S/PV.8667 Security Council

In accordance with rule 37 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representative of Libya to participate in this meeting. On behalf of the Council, I wish to welcome His Excellency Mr. Mohamed Siala, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Libya. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the following briefers to participate in this meeting: Mr. Ghassan Salamé, Special Representative of the Secretary- General and Head of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya, and Ms. Rida Al Tubuly, Co-Founder and Director of Together We Build It. Mr. Salamé is joining this meeting via video- teleconference from Tunis. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I now give the floor to Mr. Salamé. Mr. Salamé: Seven and half months into the conflict in Libya, and given the recent dangerous escalation of hostilities in and around Tripoli, we find ourselves ever more in a race against time to reach a peaceful solution that would spare many lives. I will provide the Council with an update on the security situation before turning to political developments. I am angry and sad to report that today there was another mass civilian casualty event. A biscuit factory in the Wadi Rabia neighbourhood of Tripoli was hit by an air strike, according to early information. The attack has caused what we currently believe to be 10 fatalities and over 35 injuries. It appears that the majority of the dead were migrants, but that at least two were Libyans. Regardless of whether the attack deliberately targeted the factory or was an indiscriminate attack, it may constitute a war crime. We are working to verify the facts and will update the Council accordingly. Beyond today’s tragedy, the front lines in southern Tripoli are highly fluid. The dangers and direct consequences of foreign interference are increasingly evident. To fill gaps in manpower, there is growing involvement of mercenaries and fighters from foreign private military companies. The insertion of these experienced fighters has naturally led to an intensification in the violence. I am gravely worried by the expansion of artillery fire northwards into the city. In recent days, the number of civilians killed and injured has been rising and many families are leaving the areas impacted by the shelling. A further escalation of ground fighting in these densely populated areas would lead to disastrous humanitarian consequences. The use of air power and precision technology has become a dominant feature of an otherwise low-intensity conflict the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) estimates the total number of drone strikes in support of Libyan National Army (LNA) forces at well above 800 since the beginning of the conflict. The total number of drone strikes in support of the Government of National Accord is estimated at around 240. It is our judgment that the drone infrastructure and operations are facilitated by parties external to the conflict There were also several incidents of precision airstrikes conducted by unknown aircraft between September and November. In addition, the increasing use of unguided bombs in airstrikes conducted by LNA forces in populated areas of Tripoli caused an increase in the number of civilian casualties. The violence is facilitated by Libya’s plethora of Al-Qadhafi-era arms, as well as by continued shipments of war materiel brought into the country in breach of the arms embargo. Reports indicate that everything from spare parts for fighter aircraft to tanks, from bullets to precision missiles, are being brought into Libya in support of different groups involved in the fighting. Mitiga airport remains closed. It has been more than two and a half months now that this key outlet for the civilian population of Tripoli and western Libya has been forced shut due to indiscriminate shelling and airstrikes. Misrata airport, a small mixed civilian- military facility located 250 kilometres east of Tripoli, is now the only exit point for Libyans in the west of the country — who comprise the majority of the country’s population — to travel abroad by air. Misrata airport, too, has been targeted at least 11 times by precision airstrikes since early September. Mitiga airport in Tripoli needs to reopen as soon as possible. Together with the Ministers of the Interior and Transportation of the Government of National Accord, I am working on a number of practical steps to achieve that goal, including the clear delineation between the civilian and military sections of the airport, as well as the establishment of a dedicated United Nations terminal. I am determined to see the end of this debilitating conflict. My colleagues at UNSMIL and I are fully engaged and have been working tirelessly with Libyans and international partners to prepare for the second and third steps of the initiative I announced on 29 July (see S/PV.8588). I would like to thank the Government of Germany for its work in preparing for an international summit. Three senior officials meetings have already taken place and there will be a crucial fourth meeting on Wednesday 20 November. In their most recent discussion on 21 October, participants worked to agree a draft communiqué that outlines six baskets of activities necessary to end the conflict in Libya. Those six baskets include the need for the return to the Libyan-led political process and accompanying economic reform; a ceasefire; the implementation of the arms embargo and security reform; and the upholding of international human rights and humanitarian law. Putting the implementation of the arms embargo at the heart of international commitments is essential in practical terms and as a message to the Libyan people. UNSMIL has worked to substantiate an operational annex to the draft communiqué. The annex has two purposes. It serves to outline the commitments that the members of the Berlin group have made to ending the conflict and advancing the political process through tangible actions that are benchmarked by indicators, which outline the responsibilities for those actions. It also serves as the bridge to the intra-Libyan political dialogue, which will be launched under United Nations auspices immediately following the Berlin summit. One of the tangible outcomes of the international summit would be the establishment of a follow-up committee that would work with UNSMIL to implement the outcomes agreed in the final communiqué. Such a committee would play a fundamental role in terms of ensuring respect for a ceasefire and the better implementation of the arms embargo. It would contribute to supporting a return to the political process, the implementation of agreed economic and financial reforms and practical ways and means to ensure that there is no impunity for violations of international humanitarian law. The committee would also support the necessary disarmament, demobilization and reintegration process for groups across the country. I have been actively engaged with Member States on a bilateral basis. I was, in particular, grateful for the visit to Libya of Mr. Heiko Maas, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Germany, to brief Prime Minister Serraj on the Berlin process on 27 October. I also travelled to Cairo last week for very positive meetings with