S/PV.8588 Security Council

In accordance with rule 37 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representative of Libya to participate in this meeting. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite Mr. Ghassan Salamé, Special Representative and Head of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya. Mr. Salamé is joining the meeting via video- teleconference from Tripoli. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. At this meeting, the Security Council will hear briefings by Mr. Salamé and Ambassador Juergen Schulz, Deputy Permanent Representative of Germany, in his capacity as Chair of the Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011) concerning Libya. I now give the floor to Mr. Salamé. Mr. Salamé: Allow also me to congratulate Peru on its presidency of the Security Council this month. Before beginning my briefing, I would like to pay tribute to the late President of Tunisia, Mr. Béji Caïd Essebsi. President Essebsi was a great supporter of the United Nations and was an active and committed partner to the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) in its efforts to end the Libyan crisis through Tunisia’s generous hosting of the Mission. I will personally miss his wisdom, frankness and friendship. He will be greatly missed. May he rest in peace. The armed conflict in Libya shows no signs of abating. The war around Tripoli has already left nearly 1,100 dead, including 106 civilians. Hundreds of thousands of people have fled their homes in the capital and neighbouring districts as a result of the fighting. Tens of thousands have crossed the border to Tunisia, seeking safety for their families. More than 100,000 men, women and children are immediately exposed to the front lines, and there are over 400,000 more in areas directly affected by clashes. The war has worsened humanitarian conditions and hindered access to food, health and other life-saving services. Ignoring calls for de-escalation, the parties have intensified air campaigns with precision air strikes by aircraft and armed drones. The geographical scope of the violence has also spread. For the first time, on 26 July, Government of National Accord (GNA) forces launched an air attack on the main rear base of the Libyan National Army (LNA) in the Jufra region. On 27 July, General Haftar’s forces launched air strikes on a GNA airbase in Misrata. There is increased recruitment and use of foreign mercenaries, alongside the use of heavy weapons and ground attacks. Forces on both sides have failed to observe their obligations under international humanitarian law. The most tragic example of indiscriminate attacks was the air strike that hit a migrant detention centre in Tajoura on 2 and 3 July, killing 53 and injuring at least 87, including children. What is even more appalling is that the precise coordinates of the Tajoura detention centre, and other such centres, were shared by the United Nations with the parties following a previous incident in May. While the vast majority of the fatalities were due to the air strike, several victims were cruelly struck down by those guarding the centre as they attempted to flee. To make matters worse, following United Nations- supported efforts to move the migrants to more secure locations, authorities have in recent days returned more than 200 migrants to the bombed facility. The tragedy of up to 150 migrant deaths at sea on 25 July again underlines the urgent need to address the root causes of the migrant issue and migrants’ immediate suffering. The United Nations humanitarian agencies have worked hard to mitigate the terrible conditions in these detention centres. Over 5,000 refugees and migrants are currently being held at detention centres run by a Government agency; some 3,800 of these persons are exposed to the fighting. What is required is that these facilities be shuttered. Towards this end, I urge the Council now to call upon the authorities in Tripoli to take the long-delayed but much-needed strategic decision to free those who are detained in these centres. UNSMIL has devised a plan for an organized and gradual closure of all detention centres and seeks the Security Council’s support for its implementation. So far in 2019, nearly 4,500 refugees and migrants have disembarked in Libya and faced serious risks of detention, arbitrary arrest and being trapped by the fighting. The international community can prevent another tragedy. I urge European countries to respond to the Secretary-General’s repeated pleas, revisit policies and move migrants and refugees to safety. I note with alarm the increasing frequency of attacks on Mitiga airport, which serves as the only functioning airport in the greater Tripoli area. Several of these attacks have come perilously close to hitting civilian aircraft with passengers on board. I am afraid that with the almost daily bombardment, luck will run out. I call upon the authorities in Tripoli to cease using the airport for military purposes, and for the attacking forces to immediately stop targeting it. Pro-GNA forces retook the city of Gheryan on 26 June, located approximately 80 kilometres south of Tripoli. It was a notable development, as Gheryan was the first city that the LNA forces entered during their march to Tripoli in April. There are unconfirmed allegations that human rights abuses might have taken place there, which we are now investigating. The recent uptick in violence may worryingly presage a new phase in the military campaign, but I do not believe that will fundamentally alter the strategic stalemate. The parties still believe that they can achieve their objectives through military means. Prime Minister Serraj and General Haftar have publicly reaffirmed their commitment to a future political and electoral process, but have yet to take practical steps to stop the fighting. The LNA maintains that it will not stop its attacks until Tripoli is conquered, while the GNA forces insist that they can push General Haftar’s forces back to eastern Libya. Libya’s present and future need not be taken hostage by the warring parties. While engaging with political leaders and armed groups, UNSMIL is also actively engaging a wide range of constituencies and hosting second-track dialogues. From 13 to 15 July, under the auspices of the Egyptian Parliament, a meeting that brought together 72 members of the House of Representatives affirmed the role of the House in a political solution to the Libyan crisis and called for the formation of a Government of national, unity without any mention of the need to cease all hostilities. While I commend the efforts of those who met in Cairo to seek an end to the conflict and form a unified Government, I urge them to reach out to their fellow members of Parliament to forge a truly national project. I discourage the trend of establishing a parallel parliament in Tripoli. In the same vein, I am troubled by the insistence of authorities in eastern Libya to press forward with the establishment of a municipal elections committee parallel to the national body for municipal elections that already exists. Efforts to delegitimize the work of the national body short-change Libyan voters themselves, given the paucity of expertise and resources available to the parallel institutions, cause confusion at the local level and, ultimately, impede the country’s fragile transition to democracy. The hatred and invective on social media and satellite television stations is fuelling the violence on the ground. I note that the owners and editors-in-chief of those publications and television stations have invited individuals who use despicable language of incitement, aired and published calls to violence and assassinations, spread intentionally false news and allowed ad hominem attacks. I urge those who dwell in their self-contained silos of enmity to cease spewing hatred and start talking face-to-face with their compatriots. Libya has become a terrain for experimentation with new military technologies and recycling of old weapons. Armed drones, armoured vehicles and pick- up trucks fitted with heavy armaments, machine guns, recoilless rifles and mortar and rocket launchers have been recently transferred to Libya with the complicity, and indeed outright support, of foreign Governments. The weapons discovered after the retaking of Gheryan illustrate the advanced systems that are provided. There is no doubt that external support has been instrumental in the intensification of air strikes. I also note with concern that the imported weaponry is being accompanied by foreign personnel working as pilots, trainers and technicians. This reliance on external support is a conflict driver. More than ever, Libyans are now fighting the wars of other countries that appear content to fight to the last Libyan and to see the country entirely destroyed in order to settle their own scores. Without the full cooperation of all Member States regarding the implementation of the measures related to the arms embargo in accordance with resolution 2473 (2019), the flow of weapons to Libya will continue to fuel this needless conflict. The security vacuum created by the conflict in and around Tripoli continues to be exploited by Da’esh in remote areas in the country’s southern and central regions. Among other incidents, Da’esh claimed responsibility on 2 June for a car-bomb attack in Derna that resulted in 11 wounded. Even more worrisome are the indications that the arsenal of weapons being delivered by foreign supporters to one side or the other is either falling into the hands of terrorist groups or being sold to them. Some extremist elements have sought legitimacy by joining the battle. This is nothing short of a recipe for disaster, not only for the safety and security of Libyans themselves but also for that of Libya’s neighbours and for international peace and security. It is high time the warring parties cease all hostilities, redeploy their forces