pupils of the school constituted the units known under the naInes of 'Zachariades Brigade", 'ELAS Brigade', etc., which are now employed on the construction of . the railway line of Brcko-Banovic along the Dalmatian sea coast in the direction of the Albanian boundary."Mr. Tsaldarismay have intended to produce bis most powerful argument here:the construction of a strategie railway line along the Adriatic coast in the direction of the Albanian frontier. Actually, this was a voluntary undertaking of Yugoslav youth, who decided to construct ninety kilometres· of railwaylinein order to link a coal mine with the main railway. This railroad has already been completed by the young people.I should like to ask you to look at themap. (At this point of the proceedings Mr. Kosanovié left his seat to hand a document to the President of the Council.) . You will see that this railway liile is situated in the central part of Yugoslavia, about four hundred kilometres from the sea and five hundred kilometres from the Albanian border. Mr. Tsaldaris' description isas accurate as if somebody here in America said, in connexion with a few score miles of railway line·IiearPittsburgh, that it ran alongthe Pacificcoast and cortstituted a thrçat to the security of Mexico. 1 hope. these instances may he1p you to assess the weight to beattached to other, less important arguments. It was this peISÏ$~entattitude of· provocation that forced my GoverilIllent to recall our ambassador from Greece. 1 hope 1 will have the opportunity to give the'facts about· themilitary encroachment, the military violation of the Yugoslav borders byGreek forces, the concentration of quisling organizations, of quisling forces in Greece with designs agaiIist,Yugoslavia. Now, may 1 ask you to observe the photostatic copies'of documents presented.to you to prove theseriousness of the accusations which Mr. Tsaldaris'makes against Yugoslavia, Albania and Bulgaria. Translations are omitted. Otherwise it would be immediately evident how unscrupulous this work is, in its attempt to mislead this high ,guardian of the peace and to compromise its authority. There ar1:l some identification cards issued by Yugoslav border authorities.Supposing that the names mentioned werenot forged later, this could only be proof that the Yugoslav authorities are organized and functioning, which is not the case on the other side of the border. On page 25 there is a picture of a military cap wbich the memorandum states is a Yugosiav military cap with Yugoslav badges. 1 request that you ask any military expert about this; he will confirm that the Yugoslav army does not have this badge on the left side of thecap as shown in the _photograph. The Yugoslav army wears only a five point star at the front of the cap, never on the side. It is a common custom among soldiers to collect Allied insignia and, pin them on theircaps. May 1 draw your attention particular1y to pages 11 and 14 of these photostatic docum"hts. Permit me to translate from the Macedonian for you what is written on these pages, since Mr. Tsaldaris failed to do so. These are a few typical lines from this, important document: "Gad bless you, mother. Gad bless you, father. Gad bless you, homeland. 1 am leaving my dear mother to die in bloody battle. Gad bless you, mother. Gad bless you, father. 1 must leave you, dear mother, and my soul 1 deliver to the Almighty to' save it." There is much more to the same effect. Comments would be superfluous. ' May l <.le allowed here to quote from an article Mr. Coblentz wrote in the New York Herald Tribu1l:e on 8 Decemher 1946: "An American military observer said today, however, that it had been diffitult to impress on the officers of the Greek corps here that proofs of Yugoslav intervention fOiwarded to the·Athens Government to be placed before the United Nations must be irrefutable. 'The proofs which the Greeks have so far shown us in Macedonia are by no means certain,' he said. 'Some of the evidence is childish, such as Yugoslav medals .found on dead rebels. who wear them because they are pretty.''' Before coucluding, 1 should like to repeat that the Government of the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia considers. that developments in "Yugoslavia's entire policy toward Greece is evidence of our ardent desire to see the Greek people achieve the freedom and democracy for which they have fought so valiantly, and to see them linked in cordial friendship. with the other Balkan peoples. What we are obliged to fight against are the imperialistic designs of the ruling circles. These designs have no connexion whatsoever with the interests of Greece nor with those of the Greek people, but are in direct opposition tothem, just as they are opposed to the interests of aU the other Balkail peoples." It is along the Greek border alone '~hat there are incidents today. Along the Albanian-Greek frontier, along the Bulgarian-Greek frontier, along the Yugoslav-Greek frontier, and nowhere else. The conclusion, 1 think, is obvious. The causes cannot be 'sought outside Greece. This discussion, 1 am sure, will enable the Security COUncil to see again that it is within Greece that there exists a breeding-ground of disturbances which imperilthe peaceful and friendly devdopment of eastern Europe. According to official returns, the .present Greek regime, in spite of terrorism and questionable election practices, was able to announce that it had obtained the support of hardly .twenty-six per cent of the electorate. In its weakness, it strives in;. creasingly to stifle the will of the people, to divert their attention by casting suspicion on their neighbours, to incite chauvinism and to provoke civil war. The situation is even more serious because England, which supportsMr. Tsaldaris and still maintains troops in Greece, although the war in Greece was. over two. years ago, must share in the responsibility. The presence of these foreign troops artificia1iysupporting a weak re/--";me, has prevented the Gteek people from expressing their true will and has sharpened all the conflicts inside that unhappy country. As soon as these causes are removed,'the effects which disturb us aIl today will disappear. May 1 point out that this is the third time ïn the brief life of the Security Council that the Tsaldaris Government has been l:>rought up for discussion. Once this discussion was timed to coïncide with the Paris Peace Conference. Aow it is timed to coïncide with the United Nations Assembly session. Is the continued existence of this regime really of such vital importance to world peace? The T"'....ESIDENT: 1 know that many members of the L.ouncil who are also representatives to the General A~F'llbly probably wish to attend the plenary sc.-<.In which is now being held. 1 suggest, therefore, that the next meeting of the Council be held at 3 o'dock on Monday afternoon. 1 may state that the Albanian representative has informed me that he will not be ready ta speak until Monday. Ml'. KAPo (Albania) (translated trom French): This means that we shallbe able to speak on Monday? 1 can speak now jf you so desire.