Mr. Sameh Hassan Shokry Selim, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Egypt, and other high-level officials. International unity and agreement are essential to stopping the violence and pursuing the resolution of the crisis through political dialogue. I have high hopes that the Berlin process will end in success. Let me stress once more that the endorsement of the Berlin communiqué does not mean the end of the process, but rather marks the beginning of the most important part of our journey to put Libya back on the path to peace and stability. In support of the Berlin process, I have engaged extensively with Prime Minister Serraj and the commanders of the Government of National Accord forces. I have also met with General Haftar and politicians who support him. There is scope for agreement on ending the conflict and a basis for returning to the political process. UNSMIL has also engaged in extensive outreach to Libyan constituencies, including in the diaspora. These meetings have involved commanders of units engaged in the fighting, their civilian representatives and political constituencies from across the country. The anger and frustration at the conflict and the strong desire for it to end emerged clearly from these discussions. I am pleased to report that efforts continue to support the political process. The Egyptian Government has been working with members of the House of Representatives to try to unify that body. As a group of western members continues to meet independently in Tripoli, we are in permanent contact with the various factions in the House of Representatives and have been encouraging them to maintain the integrity of their assembly. Partner organizations have also held second- track consultations, in which participants have again emphasized their desire for a peaceful resolution to the conflict and proposed ideas for a way forward. These are all positive developments that reflect a will and a commitment to ending the conflict and returning to the political track to end the crisis in the country. In parallel with our efforts at the national level, we also continue to work directly with Libyan communities. To address the polarization in the country, we have now hosted two workshops to stem the incitement of and the use of hateful rhetoric in the media. The workshops have brought together journalists, editors and social media activists, as well as instructors in human rights and representatives of social media platforms. Our ultimate goal is to conclude a code of conduct for the media in Libya. At the grass-roots level, in mid-October we held the last of a series of three events to support local mediators. Over 120 Libyans — including 23 women — attended those meetings, the aim of which was to establish a national network of mediators that would include tribal leaders, elders, representatives of civil society, youth and women activists, academics and businesspeople, all of whom enjoy the credibility and respect of their various constituencies. Municipal elections remain on hold following a court ruling in June that cancelled the electoral regulation administering the elections. It is a positive reflection of the democratic spirit in Libya that many mayors are nevertheless requesting to renew the expired mandate of their councils by way of elections. I recently met with the chairperson of the Central Committee for Municipal Council Elections, who assured me of the readiness of the Committee to resume municipal elections once the legal basis is restored. On 4 November, the Sabha Court of First Instance validated the results of the municipal elections in Sabha that took place on 27 April. While another legal challenge against the results remains pending and while the petitioner has announced that the validation ruling will be appealed to the Supreme Court, this is nevertheless a welcome and important development for the largest city in southern Libya. In northern Libya, in Sirte, United Nations agencies launched a project to support youth and adolescents in becoming active agents of change and peace. This is a welcome first effort to implement resolution 2250 (2015) on youth, peace and security in the Libyan context. Let me take this opportunity to raise once again the case of Ms. Siham Sergewa, a member of the House of Representatives who was abducted from her home on 17 July. For over four months, authorities in the east have been unable to produce information about the fate of that woman legislator and outspoken rights activist. Ms. Sergewa’s fate is part of a larger pattern of violence against women across the country. The Mission is documenting instances of killing and forced disappearances, including the case of a 70-year-old Libyan woman who was abducted from her home in Benghazi after she was accused of practicing witchcraft. In addition, both detained and non-detained women migrants and refugees in Libya are at risk of rape and other forms of sexual and gender-based violence, sexual exploitation and forced prostitution. On a positive note, I am pleased to report that Libyan women have been were recognized for their peacebuilding efforts. On 16 October, the BBC named Ms. Rida Al Tubuly — a peace campaigner and the Co-Founder and Director of the Together We Build It organization, and whom the Council will have a chance to hear from today — one of the 100 most influential women of 2019. In Tripoli, the effects of the conflict continue to impact the civilian population. More than 200 civilians have been killed and more than 128,000 people have fled their homes since the conflict began on 4 April. More than 135,000 civilians remain in front-line areas, and an additional 270,000 people live in areas directly affected by conflict. Since the beginning of 2019, violence in Libya has had a devastating impact on health care in the country; 60 attacks against health- care facilities, medical personnel, and ambulances have been registered. We have observed a clear pattern of precision air strikes targeting the medical facilities of Government of National Accord forces. Intentionally directing attacks against medical facilities and personnel, as well as the wilful killing or harming of sick or wounded people, may constitute war crimes. Migrants and refugees continue to be at risk of unlawful killings, torture and other ill-treatment; arbitrary detention and unlawful deprivation of liberty; rape and other forms of sexual and gender-based violence; slavery and forced labour; and extortion and exploitation. Serious concerns also continue with regard to the transfer of migrants intercepted at sea by the Libyan Coast Guard to official and unofficial detention centres, including to the Zawiya detention centre and the Tajoura detention centre, which the authorities reported on 1 August was to be closed. A health-care sector assessment conducted in October 2019 revealed a sharp increase in unmet health needs, particularly for women and girls. More than 24 per cent of health-care facilities are closed owing to the conflict, electricity cuts or structural damage, and services are interrupted in many other health-care facilities. Children are unable to reach schools, dozens of which have been destroyed. Nearly 30 more schools are being used as shelters for displaced persons. The United Nations and its