and focus on the common threat before Libya becomes more of a safe haven for terrorist organizations. While I can report that recently our warnings have been heeded, the parties must be urged to decisively dissociate themselves from all violent extremist elements and actively prevent them from joining the conflict. While UNSMIL had to reduce its footprint in Libya due to the security situation, I have decided that the Mission should not leave Libya. That allows the United Nations to respond to growing humanitarian needs and human rights concerns and remain fully engaged with all interlocutors regarding de-escalation of the fighting and the resumption of the political process. Since the start of the conflict in and around Tripoli, the United Nations, in support of local efforts, has provided humanitarian assistance to over 75,000 people. However, I regret to report that only 30 per cent of the $200 million requested under the 2019 humanitarian response plan has been received to date. The humanitarian community will be unable to respond to increased needs and assist about 100,000 highly vulnerable people impacted by the conflict if no additional funding is received. Critical infrastructure and vital installations that provide water, electricity and other essential services to the population have been damaged by the war. With Libya already in peak demand during the hot summer, deficits in water and electricity supplies have been aggravated by the fighting and deliberate attacks targeting the Great Man-Made River facilities. While Libya’s oil continues to flow, the risks to its continued production are as grave as those that imperil the supply of water and electricity. Earlier this month, the National Oil Corporation declared force majeure after valves in the Hamada area were closed by an armed group. The Mission used its good offices to facilitate a quick resolution to the dispute; force majeure was lifted several days later. The parallel eastern National Oil Corporation continues its efforts to sell oil, in violation of Security Council resolutions. There is a serious danger of the weaponization of oil in this conflict, the consequences of which would be disastrous to the Libyan economy. The conflict situation has limited the ability of Libyan authorities to meet the basic needs of the population. International and national humanitarian partners are providing emergency relief, including in response to floods in Ghat in early June. I led an exceptional humanitarian visit to Ghat on 13 June, where United Nations agencies delivered emergency food, water, sanitation supplies and other provisions needed in the town. The situation in the south of the country is dire, with a rise in communal violence, particularly in the city of Murzuq. Southern communities face terrible fuel and electricity shortages and an absence of bank notes, in addition to a renewed security vacuum and an increase in terrorist attacks. UNSMIL has re-established an operational presence in the east, with the reopened United Nations hub in Benghazi. My Deputy for political affairs conducted an eight-day mission to the east, covering 1,000 kilometers and visiting five cities to demonstrate UNSMIL’s commitment to serving all Libyans. We are working hard to open a similar hub in Sebha, the capital of the south. In the course of the current fighting, serious violations of international human rights and humanitarian law have been committed by all parties. Residential areas have been hit by indiscriminate shelling and targeted air strikes. I am particularly worried to see that health workers and facilities have been repeatedly targeted, with 19 ambulances and four health facilities struck, many medical doctors and health workers killed, including five yesterday, and others wounded. Impunity should not prevail, especially for those who attack hospitals and ambulances. Protecting civilians and humanitarian workers requires sanctions against those committing crimes. There has been an unacceptable spike in enforced disappearances and arbitrary detentions since the outset of hostilities. On 17 July, elected House of Representatives member Siham Sergewa was violently abducted from her home in Benghazi by an unknown group. I have raised Ms. Sergewa’s case with the authorities in the east, including yesterday with General Haftar. Ms. Sergewa must be released immediately and those responsible for her abduction must be held accountable. Abductions have also risen at an alarming rate in Tripoli, with numerous Government officials, including the Deputy Director of the Food and Drug Administration, being kidnapped by armed groups to settle scores and extort ransoms. Nearly four months into third war since 2011, it should be abundantly clear to all that the risks of either an open-ended low- intensity conflict or a full escalation to outright war on the shores of the southern Mediterranean are equally unacceptable. The decision to stop the war cannot be postponed indefinitely. I therefore submit the following three-part immediate action to stop the conflict. First, I call for a truce to be declared for Eid Al-Adha, which will fall on or about 10 August. The truce should be accompanied by confidence-building measures between the parties, to include the exchange of prisoners, the release of those arbitrarily detained or abducted, and the exchange of mortal remains. Secondly, following the truce, I request a high- level meeting of concerned countries to cement the cessation of hostilities, work together to enforce the strict implementation of the arms embargo to prevent the further flow of weapons to the Libyan theatre, and promote strict adherence to international humanitarian and human rights law by the Libyan parties. Thirdly, the international meeting should be followed by a Libyan meeting of leading and influential personalities from all over the country to agree on comprehensive elements for the way forward. Such a consensus was on the verge of being built in the run-up to the national conference in April. It is past time for Libyans to end this long season of mutual suspicion, fear and division. This triple action will require consensus in the Council and among the Member States that exert influence on the ground. As for the Libyans, they need to listen to their better angels. They are now fighting the wars of others and in so doing destroying their country. Proposals to revive political talks should be the basis for the reunification of Libyan national institutions. I believe that a comprehensive solution to the Libyan conflict will require tackling the underlying drivers of what is ultimately, though not exclusively, a war over resources. The solution, therefore, will need to factor in much- needed structural economic reform and an equitable method to distribute the country’s vast wealth. We have taken a step forward in reinvigorating the audit of the Central Bank and its parallel eastern branch, which will be vital in promoting the unification of the bank and increasing transparency on how national funds are being spent. We have also devised concrete proposals to allow the largest number of Libyans to benefit from oil income, replacing predation with fairness and self-interested disbursement with welfare for all. Robust efforts will also be required to combat the smuggling of people, fuel, weapons and drugs — sources of wealth for the armed groups and associated criminal elements. Measures must also be taken to combat the rampant corruption that has infested almost all elements of the State. Economic reform should be coupled with comprehensive reform of the security sector that would allow the Libyan authorities to fight terrorism and secure the country’s borders. Structural security issues, namely, the fragmentation of armed groups and the proliferation of small arms, combined with the absence of a unified and professional army, have not been addressed since the fall of the former regime. The Libyan State cannot be effective without having an undisputed monopoly over force of arms. That will require collection of weapons outside of the control of the State and clear civilian oversight over the security structures. Much of the groundwork for these efforts was laid during the military unification talks sponsored by the Egyptian Government, in addition to the UNSMIL supported steps taken, following last September’s violence in Tripoli, to reinforce and reform the Interior Ministry. We urgently need to revive that momentum. Stopping the war will require the will of the parties and the support of the international community. Should the parties agree to silence the guns, the United Nations and international partners should stand ready to provide material and technical support, enabling the parties to negotiate a comprehensive agreement on cessation of hostilities and appropriate mechanisms for its implementation and monitoring. Since the outbreak of the conflict, national Governments and regional organizations have called on the Libyan parties to stop the fighting and resume the political process. For that, I am deeply appreciative of the efforts of the African Union, the European Union and the League of Arab States. People in Libyan cities stop me to convey a clear message. The majority of Libyans believe that it is now time for the Security Council to join this chorus and decisively call for an end to this needless war before it grows into a full- blown civil war with serious, potentially existential consequences for Libya and its neighbours. Almost 70 years ago, the United Nations decided to create an independent Libya. This organ bears a particular responsibility to ensure that Libya does not fracture into weak and unstable pieces but remains the collected strength of the Libya that united in 1951. Only with the imprimatur of the Security Council can we, together, help the Libyans move past this dark and violent episode and towards a more hopeful and promising future.