It is neeessary to adjourn the meeting now and the representative of Albania will be heard when the Couneil convenes on Monday. . Ml'. KRASILNIKOV (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics): Ml'. President, bear in mind that the next days of the Assembly will be filled with very heavy work. .1 think it is desirable that members give their attention in the next few days to the meetings of the General Assembly and its committees. Therefore, in the view of the dèlegation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republies, it is desirable to have a meeting of the Security Council, not on Monday, but on Wednesday at 3 0'dock. May 1 move this as a motion? Re.presentatives on the Couneil or their alternates, however, are in most cases only one of a . number of representatives' of their respective countries. The Prime Ministe:t· of Greece is here ta pre.sent his case. He has made plans which will require him ta be back in Greece at an early date. 1 think the least that this Couneil can do 7,5 ta extend ta the Prime Minister of Greece the ~..tme courtesy which was extended to Mr. Manuilsky when he made a complaint against Greece and when this Couneil was forced ta sit dayafter day without any intervening time, for lonl! sessions. 1 do not think that the circumstances existing at the present moment are so impelling as ta force us ta make the representative, the Prime Minister of Greece, wait until Wednesday before hearing the replies of the Bu!- garian and the Albanian representatives and having the opportunity ta make any further statement which he may desire ta do. The representative of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics has made a motion which 1 will put ta the vote. Mr. KRASILNIKOV (Union of Soviet SociaJist Republics): If the majority of the Council desire to have a meeting on Monday, then 1 will not press or insist on a vote on my motion.

1 know of no way ta ascertain what the majority of the Council thinks On this matter without requesting a raising of hands.

The next meeting of the Council will be at 3 0'clock on Monclay alternoon. Before declaring the meeting closed, 1 should like to make a very brief matement to the Council. The members of the COlmcil will recall that at the eighty-first meeting on Friday, 29 November; the Council considcred a letter from the Secretary-General tathe President of the Security Couneil, forwarding a resolution of the General Assembly concerning the committee on rules govérning the a,dmission of new Members. The Couneil decided that the Committee of Experts, which had prepared'the Securîty Council's rules in the first instance, migllt appropriately con. sider this resolution. It was therefore forwarded in writiug ta the Châ.irman·of the Committee of Experts, and he was instruded ta appoint a subcommittee from the Com"n:ttee of Experts ta ineet with the Committee on Procedure of the The Chairman of the Committee of Experts has iuformed me this afternoon that aIl the members of the Committee of Experts have been consulted personaIly and directly by him and have now agreed ta the membership of the subcomnùttee as follows: the representative of China on the Committee of Experts ta serve as chairman. The members will be the representative of Brazil and the representative of Poland. The President of the General Assembly will he informed today that this sub-committee of experts is ready ta meet with the Committee of the Assembly ta discuss this matter. In conformity with the wishes of the Council, as expressed at the meeting on 29 November, when this matter was discussed, this sub-committee of the Committee of Experts will not make any specifie proposaIs ta the Committee of the General Assembly. It will rather listen to suggestions which may be made by the AsseIhbly's Committee and will then report on thesc suggestions to the Council for its consideration and determination. The meeting rose at 6.25 p.m.