humanitarian partners have reached more than 310,000 people with humanitarian assistance this year. Unfortunately, the humanitarian needs exceed the means at our disposal. To date, less than half of the appeal for $202 million under the Libya humanitarian response plan has been funded. I encourage donors to help us shrink the funding gap. In southern Libya, the United Nations country team continues to support the Ahali population displaced from Murzuq, very few of whose members have returned to their homes. UNSMIL has continued to meet with Ahali and Tebu leaders to resolve the underlying grievances between the communities and enable the safe and dignified return of the Ahali population. I regret to inform the Council that there are no new developments in my appeal for more information regarding the 10 August attack, which killed three United Nations staff members and severely injured two others. A board of inquiry sent from Headquarters arrived some days ago, and I call on all Libyan parties to cooperate positively with that body. Our two injured staff members continue to recover. We are committed to remaining in Libya to serve the Libyan people. It is somewhat of a cliché to say that the weeks ahead will be critical, but once again it is true for Libya. External investment in the conflict risks surpassing the amount of national involvement, taking control of Libya’s future away from the Libyans and placing it in the hands of foreign parties. Once invited in, foreign intervention is the guest that settles in and seizes control of the house. It is in the interests of all Libyans to reject outside interference in their country’s affairs, and I look to them for their support in calling for external actors to adhere to the arms embargo and commit tangibly to ending the conflict on the ground before it is too late. Ending the conflict and agreeing to the way forward is a realistic prospect. The parties are known. The outlines of the agreement are known. Options for a temporary and longer-term constitutional framework exist. Electoral legislation has been produced before. It is all eminently possible. All that is needed now is for the international community to come together to provide the necessary umbrella under which the Libyan parties themselves can join hands to end the conflict and resume dialogue. The United Nations is and will remain in Libya to support the Libyan people on their journey.

I thank Mr. Salamé for his briefing. I now give the floor to Ms. Al Tubuly. Ms. Al Tubuly: My name is Rida Ahmed Al Tubuly. I am honoured and privileged to be speaking before the Security Council today. I thank you, Sir, for the invitation and providing me with this opportunity. I would like to stress that this privilege was not something that was granted to me by default. I believe that I earned this opportunity after a lengthy struggle for my rights as a Libyan woman. My fight for my rights was first kick-started by my late father, who courageously resisted the social norms of 1980s Libya. He encouraged me to continue my education despite the criticism that he received from his peers at the time, who were generally doubtful of the value of women’s education. He always told me that the important thing is to be independent. Because of him, I not only continued my education, but I went on to become a university professor, holding a master’s degree and doctorate in clinical pharmacology and a master’s degree in international human rights law. In fact, the right to education was given to all Libyans under the Constitution in 1951, and asserting the right of women to education enabled many girls, who were even older than primary-school age, to attend school. I remember that, when I was eight years old, I shared a desk with a girl who was double my age — 16 years old — at that time. The girl was allowed to go to school by her parents only because the Government at that time made the effort to encourage girls’ education. This story is not about personal achievements or a historical discussion. This story provides the perfect example to show that Libyans have the potential to progress in women’s empowerment, gender equality and all other aspects of life if decision-makers make enough efforts to facilitate and lead such progress. We all know that social changes are usually led by political changes. Unfortunately, at this stage, Libya is going through an unconventional political process. However, ordinary Libyans and Libyan decision-makers are not the only actors in the political process. The international community, especially the United Nations, can be considered as the main mediator of the current process. Being Director and Co-Founder of Together We Build It, which was established in Libya in 2011, has given me the capacity to take part in advocacy efforts and campaigns advocating for the role of women in the formal peace process. We are often told by international decision-makers that the reason women are excluded from the formal peace process is because Libyan actors are against women’s political participation and that, if we want to ensure that Libyan women have a seat at the table, then we need to place internal pressure on the national decision-makers. But that begs the following question: If there are no means for ordinary Libyans to take part in the political process, then how will we be able to change such things on the ground? Today, the Council might have expected me to speak only of women in Libya and the amazing work that they are doing on the ground, and to finish my statement by delivering recommendations on how to support Libyan women and their role in peace building. In fact, I want to talk about the power of the people, of which Libyan women and youth constitute the majority. Since 2014, after the last parliamentarian elections in Libya, ordinary citizens were completely excluded from the political process. Such exclusion is not only the fault of Libyan actors, but it is also part of the responsibility of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) and other international community actors that are leading and facilitating the current political process in Libya. Nevertheless, if elections are not possible, then UNSMIL and the international community must be creative and innovative on how to facilitate and lead a political process that is inclusive of the general public and both genders. For example, after four years of exclusion, last year UNSMIL opened up the political process to ordinary Libyans by conducting nationwide consultations. If one has a political conversation with ordinary Libyans in the street, they will say that their voices do not matter to the international community. All that is important is what the international community is saying and doing to help support and build peace in Libya. When we interact with members of the international community, they often say that the conflict in Libya is an internal issue, and therefore that Libyans should come together to build peace and end this war. We fully agree, and we have been doing just that. Women and young people have been doing it, but the international community has not taken our efforts seriously. In the name of preventive diplomacy, State-building and peacebuilding, the international community supported troublemakers instead of peacebuilders. The