I thank Mr. Salamé for his briefing. I now give the floor to Ambassador Schulz.

In accordance with paragraph 24 (e) of resolution 1970 (2011), of 26 February 2011, I have the honour to report to the Security Council on the work of the Committee established by the same resolution. The report covers the period from 22 May to 29 July, during which time the Committee held two informal consultations. In informal consultations on 31 May, the Committee received a briefing from the Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Political Affairs in Libya, United Nations Support Mission in Libya, on issues relevant to the work of the Committee, particularly relating to the arms embargo. That was followed by an exchange of views. Thereafter, the Committee heard a presentation by the Coordinator of the Panel of Experts on the Panel’s interim report, as well as information gathered by the Panel since the submission of that report to the Committee on 2 May. The members of the Committee also discussed the recommendations contained in the interim report. Of the six recommendations addressed to the Committee, they subsequently agreed to take action on four. Three of the four agreed follow-up actions aim at more effective sanctions implementation, whereas one focuses specifically on more effective implementation of the measures aimed at preventing illicit exports of petroleum, including crude oil and refined petroleum products, from Libya. I will not summarize the findings of the recommendations of the Panel, as the interim report was submitted to the Security Council on 12 June. As an agreed follow-up action, on 17 July the Committee dispatched a note verbale to all Member States, reminding them of their obligation to implement all sanctions measures of the sanctions regime established by the Security Council in relation to Libya. Since the submission of its interim report, the Panel of Experts has also submitted updates to the Committee on its investigations concerning reported violations of the arms embargo, the most recent of which contained a preliminary case study on the air strike in Tajoura on 2 and 3 July. One communication from the Panel drew the Committee’s attention to the future possibility of non-compliance with the measures aimed at preventing illicit exports of petroleum. On 21 June the Committee held joint informal consultations with the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1591 (2005) concerning the Sudan and the Committee established pursuant to resolution 2206 (2015) concerning South Sudan to discuss the presence of Darfuri armed groups in Libya and South Sudan, as well as a common approach to address the issue. That was the second such meeting, the first having been held in November 2017. The three relevant Panels of Experts also participated in the discussion. The Committee has been dealing with guidance requests from Member States — one on the scope of the arms embargo, which is still under consideration, and another on the applicability of the assets freeze measures in relation to a particular entity. With respect to the travel ban, the Committee is considering an exemption request, pursuant to paragraph 16 (a) of resolution 1970 (2011), for Ms. Aisha Qadhafi. Furthermore, the Committee determined that the continued presence, beyond 23 May, of Mr. Qadhaf Al-Dam in Egypt, in the absence of an approved extension of the exemption by the Committee, was in non-compliance with the travel ban measure. Previously, Libya, as the country of nationality, had sought such extensions from the Committee. The Committee would like to highlight that for individuals also subject to an assets freeze who seek to travel, the Council has provided for exemptions in paragraph 19 of resolution 1970 (2011) and that the Committee has elaborated corresponding exemption procedures in its guidelines. In connection with the sanctions list, I would like to note that, as of 3 July, the Committee is considering proposals, submitted by a Member State, for the designation of three individuals involved in a criminal network that illicitly exploits crude oil and other natural resources in Libya. Finally, in my previous report to the Security Council (see S/PV. 8530), I had referred to the arrest and detention in Tunisia of a member of the Panel of Experts, Mr. Moncef Kartas, on 26 March. I am pleased to note that, via an update of 22 May, the Secretariat informed the Committee that a Tunisian appeals court had decided to release Mr. Kartas from detention. The Committee continues to follow the case, which has legally not been concluded, and looks forward to a further update from the Secretariat in due course on the status of the legal proceedings in Tunisia against Mr. Kartas, while recalling resolution 2441 (2018), paragraph 16, which “urges all States ... to cooperate fully with the Committee and the Panel”, as well as the 1946 Convention on the Privileges and Immunities of the United Nations.

I thank Ambassador Schulz for his briefing. I now give the floor to those Council members who wish to make statements.

Once again I thank the Special Representative for his briefing and for the continued determination of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya to help de-escalate the situation in Libya and facilitate a return to the United Nations- led process. This morning we heard a grave and alarming analysis of a descent into violent chaos and the risk of the disintegration of a country, as the Special Representative of the Secretary-General alluded to. I think that we all recognize that the coming weeks will be vital for Libya. For our part, we stand steadfast in support of United Nations leadership and Mr. Salamé’s efforts to bring about a transition from violence to a renewed political process. I will keep my remarks brief because we have consultations after this meeting. I just wanted to draw attention to a few areas before getting on to what the Special Representative said about a truce. We again call on all United Nations Member States to fully respect their obligations to contribute to Libya’s peace and stability, to prevent destabilizing arms shipments and to safeguard Libya’s oil resources, all in accordance with the relevant Security Council resolutions. As was said, it is obvious that the parties continue to receive external support and arms shipments, which further fuels the conflict. Once more the United Kingdom calls on all Member States to respect international law and on the Security Council to take reports of violations very seriously. I thank the German Ambassador for his report as Chair of the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011) concerning Libya. The humanitarian cost continues to be of enormous concern. I will not repeat what the Special Representative of the Secretary-General said, but I think that we really need to find a way to protect migrants and refugees travelling along the central Mediterranean route. We need to find a way to protect those in detention centres within Libya itself. We have discussed before in the Council the 2-3 July attack on the Tajoura detention centre. I want to reiterate what the Special Representative of the Secretary-General said about the parties disassociating themselves from violent extremist elements and about hatred and invective fuelling violence. Turning to his three-part proposal for an Eid al-Adha truce, accompanied by confidence-building measures, and for a high-level meeting of concerned countries, to be followed by an internal Libya meeting. Those are obviously very important elements that come at a very critical time. I think that the Council will want to discuss them in some detail and work out how best the Council can enhance the United Nations efforts. So I will leave it there but look forward to picking up these important points in consultations.

My remarks will also be brief as we look forward to discussing these issues in consultations. But I wanted to thank Special Representative Salamé for his briefing to the Security Council today and for the serious and pressing issues that he has raised. We continue to support his leadership as he works to create the conditions for a resumption of the United Nations political process. As he highlighted, continued fighting in Tripoli, now in its fourth month, is creating opportunities for terrorists to regroup, threatening the stability of Libya’s oil production and fuelling a worsening humanitarian situation. We have called for a ceasefire and urged for the prompt return to a United Nations-mediated political process, and we call on all sides to work constructively with the Special Representative of the Secretary- General and UNSMIL to achieve a long-overdue political solution to the conflict. As we have said repeatedly in this Chamber, lasting peace and stability in Libya will come only through a political solution. Finally, we want to express our once thanks once again for the Special Representative of the Secretary- General Salamé, Deputy Special Representative Williams, who is joining us in New York today, and the entire UNSMIL and country team on the ground for their work.

I thank Special Representative of the Secretary-General Ghassan Salamé for his briefing and the Deputy Permanent Representative of Germany for his briefing on the work of the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011) concerning Libya. Let me first reiterate France’s full support for the Special Representative and the United Nations Support Mission in Libya, which are working tirelessly to find a political solution to the Libyan conflict. In particular, I echo the Special Representative’s call for a humanitarian truce coinciding with the Eid Al-Adha holiday and the resumption of political dialogue. First, I note the stalemate of the situation on the ground and the risk of escalation, which remind us of the urgent need for a lasting and unconditional ceasefire. The latest developments are worrisome. As the fighting enters its fifth month, it is ramping up and, as of now, is posing the threat of a major escalation. As President Macron recalled, the situation in Libya is a humanitarian priority. Since the beginning of April, the fighting has killed more than 1,000 people and displaced more than 120,000. The 2-3 July bombing of Tajoura detention centre, which killed more than 50 people and wounded 130, which the Council unanimously condemned, once again highlighted the particular vulnerability of migrants and refugees. In such circumstances, it is urgent that the Libyan authorities end their systematic detention and comply with international humanitarian law. It is imperative that civilian infrastructure not be used for military purposes and that civilians, including migrants, not be used as human shields, in violation of the principle of distinction. All of that jeopardizes the political and diplomatic efforts led by Ghassan Salamé and erodes the prospect of exiting the political crisis. The only ones who benefit from the continued fighting are terrorist and criminal groups, as evidenced by the presence of radical elements in several areas of fighting, including individuals who have been listed by the Council. The recent attacks claimed by Da’esh in the south and the centre of the country are yet another illustration of that phenomenon. It is imperative that Libyan actors disassociate themselves in no uncertain terms from terrorist groups, both in their public statements and through their actions on the ground. It is equally important to initiate serious efforts, under the auspices of the United Nations, with regard to the economic, financial and monetary governance of Libya. Finally, violations of the arms embargo to the benefit of the parties are fuelling the escalation under way. They must stop. In order to prevent the situation from further deteriorating, the parties must respond to the call of Special Representative Salamé and accept a humanitarian truce, with no preconditions or time limits, to coincide with the Eid Al-Adha holiday on 10 August. Such a truce could pave the way towards achieving a lasting ceasefire with credible guarantees and international supervision. In that context, it is urgent to act to foster the resumption of political dialogue and to being working immediately on confidence-building measures. The parties must agree on the parameters for ending the crisis. This past February, in Abu Dhabi, they agreed on the principles of institutional unification, necessarily leading to the formation of a transitional Government with a view towards the holding of elections. The Abu Dhabi parameters remain valid. They must be matched with economic and financial reforms, the prioritized, swift implementation of the transparent governance of the Central Bank of Libya, reform of the management of oil revenue and the consolidation of financial institutions to the benefit of all Libyans. France calls on the Libyan parties to resume discussions on that basis, under the auspices of the Special Representative. In conclusion, I recall the central role of the Secretary-General and his Special Representative in reaching a settlement to the conflict, with the support of the Security Council. There is no military solution to the Libyan crisis. The implementation of a ceasefire and the relaunching of the political process are the only way forward. That assessment is shared by the members of the Council and we must unite our efforts to achieve those goals. That is why we are in favour of the Council expressing its support for the efforts of the Special Representative to see the parties reach a lasting ceasefire, comply fully with the arms embargo and relaunch the political process.

At the outset, let me thank Special Representative of the Secretary-General Salamé for his briefing. I commend his work and that of the entire staff of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya, operating in a particularly difficult environment. I also thank Ambassador Schulz for his briefing. As the Special Representative just underlined, the situation in Tripoli remains of great concern. Libyan civilians, migrants and, more generally, the most vulnerable persons are suffering on a daily basis as a result of the fighting. The ongoing tragedy of migrants off the Libyan coast must call us to address that challenge. It is high time that the protection of civilians became a genuine concern of the warring parties. Belgium calls in particular on the parties to refrain from committing grave violations involving children, including through their recruitment and use in armed conflict. Belgium also commends the courage of medical and humanitarian personnel who are paying a high price for their commitment. Attacks on medical facilities, such as that reported yesterday to the south of Tripoli, constitute clear violations not only of international law but also of resolution 2286 (2016). In that regard, Belgium reiterates once again that those guilty of serious violations of international humanitarian law and, more generally, those who threaten achieving peace in Libya must be held accountable for their actions. All military and civilian leaders exercising effective control, authority and command over their subordinates could be held criminally responsible for crimes committed by their subordinates and prosecuted before national courts or the International Criminal Court. The security vacuum that has been created, in particular in the southern part of Libya, has been exploited by terrorist groups. The pursuit of the military option will only lead to further chaos and the lasting destabilization of the country. It is already threatening to completely undo the political progress made over the past two years. Belgium calls on the parties to return unconditionally to the negotiating table. I urge them to engage in good faith and constructively on the proposals and ideas put forward by the Special Representative. The urgent need for a ceasefire remains as relevant as ever and rumours of a new offensive around Tripoli are alarming. In that regard, Belgium stresses the importance of the meaningful and equal participation of women to achieve an inclusive and lasting solution. Finally, Belgium calls for strict compliance by all with the arms embargo adopted by the Council. Violations of the embargo have the effect of prolonging the conflict and the suffering of the Libyan people. Accordingly, it is worth highlighting the essential work carried out by the Panel of Experts on Libya established pursuant to resolution 1973 (2011), with which the Council has urged all States to cooperate fully. The main Libyan actors continue to opt for the military solution. Warlike rhetoric is not abating, fighting and violations of the arms embargo continue, international humanitarian law is being violated and the use by both sides of Security Council-listed terror and criminal elements is not being taken seriously. It appears as though no one is genuinely interested in establishing a ceasefire and returning to political dialogue. In part, that is also due to the Council remaining silent for too long. I therefore hope that we will soon be able to express our opinion by adopting a resolution to ensure that no one in Libya doubts the will and determination of the Security Council.

We thank and support Mr. Salamé and his team. We also thank Ambassador Schulz for his briefing. The Dominican Republic demands an immediate ceasefire and a return to political dialogue. For us, it is essential that the violence and abuses against civilians stop. Over the past four months, more than 1,100 people have died. The Council must listen when we say that it must stop. Enough is enough. We are appalled by the reckless and indiscriminate attacks on hospitals, airports, residential areas, relief vehicles and migrant centres. The cowardly attack on a hospital two days ago killed doctors and seriously injured rescue personnel and civilians. We call on the aggressor forces to commit to protecting civilians and civilian infrastructure and to allowing humanitarian access to the areas affected by the conflict, without discrimination. We demand respect for international humanitarian law and human rights. The plight of migrants and refugees is equally discouraging. The recent and regrettable shipwreck in the Mediterranean that claimed the lives of dozens of people and the most recent bombardment of the Tajoura detention centre underscore the vulnerability of those groups and the need for dignified responses to them. We welcome the promising solidarity plan put forward in Europe by France and Germany to relocate arbitrarily detained migrants and refugees. We hope that a greater number of European countries will be committed to the cause, in particular those close to the crisis. We also hope for the definitive closure in Libya of all centres where thousands of migrants still live. In addition, we urge the Libyan authorities to cooperate with the International Criminal Court and the Office of the Prosecutor, Ms. Bensouda, so as to bring to justice those involved in atrocity crimes committed against the Libyan people in the recent past. The shameless transgression of the provisions of the arms embargo established by the Security Council is a matter that we will not allow to go unnoticed. It continues to fuel tensions and perpetuate conflict. Despite the limited resources available to the parties only a few months ago, we have recently seen a considerable increase in their capabilities, in particular those that allow them to conduct air strikes. The flagrant involvement of third parties in Libya is blatant. The use of increasingly sophisticated and lethal weaponry is boldly promoted. Artillery drones, precision-guided missiles, portable anti-attack weapons, armoured personnel carriers, war tanks, helicopters and rocket launchers are flaunted in the media and on social networks. It is clear that the only outcome for those who are determined to follow a perverse path of destruction and death will be to make fools of themselves and, subsequently, be tried for war crimes. Lastly, the past has left wounds that shape the way in which the Council views and approaches the situation in Libya. However, it appears that the time has come for us to reconsider some of the provisions of resolution 1973 (2011) in order to protect civilians and areas inhabited by civilians, reduce the war-making capabilities of the parties and bring them back to the negotiating table, maintain Libya’s unity and ensure genuine reconciliation. I would like to conclude by reminding the Libyan people of Mr. Salamé’s words: (spoke in English) Libyans are now fighting the wars of others.

At the outset, let me thank Special Representative of the Secretary-General Ghassan Salamé for his briefing on recent developments in Libya. I also thank Ambassador Juergen Schulz for his briefing on the ongoing work of the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011) concerning Libya. We are deeply saddened by the tragic news of a shipwreck off the coast of Libya last week, where 150 people may have lost their lives. Together with the attack on the Tajoura detention centre on 2 and 3 July, which resulted in the killing of 53 refugees and migrants, those events have again exposed the weaknesses of Libya’s system of managing irregular migration. Therefore, we call on the international community to support the Libyan authorities in developing solutions to create safe and dignified alternatives to detention, in full compliance with international humanitarian standards and with respect for human rights. The delivery of humanitarian services to people in need in Libya remains a significant challenge in the current complex political and security situation. Security restrictions and the denial of humanitarian access by parties to the conflict to people in need are major challenges. In that regard, we call on all parties to the conflict to allow safe and unimpeded humanitarian access to people in need in Libya, including to prisons and detention centres, for the delivery of basic services. Attacks on schools and hospitals have a significant impact on children, hampering their chances to continue their education, as well as their access to life-saving health care. Therefore, we urge all parties to the conflict to protect schools and hospitals from attacks during hostilities, in line with their obligations under international humanitarian law and international human rights law. We are gravely concerned about the continued violation of the arms embargo. In that regard, the strict implementation of the embargo should be maintained. In conclusion, let me confirm Poland’s position that the conflict in Libya should be resolved by peaceful means. I would also like to fully support all efforts taken by Special Representative Ghassan Salamé and the United Nations Support Mission in Libya, under challenging circumstances, aimed at finding a comprehensive political solution to the current crisis. We are also looking forward to our discussion during consultations concerning Mr. Salamé’s suggestion.