international community gave power and legitimacy to a violent minority instead of empowering the peaceful majority. These days, unfortunately, some members of the international community appear to be turning a blind eye by allowing a flood of weapons and ammunition to reach violent groups. Neville Chamberlain once said, “In war, whichever side may call itself the victor, there are no winners, but all are losers”, and that certainly applies in the case of Libya. The numbers of the dead and injured are rising every day, not only on the battlefields and in areas where clashes take place but also on the political and peaceful activity front. Abductions and assassinations have been rising since the Libyan civil war began, with two prominent examples being the assassination of Salwa Bugaighis and more recently the abduction of Siham Sergewa, whose fate is still uncertain. The fact is that the main losers in this conflict are the people who are excluded from the peace and political negotiations and have no say in what their dream country should look like. In a post made two days ago on Facebook, a friend of mine says, “It has been eight months since I left my home. I miss every detail of my house so much. It hurts that we did not leave it voluntarily, but were rather forced to quickly escape an inevitable death. When the road to your home becomes deadly, you can no longer visit or see it except via online satellite maps. The latest satellite photos showed that our car had also been stolen. We have finally been morally and materially depleted.” This is so painful. If UNSMIL and the international community are serious about bringing peace to Libya, they must listen ordinary Libyans, and empower and give legitimacy to people who do not set conditions for peace based on their personal and political interests. The international community and UNSMIL, which are mandated to facilitate the peacebuilding process, must redesign the negotiating table, first in order to redistribute power, secondly to redefine power and thirdly to make power gender-sensitive. But how do we redesign the table to make it inclusive? That question has actually been answered by the Security Council in its resolutions 1325 (2000) and 2250 (2015), and in subsequent resolutions. That is the Council’s mandate. When I talked about the 1951 Constitution and girls’ education, earlier in my statement, the Government acted on it and Libyan parents did not reject girls’ education. On the contrary, many families sent their daughters to school. The same could apply now. If the Council implements resolutions 1325 (2000) and 2250 (2015), we do not think that the Libyan people will reject women’s inclusion. The role of the United Nations and the international community in Libya is not only important but life-changing. I call on the Security Council to take the necessary decisions to stop the flow of arms to Libya, which in turn will definitely stop the war, and to support the peace process and build stability in Libya. Libya has reached a situation where what the Council does and says, and how it interacts with national and local actors, really matters. For us Libyans, working for peacebuilding is not a choice. But for the Council it is. And today the Council has to make a choice. The question is, will it make the right choice and support the peaceful majority in Libya? Will Council members, as members of the international community, stand strong together against any actor who supports violence in Libya? When the Council reaches a decision, I ask it to remember the people on the ground, the Libyan families who have left their homes and the activists who continue to die. We want the international community to help ensure that Libya can return to its golden age through support to our country’s progress.

I thank Ms. Al Tubuly for her briefing. I now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements.

At the outset, we would like to thank Mr. Ghassan Salamé, Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL), for his briefing, and to assure him of our full support. We also thank Ms. Rida Al Tubuly for her briefing and welcome His Excellency Mr. Mohamed Siala, Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Libya. Today I will focus on two issues — first, developments on the ground and on the political front, and secondly, humanitarian developments. With regard to political developments, we reiterate our support for the three-step proposal announced by Special Representative Salamé at the end of July (see S/PV.8588). The first step was realized through the Libyan warring parties’ commitment to the humanitarian truce for Eid Al-Adha, as well as the quite significant progress represented by the three preparatory meetings held in Berlin to conclude the second step of holding an international conference on Libya. We hope that the next preparatory meeting will ensure that this eagerly awaited Conference is held as soon as possible. That in turn could lead to an intra-Libyan national conference aimed at ending the catastrophic humanitarian consequences of a conflict that has produced numerous civilian casualties and displaced more than 140,000 people from conflict areas, as well as the constant strikes targeting civilian infrastructure, the latest being the shelling of a factory in Wadi Rabia this morning, which killed and injured dozens of people. We call for an end to hate speech in order to consolidate efforts aimed at resuming the political process based on dialogue, ending the institutional divide and paving the way for sustainable security and stability, as part of an inclusive democratic process through transparent presidential and parliamentary elections, in accordance with the Paris, Palermo and Abu Dhabi understandings. We reiterate our call to the Council to remind all Member States of the importance of honouring their commitments under the relevant resolutions on the arms embargo on Libya, which the Special Representative just emphasized in his briefing, because any violation of the sanctions regime will hinder United Nations, regional and international efforts to prevent the escalation of conflict there. We also reiterate the importance of helping all the Libyan parties to launch a sincere dialogue, restore the rule of law throughout the country and ensure that it has control over arms, and support Libya in building unified security institutions in order to address all the security challenges undermining its stability, security and territorial integrity. Secondly, on the humanitarian front, the worsening armed clashes are increasing the Libyan people’s suffering every day. That has now reached the most vulnerable groups, such as illegal migrants in detention centres. We support the proposal of the Special Representative on the importance of releasing them and providing them with safe shelter, pending either the processing of their asylum applications or assistance in repatriating them to their countries of origin. We call on all the parties in Libya to exercise restraint and respect international humanitarian law and international human rights law, while refraining from targeting civilians or civilian infrastructure and ensuring safe access for humanitarian groups and personnel to the areas concerned in order to provide aid to those in need.

At the outset, I would like to acknowledge the presence here today of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Libya, and to welcome him to the Security Council. We are grateful for the efforts and commendable work of Mr. Salamé and his team on the ground. We also thank Ms. Rida Al Tubuly for the information she presented, especially on the impact of the conflict on the most vulnerable groups. It is at such times of great challenges that the admirable work done by organizations such as Together We Build It, which Ms. Al Tubuly leads, is so crucial. We note with concern the rapid shrinking of the public space available for Libyan women and young people to express their opinions and participate actively in political processes, as well as the continuing threats, intimidation and violence, including sexual and gender- based violations, that they are subjected to. We call on the Libyan authorities to protect and promote the rights of women, including those of human rights defenders, so that they can do their work without fear of reprisals, and to support their full and active participation in the public arena and in political processes. In that regard, we think it is essential to hold systematic consultations with women, youth and indigenous peoples in support of the work of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya. The Dominican Republic firmly condemns the acts of violence committed against civilians and civilian infrastructure in violation of international humanitarian law, and which disproportionately affect the most vulnerable groups, especially children. The humanitarian situation resulting from those factors remains a matter of concern. According to the International Organization for Migration (IOM), the numbers of internally displaced persons have increased considerably in recent months, following the military campaign that began in April. We regret the fact that this situation has created a scenario that has led to an increase in the number of victims of human trafficking and enormous challenges for the protection of the civilian population in general. Although the numbers of migrants attempting to reach European coasts have fallen, the mortality rate among those attempting the journey across the Mediterranean has increased significantly compared to last year. In that regard, I would like to take a moment to refer to a study recently published by the IOM and the World Food Programme, which concludes that the main factors driving those migrants to attempt the crossing include economic issues, insecurity, conflict, hunger, environmental degradation and climate-related shocks. We have seen once again how those factors not only have a disastrous impact on people but also wider regional effects on an alarming scale. We are also concerned about the growing number of reports of the participation of foreign fighters in the internal conflict in Libya, which we believe is exacerbating the already critical situation. Added to that are flagrant violations of the arms embargo, as identified in the report of the Panel of Experts. The current trend of using increasingly sophisticated and lethal military equipment, such as armed drones, guided missiles and more, is disturbing. The strict implementation of the arms embargo is crucial to the protection of civilians and the restoration of security and stability to Libya and the rest of the region. Finally, we call on the parties to resume negotiations, without preconditions. There can be no military solution to the situation in Libya. The key is and always will be dialogue. We urge all stakeholders in the conflict and the international community as a whole to work towards a successful conference in Berlin with a view to bringing back the peace and stability that the Libyan people desire and deserve so much.

I am speaking on behalf of the three African members of the Security Council, Côte d’Ivoire, South Africa and my own country, Equatorial Guinea. At the outset, we would like to express our thanks to Mr. Ghassan Salamé, Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL), for his detailed and informative report. We also thank Ms. Rida Al Tubuly for her briefing. Eight years have already passed since the beginning of the Libyan conflict. The three African members of the Council remain concerned about the deadlock in the current crisis, which owing to its particular nature is far from being resolved. We therefore urge the parties to establish a definitive ceasefire, and we reiterate that there can be no military solution in Libya. The only way forward is through negotiation and inclusive dialogue, leading to a political solution that will enable the achievement of a stable and lasting peace throughout the country. We echo the calls for a ceasefire, negotiations, reconciliation and the unification of the Libyan people, with a view to ensuring a prosperous future in which the Libyans themselves take ownership of their decisions. Today we would like to focus on three issues. First, we are concerned about the serious consequences of this protracted conflict, especially on the humanitarian and security fronts, which themselves are likely to have grave consequences for sub-Saharan Africa generally. We deplore the impact of the prolonged conflict on the civilian population, which has left more than 128,000 people displaced. We remain concerned about the situation of migrants and refugees being held in detention centres, and we hope that they are being treated with humanity and dignity. Due attention should be given to the large numbers of those who have lost their lives off the coast of Libya. In that regard, we welcome the efforts of Mr. Ghassan Salamé in seeking an agreement to close the detention centres. Secondly, we strongly condemn the attacks on civilian areas and civilian infrastructure and on health- care centres and their personnel. We want to remind all parties to the conflict that such actions, as well as the inhumane treatment of migrants and refugees, are flagrant violations of international humanitarian law. Thirdly, the continuing violations of the arms embargo represent a blatant disregard for the Council’s authority. We therefore call on all parties, as well as the international community, to comply with and rigorously implement resolution 2491 (2019) and the other relevant resolutions adopted by the Council. With regard to this issue, it is worth highlighting the repeated concerns expressed before the Council by our respective delegations regarding ongoing foreign interference, as has also been expressed by the African Union High-Level Committee on Libya. We therefore call on countries with influence over the parties and the entire international community to act as brokers and refocus the process in the pursuit for a genuine and effective peaceful solution to the conflict. Furthermore, we reiterate the African Union’s call for the appointment of a joint United Nations-African Union special envoy for Libya in order to assist and strengthen the work of Mr. Ghassan Salamé. We welcome Germany’s initiative to support Mr. Salamé in the implementation of his three-step plan by convening an international conference of influential parties external to the conflict. We hope that the Berlin conference will produce positive results that provide urgent solutions to this serious crisis. In turn, we take this opportunity to congratulate Mr. Salamé and UNSMIL for their tireless work and firm commitment in seeking a political solution in Libya. The three African countries reiterate their unwavering support. In that regard, we would like to urge the international community to join forces in pursuit of effective and peaceful solutions to the conflict, which should be dealt with through a more objective and constructive approach, while taking into account the cultural, ideological and political aspects of the Libyan people. We believe that the work of the Council should not only consist of words but be implemented in specific and effective actions. In conclusion, in our national capacity, we would like to point out that, as Mr. Salamé has just mentioned, the migrant and Libyan civilian communities have just suffered another series of attacks that have claimed many innocent lives. How long can we, as members of the Security Council, allow such atrocities to continue? In 2011, the assault by NATO forces was justified to protect the Libyan people. Is there no civilian population in Libya today?