We deeply thank the Special Representative of the Secretary-General Ghassan Salamé for his detailed and worrisome briefing about the military and political situation in Libya. We thank Ambassador Schulz for his update on the work of the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011) concerning Libya. We appreciate the work of the delegation of Germany as Chair of that Committee. Mr. Salamé’s briefing clearly revealed that the military and political continues to deteriorate. The number of dead, wounded and internally displaced persons is on the rise. Urban infrastructure is collapsing. Terrorists are rearing their heads, not to mention the worsening problem of migration. New dividing lines are being created and there is an emerging risk of the country disintegrating altogether. Let us state frankly that what is taking place is the destruction of Libyan statehood as a result of the well-known events that occurred in 2011. Libya should serve as a reminder of the inadmissibility of continuing geopolitical experiments. From the very beginning of the conflict, we have called for regional and international efforts to focus on the unification of Libya, including with the aim of consolidating the fight against terrorism. Today, the situation in this area is much worse. The transferral process of jihadists from Iraq and Syria has begun, which could turn Libya into one of the major bases of terrorism in North Africa. Russia has never had and will never have a hidden agenda with regard to the Libyan conflict. We support and value our contacts with all parties, explaining to them our position in favour of a political settlement. To all our Libyan interlocutors, we have stressed the fact that only the United Nations and the Special Representative can play a central role in this process. We highly appreciate the efforts of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya and the courageous and selfless work of the Special Representative, Mr. Salamé. We support his programme for resolving the crisis, especially since it includes a key element that we have supported for many years: the urgent consolidation of the positions of external players. The Special Representative’s briefing today, as well as the statement delivered in recent Council consultations by the High Commissioner for Refugees, Mr. Filippo Grandi, confirms that the migrants are in a terrible situation, to say the least. We have said many times that, in order to solve the problem of migration, we must not fight the migrants themselves but rather spare no effort in the rehabilitation and recovery of problematic regions. People will then be able to return home themselves. A comprehensive approach is required to solve the issue of the illegal proliferation of weapons in Libya, taking into account the fact that the current situation in this area arises from a flagrant violation of the relevant provisions of resolution 1973 (2011). We call on all parties to abandon any unilateral agenda in order to come together under the auspices of the United Nations to launch political negotiations that will unite the country and enable Libyans to develop their own State and independently manage the wealth of their country. Once again, we look favourably upon Mr. Salamé’s programme for overcoming the crisis. We understand that it can be implemented only if the key external actors all play according to the same rules.

My delegation thanks Mr. Ghassan Salamé, Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL), for his briefing, enlightening the Council about the security, humanitarian and political challenges the country faces. We also thank Ambassador Juergen Schulz, Chair of the Committee established in 1970 (2011), concerning Libya, for presenting its thirty-fifth periodic report. On 21 May, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General drew the Council’s attention to the consequences of the clashes between the troops of General Khalifa Haftar and the forces of the Government of National Accord, led by Prime Minister Faiez Serraj (see S/PV.8530). More than two months after the beginning of hostilities for control of the capital, Tripoli, the Libyan crisis is more than ever at an impasse and does not appear to offer any prospects for a settlement in the short term. Like other members of the Security Council, Côte d’Ivoire has always expressed its deep concern about the consequences of the fighting on the security and humanitarian fronts, as well as on the political process to resolve the crisis in Libya. Indeed, the military escalation centred around Tripoli has left more than 1,000 dead and 5,000 wounded, including nearly 400 civilians. My delegation calls on all Member States to strongly protest against the plight of sub-Saharan migrants, who are victims of all kinds of abuses and violations of their rights in detention centres. Fifty-three of them died on 2and 3 July in the bombing of the Tajoura detention centre. Côte d’Ivoire reiterates its strong condemnation of that attack and calls for a credible and independent investigation in order to bring the perpetrators of these acts before the appropriate courts, in accordance with international law. My country also earnestly hopes that migrants rescued from Libya’s coastline will be treated with dignity and that their repatriation to their countries of origin, with their consent, will be conducted in close collaboration with specialized United Nations agencies in accordance with international norms. The proven deliveries of arms to parties to the conflict, in flagrant violation of the arms embargo, remain a source of deep concern for my country, especially as they are fuelling a conflict whose stalemate is preventing a ceasefire and the immediate resumption of inter-Libyan dialogue. In this regard, Côte d’Ivoire calls for the effective implementation of resolution 2473 (2019), adopted unanimously on 10 June, which prescribes the strict implementation of the arms embargo on the high seas off the coast of Libya. We also call for a rapid political settlement to the current crisis in order to allow State authority to extend throughout national territory so as to prevent the dangerous and unremitting sanctuarization of areas for the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant in some parts of the country. While recalling the primary responsibility of the Security Council to maintain of international peace and security, Côte d’Ivoire encourages Mr. Ghassan Salamé to further cooperate with the African Union, in accordance with Chapter VIII of the Charter of the United Nations and the strategic framework for conflict resolution that was signed on 19 April 2017. In this respect, my delegation recalls the communiqué issued by the Peace and Security Council of the African Union following its meeting on 5 July, underlining the central role played by that continental organization and its readiness to work in close collaboration with the countries of the region to find lasting solutions to the crisis in Libya. I also take this opportunity to echo the concerns expressed by the African Union High-Level Committee on Libya regarding persistent external interference that undermines efforts to achieve a ceasefire and launch a fruitful dialogue, which are the conditions for restoring peace and stability. In conclusion, Côte d’Ivoire reaffirms its support for the Special Representative of the Secretary- General, Mr. Ghassan Salamé, as well as all UNSMIL personnel, for their commitment to finding solutions to the multiple challenges Libya is facing. My country remains convinced that, however complex they may be, the challenges that stand in the way of peace and stability in Libya can be overcome through strong national ownership of the political process to end the crisis and resolute support from the international community.

I will be brief in my statement, given that we will be continuing our discussion in consultations after the meeting. I would like to begin by thanking Special Representative Ghassan Salamé, as well as Ambassador Juergen Schulz, Chair of the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011), concerning Libya, for their briefings. Mr. Salamé outlined for us the tragedy following the unprecedented confrontations in Tripoli, as well as the damage caused to civilian buildings. That shows that the situation is clearly out of control. It is important to respect the arms embargo on Libya pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011). The raging war among those who are linked by land, brotherhood and religion reflects one of the chronic fractures in Libya arising from the violation of so many agreements. One of the most serious points raised is the proliferation of hate speech and its echo on social networks. That is a mushrooming danger, deeply rooted in the soil of war. Words are distorted. The sons of the same country turn against one another. Good offices are subverted. As the Arab proverb goes, one must watch one’s words in order to avoid such confrontation. Upholding the mechanisms to monitor hate speech on the Internet is part of the work of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL), which is operating in very difficult and critical conditions. Mr. Salamé mentioned the humanitarian suffering caused by the intensity of the recent armed confrontations. The most severely affected are the most vulnerable, namely, the illegal migrants in detention centres. We recall the attack on the Tajoura detention centre, which was condemned by the Security Council on 5 July. We call on all concerned to ensure the safe provision of humanitarian assistance to those in need of it, free from any obstacles. Once again, we reiterate that there is no military solution. As the Eid Al-Adha festival draws near, we call on all parties to respect international humanitarian law and international human rights law and to not attack civilians or civilian infrastructure. Peaceful solutions must be underscored; violence must be rejected. UNSMIL’s appeals must be heard. We support what Mr. Salamé said and the ideas that he explained earlier this morning. We also note the increase in the activities of terrorist groups, which are making the most of current terrorist activities and striking civilian installations. Such terrorist activities call for the Security Council to condemn them and provide the necessary support to Libyan authorities to respond to such challenges, which undermine regional stability and international security. Lastly, with a view to reaching a comprehensive political solution, we commend the efforts of Mr. Salamé and call on the Libyan parties to work together to reach a peaceful political settlement of their differences and to work in earnest to achieve the necessary political and security conditions of the agreements reached in Paris, Palermo and Abu Dhabi to hold transparent, comprehensive and peaceful presidential and parliamentary elections with a view to achieving a unified and stable Libya.