First of all, I would like to thank Special Representative Salamé and his team at the United Nations Support Mission in Libya. I also thank Ms. Al Tubuly for her comprehensive and enlightening presentation. I particularly welcome the Foreign Minister of Libya to the Council. Let me first fully agree with what the Special Representative of the Secretary-General has said. It is somewhat of a cliché when we say that he said that the next days and weeks will be crucial for Libya. Unfortunately, that is very true given the situation today. He kindly referred to the Berlin process. I do not have a great deal to add. He spoke very comprehensively in that regard. But let me reiterate that in two days, another meeting of the so-called senior officials meetings of the Berlin process will take place. From our point of view, that will be an important meeting. Let me just reiterate that the sole objective of the Berlin process is to provide support to the efforts of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General Salamé and the United Nations to facilitate a political solution for Libya. That requires a more coherent approach by the international community to issues such as the arms embargo, the ceasefire, the return to the political process, respect for international humanitarian law and human rights and several reforms that are urgently needed. We think that, despite all open issues, we can move forward in our negotiations and support for the Special Representative of the Secretary-General and help the return to an intra-Libyan political dialogue. That is exactly what Special Representative of the Secretary-General Salamé suggested on 29 July, when he presented his three-point plan to the Council (see S/PV.8588). I do not want to go into all the issues that are on the agenda but wish to focus on two matters today: first, the arms embargo and, secondly, respect for international humanitarian law and human rights. Let me start with the implementation of the arms embargo. We all know that the decisive and swift action of the international community and the Security Council is becoming increasingly pressing in the light of the increasing number of civilian casualties. We therefore call on all United Nations Member States to immediately halt any arms deliveries. The illicit flow of arms needs to stop now. We all know that there cannot be any military solution to the conflict in Libya. In that context, I will say a few words in my national capacity about the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011) concerning Libya. I think that it is fair to say that the work of the Libya Sanctions Committee is unfortunately probably now more important than ever. In that context, I would mention the case of Mr. Moncef Kartas, a member and arms expert of the Committee’s Panel of Experts. Council members are aware of the case. Let me say that we understand and respect that this is a judicial matter in Tunisia but, at the same time, it is a matter of the Libya Sanctions Committee and of the Council. For that reason, I would like to reiterate that Tunisia must abide by its obligations under the 1946 Convention on the Privileges and Immunities of the United Nations and close all legal proceedings or request authorization to continue them in line with the Convention. Regrettably, the problem has been even further perpetuated. The Chair of the Committee will not be able to provide the periodic report of its activities to the Security Council because a purely factual rendition of the Committee’s activities in the Kartas case was blocked. We expect Council members and Members of the Organization to honour their commitments under the Charter of the United Nations and all the conventions that they have signed. The signal that we send as the Council by not being able to agree on merely factual statements runs counter to what all our leaders reaffirmed in September, namely, that the United Nations and the Security Council are crucial. Secondly, I would like to refer to the issue of respect for international humanitarian law, human rights and women’s rights. Unfortunately, as the presentation by Ms. Al Tubuly once again made abundantly clear, women, children, migrants and refugees are exposed to indiscriminate shelling, exploitation and sexual and gender-based violence. I would like to thank Ms. Al Tubuly for giving the Council first-hand insights into the situation within Libya. We commend her courage and dedication and that of Libyan civil society for their challenging work in a dangerous environment. We know that women activists and human rights defenders in particular are frequently targeted, often to silence them and to create a climate of fear. We cannot allow that to happen. Women must be represented in political and social life and their voices must be heard. We will certainly continue to support Ms. Al Tubuly’s work wherever we can. Before concluding, let me also take this opportunity to again encourage the Libyan authorities to continue their search for the House of Representatives lawmaker Siham Sergewa, whose whereabouts remain unknown.

We express our appreciation for the convening of this meeting and for the comprehensive interventions by the briefers, who have described to us an urgent situation requiring the attention of the Council. We also welcome the presence of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Libya. Peru notes with deep concern the escalating violence and suffering in various areas of the Libyan territory, which have resulted in new internally displaced persons, deaths among the civilian population, primarily of women and children, and the destruction of civilian infrastructure, including hospitals and schools. Those indiscriminate attacks represent flagrant violations of international humanitarian law and human rights which, due to their nature, could constitute war crimes. In such circumstances, we deem it vital that those countries with influence on the parties act firmly to bring about the end of such regrettable incidents. This must in addition be guided by efforts to ensure accountability and to identify and duly punish the perpetrators of atrocities. Impunity, just as in other bloody conflicts on the Council’s agenda, cannot be tolerated here. We thus welcome the intention of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court to assess such situations in its efforts to cooperate with the Libyan authorities. In this regard, Peru underscores the need for the parties to return to the negotiating table in pursuit of a political solution in the context of a Libyan-owned process and supported by the United Nations, with a constructive and complementary role being played by regional organizations such as the African Union and other concerned international actors. The Berlin process represents an important step in that direction, in line with the three-step proposal put forward by the Special Representative. This will require an immediate and unconditional ceasefire and the establishment of confidence-building measures and processes aimed at ensuring the unification and strengthening of institutions, particularly in the case of the security forces. This will also require an end to the blatant and persistent violations of the arms embargo imposed by the Council, which only heightens the human cost and creates space for extremist groups to carry out their activities. Such a process must be people-centred and focused on achieving the common good as opposed to strategic or economic interests such as those that characterized the development of this conflict. I wish to conclude by reiterating Peru’s deep concern at the inhumane conditions and abuse suffered by thousands of migrants and refugees in detention centres in Libya. We await the urgent action of the Council and of the international community to speed up the process of definitively shuttering such centres, which overtly violate international human rights law.