Our delegation joins others in expressing our appreciation to the Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL), Mr. Ghassan Salamé, for his comprehensive briefing, and offers him our complete and unwavering support for his work, especially during this very difficult time in the situation in Libya. We also thank Ambassador Schulz, in his capacity as Chair of the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011) concerning Libya, for his briefing. Allow me to express Equatorial Guinea’s solidarity with the Libyan people. We are troubled by the situation in our brotherly country, and we reiterate the call made by President Obiang Nguema Mbasogo of the Republic for unity among Libyans themselves. They must put national interests before their own in order to end to the crisis, which is impeding the development of that great country. We are steadfast in our conviction that there is no military solution in Libya; dialogue is the only option for resuming the national conference, which was supposed to be held from 14 to 16 April, under the auspices of UNSMIL, and would have led to the holding of credible and transparent elections to restore the mechanisms for peace and national reconciliation. In line with the communiqué of the Peace and Security Council of the African Union issued on 5 July, as well as the African Union High-Level Committee on Libya held on 7 July, we would like to express our concern over the humanitarian situation in the country, particularly the situation of migrants and refugees being held in detention centres in inhumane and appalling conditions. In that regard, we again condemn the 2-3 July attack on the Tajoura detention centre, which claimed the lives of 53 people and wounded another 130. In that regard, we hope that the relevant investigations will be conducted and the perpetrators brought to account. We are deeply concerned over the number of internally displaced persons and the hundreds of migrants who have lost their lives off the coast of Libya. Just a few days ago, we learned that dozens of people perished when they tried to cross the Mediterranean, which constituted one of the deadliest tragedies of the year. Such facts call for the international community’s utmost attention to find a solution to save the innocent lives of those seeking a better future. Migrants seeking a safe place to live and a better future for themselves and their families are not criminals or terrorists; they are people who deserve decent and respectful treatment. We understand that at this stage, and given that the situation is deteriorating, it is important to consider the role played by the Security Council and the necessary, real and transparent international support that the Libyan people deserve. In that regard, we again emphasize the need for close cooperation between the United Nations and the African Union in addressing the conflict by promoting dialogue and reconciliation, taking into account the importance of the work of neighbouring countries, which is crucial. We reiterate the call to uphold the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Libya and condemn all external interference in the internal affairs of Libya, as such interference only undermines any progress in attempts to reach a ceasefire and restore a solid and lasting peace. A Security Council with hands folded and bound together does not contribute to solving the problem, but instead indicates permissiveness. From our point of view, that is not the message that we should be sending to the world, much less to the thousands of families who are suffering in the barbaric conflict that is claiming hundreds of lives. It erodes credibility and effectiveness of this decision-making body of the United Nations, despite the repeated calls made by the Secretary-General. To conclude our statement, we therefore call for an immediate ceasefire and a return to the political process of peaceful negotiations. The implications of the Libyan conflict go beyond Libyan territory, wreaking havoc in several countries in the region. We are thinking of the consequences that this conflict — with the massive influx of weapons used — will have in the short and medium term in the regions of West Africa, East Africa, Central Africa and Southern Africa. On the other hand, the recent deterioration of the situation and the increase in violence in Libya, causing the alarming numbers of deaths that Mr. Salamé has just cited for us, demonstrates once again the urgent need for the arms embargo imposed on Libya to be respected. States must fully respect and comply with the embargo adopted by the Security Council in order to fully curb the influx of weapons of all kinds — sophisticated, recycled and cutting-edge — as Mr. Salamé also just clearly described to us, which are being used against civilian centres and the civilian population. That is why we welcome the recent resolution 2473 (2019), in the hope that this time it can have a real and enforceable deterrent effect. We offer our deepest condolences to the Libyan people and to the families of all the victims of this conflict.

Needless to say, South Africa shares the sentiments expressed by the representatives of Côte d’Ivoire and Equatorial Guinea on the situation in Libya. In addition, I would like to welcome and thank the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Ghassan Salamé, for his enlightening briefing, and I also thank the Deputy Permanent Representative of Germany, Ambassador Schulz, for his comprehensive update on the work of the Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011), concerning Libya. At the outset, I wish to express my delegation’s concern with the continued air strikes and indiscriminate artillery use in densely populated areas in Libya, which has resulted in the loss of lives and further exacerbated the already dire situation in the affected areas. We therefore urge the parties to agree to an immediate cessation of hostilities in order to end the military confrontation. Following the unfortunate attacks on the Tajoura migration detention centre earlier this month, the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council called for an independent investigation into the attacks, which South Africa firmly supports. In that regard, we look forward to the outcome of the investigation with a view to bringing the perpetrators of those atrocious acts to justice. The worsening humanitarian situation remains the central concern for South Africa. In that regard, we urge the international community to continue to contribute towards the United Nations humanitarian response plan to assist those in desperate need of humanitarian assistance. South Africa wishes to express its concern that the longer the crisis continues the greater the humanitarian and development challenges that are faced by the Libyan people and the region as a whole. Those consequences include the proliferation of terrorist groups, which are gaining ground, the illegal smuggling and use of arms, trafficking and transnational organized crime. On the political process, I extend my delegation’s gratitude to Special Representative Salamé and express full support for his continued efforts aimed at taking forward the two-track mediation process in order to engage with the stakeholders in Libya, as we were informed would be the case in Mr. Salamé’s previous briefing to the Security Council (see S/PV.8530). However, we deeply regret the political stalemate highlighted in his briefing today. South Africa is of the firm belief that the peaceful resolution of the conflict should remain the Council’s highest priority in terms of the efforts it is undertaking in Libya. For close to a decade now, we have been witnessing the effects of armed conflict and military interventionist policies. The Council should draw a lesson from this situation. Military solutions might appear to have short-term benefits, but they often do not lead to the long-lasting peace that is needed. It is of concern that both sides have not agreed to resume the political process. It is South Africa’s belief that compromise from both sides is critical for the de-escalation of tensions, to pave the way for the political process to resume as soon as possible. It will also be crucial for Libya to decide on a new date for the national conference, as its indefinite postponement does not inspire trust and confidence in the process. In that regard, we urge the parties to resume the political process and create an environment conducive for the national conference to take place. We wish to take this opportunity to remind the parties that the national conference must be led by the Libyans themselves, with the support of the United Nations, the African Union, neighbouring countries and the broader international community, which we believe will lead Libya on a positive trajectory. We would like to emphasize the central role of the African Union, pursuant to Chapter VIII of the Charter of the United Nations, in working closely with countries of the region to find a durable solution to the political stalemate in Libya. In that context, we echo the views of the African Union Peace and Security Council at its 857th meeting, held this month, that all partners involved in the political process of finding a sustainable settlement to the crisis in Libya should endeavour to complement the efforts of the AU. With respect to sanctions, South Africa wishes to reiterate its position on the importance of sanctions as a useful tool for advancing a political process. Sanctions are not an end in themselves and should not be politicized in any way to advance a particular agenda. The renewal of the Libya sanctions regime in June this year in resolution 2473 (2019) demonstrates the Council’s recognition of the importance of the sanctions regime and the positive impact it will have on the political process in Libya. However, we are concerned about the reports received from the Panel of Experts with respect to the lack of effective implementation of the Libya sanctions measures, which is indicative of the continued involvement of external actors in Libya and will serve only to prolong the armed conflict and hostilities. It is imperative for Member States to meet their obligations in that regard, especially those represented at this table. We are also particularly concerned about the continued violations of the arms embargo, which are counterproductive to the political process and also fuel the conflict in Libya. Accordingly, we urge the perpetrators to refrain from such practices, which continue to undermine any prospects for progress in finding a solution to the conflict. In conclusion, we wish to emphasize the importance of both sides to the conflict committing to a ceasefire and resuming the political process, which in our view will pave the way for the national conference led by the Libyans themselves. It is crucial for that process to be inclusive of all members of society, including women and youth, to ensure that no one is left behind in the implementation of the collective decisions taken at the national conference. South Africa and the three African States members of the Security Council will propose that the Libyan crisis be discussed in October by both the Security Council and the AU Peace and Security Council during the former’s visit to Addis Ababa under the South African presidency of the Council.