At the outset, let me thank the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Ghassan Salamé, and Ms. Rida Al Tubuly for their useful briefings on recent developments in Libya. First and foremost, the prolonged clashes in and around Tripoli have proved that the conflict in Libya cannot be resolved by military measures. We therefore call on all parties to refrain from the use of force and return to the political dialogue under the auspices of the United Nations. We fully support Special Representative of the Secretary-General Salamé’s three-step peace plan, and we look forward to the positive outcome of the Berlin conference on Libya, scheduled to be held before the end of the year. Likewise, we deplore the influx of weapons and the presence of foreign fighters and mercenaries in Libya. In that regard, the full implementation of the arms embargo, in accordance with the relevant Security Council resolutions, is absolutely essential and indispensable to protecting civilians and restoring stability and security in Libya and the region as a whole. Moreover, we cannot forget the fact that the immunity of United Nations experts is crucial for the proper functioning of the sanctions regime and therefore must be respected by every Member State. The humanitarian situation in Libya continues to be of deep concern to us, especially with regard to the destruction of vital infrastructure and the loss of capacity to deliver basic services. Similarly, we are disturbed by the situation of migrants in Libya, in particular those being held in detention centres. Therefore, echoing the recent statement made by the International Criminal Court Prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda, we call on all parties to immediately cease all indiscriminate attacks and to comply with their obligations under international humanitarian law. In conclusion, I would like to reiterate Poland’s full support for all efforts made by Special Representative of the Secretary-General Ghassan Salamé and the United Nations Support Mission in Libya aimed at finding a lasting political solution to the current crisis, so as to bring security, political and economic stability, and national unity to Libya.

I should like to thank Special Representative of the Secretary- General Ghassan Salamé for his briefing. We also welcome the participation in this meeting of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Libya, Mr. Mohamed Siala. China listened carefully to the statement made by civil-society representative Ms. Al Tubuly. The conflict in Libya has been going on for more than eight years, leading to great suffering for the people of Libya and its neighbours in the region and threatening international peace and security. The parties in Libya should prioritize the overall interests of the country and its people and seek a peaceful solution to the issue of Libya through political dialogue. China would like to make the following points. First, it is important to continue to engage in dialogue in order to promote the political process. It has always been China’s belief that the issue of Libya must be resolved politically. The international community must respect the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Libya and adhere to principle of the political process being Libyan-led and Libyan- owned. China calls on all parties to the conflict in Libya to establish a ceasefire as soon as possible, ease tensions and return to the track of peaceful dialogue and consultations, with a view to realizing lasting peace and stability in the country. Secondly, there is a need for increased coordination to create synergies. China supports the good offices of Special Representative of the Secretary-General Salamé, whose three-step action plan provides a viable plan to resolve the conflict in Libya. Countries with influence should play an active role and exert such influence to help all parties in Libya address their differences and increase mutual trust. They should also provide constructive help so as to establish a ceasefire and resume the political dialogue. The African Union and the League of Arab States have particular advantages in terms of mediation among the parties to the conflict. We must support them in their efforts and thereby create synergies with the work of the United Nations. Thirdly, there is a need to ensure that the issue of sanctions is handled properly. Sanctions are not an end in themselves but only a means that should always be aimed at promoting a political solution to relevant issues. Given current circumstances, the arms embargo in Libya must be strictly implemented. At the same time, there is a need to avert the negative impact of sanctions in other areas on civilians in Libya and other third countries. They should not harm the overall interests of the country, hamper the daily lives of people or prevent their humanitarian needs from being met. Libya has expressed its concern over the continual depreciation of its frozen assets and related losses. The sanctions Committee should accelerate its efforts to find appropriate ways to respond to Libya’s legitimate concerns. The Committee, together with the Secretariat and the Panel of Experts, should strictly abide by the mandate entrusted to it by the relevant Security Council resolutions and discharge it in an impartial and objective manner. China has always been impartial in supporting the people of Libya in their pursuit of peace and tranquillity, and it has played a constructive role in the promotion of a political solution to the issue of Libya. China is prepared to continue to make positive contributions to ensuring the restoration of peace and stability in the country.