China thanks Special Representative Salamé and Ambassador Schulz for their briefings. At present, international attention is focused on the Libyan situation. The Libyan crisis has undermined the country’s stability and development in political, security, economic, social and other dimensions. Its negative impact has spilled over into the Sahel, areas along the Mediterranean coast and other places, thereby threatening the security and humanitarian situation in the surrounding region. The military clashes that erupted around Tripoli in early April this year are continuing today, resulting in increasing casualties, including of civilians. The international community should step up concerted efforts towards an early settlement of relevant issues. First, all Libyan parties should stay committed to the overarching objective of a political settlement. The Libyan issue must be resolved through political means. Parties to the Libyan conflict should focus on the interests of their country and people and respond to the calls of the international community by way of an immediate cessation of hostilities in order to ease tensions and return to the track of peace talks and consultations. Secondly, the international community should play a constructive role in the settlement of the Libyan issue. The future of Libya should be determined by its people. Its political process should be a Libyan-led and -owned. The international community should respect Libya’s sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. Countries that have influence on the ground should push the Libyan parties to seek consensus and provide constructive assistance for the parties to reach a ceasefire and resume political dialogue. Thirdly, the various mediation mechanisms should be better coordinated and mutually reinforcing. The international community should support the good offices of Secretary-General Guterres and Special Representative Salamé, the United Nations-facilitated Libyan political settlement process and the continued implementation of the mandate of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya. At the same time, we hope that the African Union, the League of Arab States and other regional organizations will leverage their unique advantages in order to play an active role. All the relevant mechanisms should enhance their coordination so as to create synergies. Fourthly, the issue of sanctions should be properly handled. Sanctions must always serve the political settlement of relevant issues. Under the current circumstances, the arms embargo on Libya should be strictly enforced. Caution should be taken to prevent other sanctions from negatively impacting Libyan civilians or any third countries. Nor should sanctions compromise the overall national interests of Libya or the normal lives of Libyans and their humanitarian needs. The Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011), concerning Libya, its secretariat and the Panel of Experts should all carry out their work in strict accordance with the relevant Council resolutions. China always takes an impartial stance on the Libyan question and will continue to play a constructive role in promoting a political settlement of the Libyan issue.

At the outset, Indonesia would like to thank Special Representative Ghassan Salamé, Head of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL), and Ambassador Juergen Schulz, Chair of the Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011), concerning Libya. We were deeply concerned upon learning this morning from the Special Representative that both conflicting parties in Libya seem to believe they can achieve their purpose through military means. Therefore, as we have repeatedly highlighted on various occasions, Council members — both collectively and individually — must spare no effort to bring about peace to Libya, including by urging all parties to halt military actions and by using its influence to pressure parties to de-escalate tensions on the ground. It is indeed upsetting that since April, and after numerous meetings of the Security Council, the situation in Tripoli remains grim. We keep hearing reports about sanctions violations on the ground, including the presence of new weapons that further fuel the conflict in Libya. To that end, we reiterate our call, in line with the Council’s press statement of 5 July (SC/13873), for all States to not intervene in the conflict or take measures that will exacerbate it. The situation in Libya remains a deep concern for Indonesia. We convey our deep condolences for the recent shipwreck in the central Mediterranean, which claimed over 100 lives. We are saddened that the situation in Libya and the lack of rescue capacity in the area are contributing factors. We also condemn the recent shelling on Al-Alamain school and Az Zawiyah Field Hospital in the south of Tripoli. We call for all parties to restrain from attacking civilian and medical facilities. Allow me to focus on three points. First, Indonesia calls for the immediate cessation of hostilities in Libya. We reiterate the persistent calls of the Council for all parties to commit to a ceasefire and de-escalation and to return to the United Nations- facilitated political mediation. We also reiterate that lasting peace and stability in Libya can come about only through a political solution. Military solutions will never help. We welcome the efforts made by Special Representative Salamé to restore a unified international position on Libya in order to end its current crisis. In that regard, Indonesia fully supports the three actions recommended by Mr. Salamé earlier with a view to achieving lasting peace. We also reaffirm our continued support for the work of the Special Representative and UNSMIL. We call on all partners — the United Nations and regional organizations, such as the African Union — to continue their support and work in pursuing peace in Libya. Secondly, Indonesia supports the convening of the national conference as soon as possible for Libyans to peacefully discuss the future of Libya. Although the scheduled time for the national conference in April has come and gone, we should not forget that we were once almost there. We should find our path back to where we were, where peace was almost within reach. Let us start with a ceasefire. Thirdly, Indonesia would also like to reiterate its call for the protection of civilians and the need for a humanitarian pause in order to prevent further loss of lives. A recent report shows that 4,178 civilians have been killed and more than 250.000 people have been internally displaced by ongoing hostilities, most of whom are children, with more trapped in the front line. Basic needs such as water and electricity have been cut and food is limited. The conditions now are dreadful and are getting worse by the day. It must stop. We are saddened by attacks on civilian facilities and the increasing number of civilian casualties in this crisis. It is important for all parties to respect international humanitarian law and human rights and not target civilians or humanitarian workers. The Council must step up and do what we are here to do — save lives.

It is high time to send a strong signal to all parties involved that the fighting has to stop. That is what we heard today from many members of the Security Council. It has to stop immediately. All the parties and their international supporters must hear it loud and clear from the Council: the only solution to this conflict is political, not military. The conflict in Libya has caused a humanitarian disaster. We strongly condemn all attacks against civilians, civilian infrastructure and humanitarian and health workers. We urge all parties to the conflict to comply with international humanitarian law to avoid further casualties and protect the lives of civilians in Libya. In particular, the most vulnerable people in conflict-affected areas need immediate protection. A tragedy like the one in Tajoura has to be prevented by any means necessary. Germany calls for the immediate closure of all detention centres. We call upon all parties to return to the negotiating table and commit to an immediate ceasefire. We strongly support the call by Special Representative Salamé to institute an immediate ceasefire and revive an inclusive political process under United Nations auspices. We are very concerned about ongoing violations of the sanctions regime. We urge all States to immediately take the necessary measures to ensure the implementation of the arms embargo. The Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011), concerning Libya, made that very clear in its letter of 17 July, reminding Member States of their obligations to uphold the embargo. We need to take more action in the Council. It is a question of credibility, a question of whether we stand up for international law and the decisions of the Council. Let me conclude with some words on the release of Mr. Moncef Kartas. We are very relieved about the release of Mr. Kartas, one of the members on the Committee’s Panel of Experts. However, we reiterate that Tunisia must abide by its obligations under the Convention on the Privileges and Immunities of the United Nations, and close all legal proceedings against Mr. Kartas or ask for authorization to continue the proceedings in line with the Convention.

I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the representative of Peru. We thank Special Representative Ghassan Salamé and Ambassador Juergen Schulz, in his capacity as Chair of the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011), concerning Libya, for their informative briefings. We reiterate our recognition of the unstinting work done by the United Nations Support Mission in Libya. We would like to start by recalling the tragedy at the Tajoura detention centre at the beginning of July, which caused the deaths of many migrants and refugees, who were victims of an indiscriminate aerial bombardment, which was condemned by the Council at the time. We regret that, following that, another tragedy occurred with boats carrying migrants and refugees off the coast of Libya. We express our alarm at the humanitarian situation in the country, which is exacerbated by attacks on civilians and health centres and numerous violations of international humanitarian law. What is unacceptable is that we are becoming accustomed to simply reporting the death of innocent civilians, without further action to prevent or mitigate its cause. We believe that it is an unfortunate vicious circle of suffering, destruction and humanitarian disaster, fuelled by flagrant violations of the arms embargo imposed by the Council, which serve to perpetuate the situation of conflict, violence and deaths and to create space for terrorist groups to act. At the same time, it is crucial to promote accountability for those responsible for the atrocity crimes that have been increasing throughout the conflict, which is approaching its fifth month. The fight against impunity must also be extended to those who continue to supply weapons to the parties to the conflict. Peru reiterates the need for an immediate and unconditional ceasefire and a return to the negotiating table through renewed mediation efforts that will allow for a peaceful solution to be found in a context in which the military solution is meaningless. We therefore highlight the importance of the three-part proposal of the Special Representative, which we hope to discuss in greater detail in the consultations. We again urge countries with the ability to influence the parties to act immediately and effectively in order to bring the parties closer and to finally overcome any strategic or economic considerations, while ensuring full respect for international humanitarian law and international human rights law. I now resume my functions as President of the Council. I give the floor to the representative of Libya.

At the outset I congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for this month and I wish you every success. I also thank Mr. Ghassan Salamé, Special Representative of the Secretary- General, for his briefing on the latest developments in my country. I also thank Ambassador Juergen Schulz, Chair of the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011), concerning Libya. In the run-up to 4 April, we were waiting for the inclusive national conference, on which Libyans pinned great hopes to end the difficult transition in our country and move ahead towards fair and transparent elections that would bring about a democratic Government that respects democracy and the peaceful transfer of power, protects human rights and promotes the rule of law. However, such hopes diminished with the commencement of the attack on Tripoli, which continues to seeks to return the country back to despotic military rule. In view of that, the Government of National Accord (GNA) had no choice but to stand up against that aggression and defend the capital, its neighbourhoods and its people. Now, four months after this attack, Libyans have lost about 2,000 of their children, thousands have been injured and more than 500,000 people displaced, in addition to damage to infrastructure, public facilities, field hospitals, ambulances and medical personnel. The latest of such incidents was the attack against the field hospital in one of the capital’s neighbourhoods two days ago, killing three doctors and wounding many others. That humanitarian tragedy has been recently exacerbated by the deliberate aerial bombardment on a migrant detention centre in Tajoura on 2 and 3 July, which caused dozens of casualties. The GNA condemned the bombardment and considered it a war crime that should be investigated and those responsible should be held to account. It requested the Security Council to set up a fact-finding mission to determine the perpetrators of that crime, hold them to account and punish them. However, the Council did not take a decisive measure to that end, which could lead to similar tragedies. Benghazi also witnessed an unprecedented incident, on 17 July. An armed militia attacked the house of member of Parliament Siham Sergewa, shot her husband and kidnapped her. Her fate is still unknown. That comes at a time when Haftar claims that he is maintaining security and providing safety, but in fact he is silencing voices and attacking what should be inviolable. That blatant violation against the rights and freedom of women in particular calls for a firm stance to bring pressure to bear on the kidnappers and determine her fate. Regrettably, the Security Council stands idle in the face of the serious situation in my country. We wonder why the Council has not taken an unambiguous position or called things by their names. Why has it not taken a decision to stop the aggression, condemn the attack and end the negative interventions by some countries? In addition to the litany of the already mentioned violations, we note the activities of terrorist groups in some parts of Libya who are exploiting the ongoing conflict. We have repeatedly cautioned against that, which plays into the hands of terrorists and enables them to continue their activities. Such activities will not be limited to Libya alone, they will also threaten international and regional peace and security. Despite the attacks on the capital and its neighbourhoods, GNA forces continue to combat the terrorist groups and track down their members. A case in point is our strategic cooperation with a number of countries, in particular the United States of America. It is not a secret that documents and reports of the Panel of Experts of the Sanctions Committee established by Security Council’s resolution 1973 (2011) have sufficient information and evidence on such interventions, which regrettably have not been met with a firm position by the Council to stop such countries and hold them to account for their behaviour, which runs counter to the Charter of the United Nations and the principle of State sovereignty and non-interference in their internal affairs. In that regard, we recall resolution 2419 (2018) and call on the Council to shoulder its responsibilities. The position of the countries that support Haftar and allege that his criminal militias are the Libyan National Army encroaches on the rights of the GNA in accordance with Security Council resolutions, starting with resolutions 2259 (2015) and 2434 (2018), which recognize the Libyan National Army under the control and leadership of the GNA and supreme leader Serraj  — not the Libyan Arab army forces, which is the name Haftar gives his militias. The countries that support that aggression have breached the Articles of Chapter V of the Charter and its functions and powers, namely, Articles 24 and 25, which provide that Members of the United Nations shall agree to accept and carry out the decisions of the Security Council. Despite the challenges, the Government of National Accord continues to believe in a peaceful, rather than a military, resolution of the conflict as the only way to safeguard the stability and security of Libyans and to establish a State that meets their aspirations, founded on justice, democracy and respect for human rights. We are therefore committed to complying with the Security Council resolutions on Libya, and the Government has expressed its continued support for the efforts of Special Representative Salamé to implement the peace plan. We have made significant progress in that direction, and people have begun to feel the improvement achieved in the security situation, their livelihoods and services. We have always recognized the security challenges that need to be addressed, which call for the operationalization of the army and the police. Given its sensitive nature, the situation requires that it be addressed in a gradual manner. We have therefore introduced security measures and held consultations in coordination UNSMIL. At the same time, we have seen a positive response to those measures by most stakeholders. We had hoped to see the strengthening and a fruitful outcome of those efforts with the convening of the inclusive national conference. We had looked forward to the conference producing a road map leading to security for our country. What has happened since 4 April, however, has undermined those efforts and complicated the challenges facing our country. Pursuing efforts to achieve peace is unavoidable. As the President of the Presidency Council, Mr. Faiez Serraj, stated at the twelfth extraordinary summit of the African Union in Niamey, “We are well aware that there is no military solution to the conflict in Libya and that there is no winner in this war; the only loser in this struggle is Libya”. Therefore, on 16 June, Mr. Sarraj announced an initiative to all Libyans who call for a peaceful solution to the conflict and the establishment of a civil State, aimed at achieving political stability and cooperation and holding a meeting with UNSMIL to which representatives of all sectors of society would be invited to agree on a road map and establish the constitutional grounds on which to hold presidential and parliamentary elections by the end of 2019. That meeting would also adopt laws on electoral and constitutional processes and set dates for the achievement of those milestones, which would be referred to the High National Elections Commission. The outcome would be binding for all. The United Nations would organize and oversee those processes and ensure the necessary capacity and resources for their realization. We continue to entertain high hopes that the implementation of that initiative will be endorsed at the regional level and by the international community, with the Security Council’s support and assistance. But we are concerned that the inability of the Council to end the encroachment on the hopes and aspirations of Libyans might send a message to some people that could be interpreted as an encouragement for propagating further devastation, conflict, humanitarian suffering and political division. We firmly believe that the attack on Tripoli would not have happened had the Council taken more robust and deterrent measures. However, we continue to believe in the ability of the Security Council to end the deteriorating crisis in Libya. We are counting on its unity to engage constructively with the Libyan crisis with full objectivity, while exercising pressure on all parties that have embraced acquiring weapons and personal gain at the expense of the sacrifice that Libyans have made in terms of their pride and dignity to establish a democratic State. In conclusion, the Government of National Accord stands ready to cooperate with the Security Council with regard to issues related to the safety and security of the Libyan people. We remain committed to assuming our responsibilities to serve our people and country. We stand ready to continue cooperation and consultations to allow us to achieve a peaceful solution to the situation in the country

There are no more names inscribed on the list of speakers. I now invite Council members to informal consultations to continue our discussion on the subject.