At the outset, I would like to thank Special Representative of the Secretary- General Ghassan Salamé and Ms. Rida Al Tubuly for their very comprehensive and clear briefings. I would also like to welcome to the Council His Excellency Mr. Mohamed Siala, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Libya. Indonesia would like to join others in expressing our deep concern at the current situation in Libya. To that end, allow me to focus on the following points. First, we reiterate our call for the immediate cessation of hostilities in Libya. We call for all parties to cease military actions, de-escalate tensions on the ground and return to political negotiations. They must adhere to international law, including international humanitarian law and the Council’s resolutions on the arms embargo. Foreign intervention should stop further exacerbating the conflict. We welcome the efforts made by the United Nations and other partners to find peace and to bring all parties in Libya to return to political negotiations. We reiterate our full support to Special Representative of the Secretary-General Ghassan Salamé and the United Nations Support Mission in Libya. We continue to reiterate our support for the Special Representative’s three-step proposal that he presented in July (see S/PV.8588). We also welcome and appreciate the plan to hold the Berlin summit, including the preparatory meetings that are under way. We hope that the summit will facilitate a Libyan-led and Libyan-owned political process and the attainment of lasting peace in Libya. Secondly, Indonesia reiterates the need to protect civilians and calls for humanitarian assistance to be provided to Libyans. It is concerning that the latest report shows that, since the outbreak of fighting in April, more than 100,000 people, half of whom are children, have fled their homes,\; that more than 800,000 people are in need of humanitarian assistance; that the situation has aggravated humanitarian needs and forced displacement, thereby hindering access to food, health care, and other basic services; and that the fighting has resulted in at least 395 civilian causalities. Despite all those dreadful figures, the 2019 humanitarian response plan for Libya received less than 47 per cent of requested funding. Furthermore, attacks on civilians, including migrants, and on health-care and civilian facilities persist, not to mention today’s attack mentioned by the Special Representative. There have been 58 attacks on health-care facilities in 2019, resulting in the deaths of 13 health-care workers, and the shelling of residential areas and vital civilian infrastructure, including the Mitiga airport, continues. This must stop and must stop now. Finally, the Security Council must be united in our efforts with regard to Libya. The statement delivered by Ms. Al Tubuly is a true wake-up call for us sitting here at United Nations Headquarters. We need to spare no effort in assisting the people and the Government of Libya to achieve peace. The unity of the Council would send a strong message that the world wants peace in Libya. What we do here will have repercussions for those are on the ground. We are here to do one particular job and that is to save lives.

At the outset, I would like to thank Special Representative Ghassan Salamé for his briefing, which once again demonstrates his ongoing commitment to peace in Libya. I would also like to thank Ms. Rida Al Tubuly for her briefing and to welcome the presence among us of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Libya. We meet again today to discuss the situation in Libya, even though the situation on the ground has not really changed since our last exchange. Low-intensity fighting continues on the ground, air attacks are on the rise, civilians and migrants are suffering and international humanitarian law is blatantly violated. Moreover, the sanctions regime is being infringed, not only by the belligerents but also — and I deeply regret this — by several States Member of the United Nations. In that regard, I encourage everyone to cooperate with the Panel of Experts established pursuant to resolution 1973 (2011) for the purpose of reporting to the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011) and to the Council. In that connection, I would like to point out that, in order to effectively carry out the mandate entrusted to them by the Council, the experts enjoy immunity and cannot be prosecuted. The military spiral must stop. No one can deny that it leads to nothing. We must bear in mind that the conflict continues to claim casualties among the civilian population, including vulnerable segments of it, as a result of indiscriminate attacks on populated areas. No supremacy in the air can lead to lasting peace in Libya. Therefore, the arms embargo must be respected by all, the delivery of arms must stop and the recruitment of combatants, including foreign mercenaries and elements engaging in terrorist and criminal activities that are listed by the Council, must stop. At the same time, a political dialogue must resume without conditions in order to bring Libya out of the crisis. My country therefore supports Germany’s efforts to bring the Berlin process to a successful conclusion, in close cooperation with the Special Representative. I also welcome the efforts made to support an inclusive political dialogue among the various Libyan stakeholders. I call on all those parties to engage in these efforts in a spirit of compromise and goodwill for the benefit of peace and stability in Libya. In the long term, it will also be necessary for the distribution of Libya’s wealth to benefit all citizens. I would also like to reiterate my country’s commitment to ensuring that crimes committed in Libya do not go unpunished, be it before national courts or before the International Criminal Court. I recall that it is the responsibility of the belligerents to protect civilians, including the most vulnerable, such as migrants and children. In conclusion, allow me to commend once again all staff of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya and Special Representative Salamé for their courage and determination.

I now give the floor to the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Libya.

At the outset, I would like to thank the presidency and members of the Council and wish them all every success. I also thank Special Representative of the Secretary- General Ghassan Salamé for his briefing on the latest developments in my country, Libya. We wish him every success in his endeavours to end the crisis in my country. I also thank His Excellency Ambassador Juergen Schulz, Chair of the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011), for his briefing on the work of the sanctions Committee. The aggression waged against Tripoli by the Haftar militias started eight months ago and continues to this day. The city has seen the most abhorrent crimes, including the shelling of civilian sites, inhabited neighbourhoods, civilian airports, hospitals, schools, books warehouses and headquarters of State institutions. The latest of such acts was the drone attack on a food factory, which killed a number of citizens of Libya, Egypt and other African countries. It is a war crime by any definition. These are criminal acts of killing and punishment carried out against civilians by terrorist groups affiliated with the militias and illustrate the criminal intent of the militia leaders and their blatant violations of all national and international human rights instruments. Regrettably, all of this is happening in the face of silence from the international community, which is the result of differences among the Council members regarding the situation in Libya. All members of the Council should reach some form of agreement with a view to ending atrocities and crimes in my country and follow a unified strategy to stand up to those trying to prevent Libyans from reaching an agreement and from coming together to start the process of building a modern State. Foreign intervention is one of the most important key drivers of the ongoing crisis in my country, Libya. We have repeatedly warned against the exacerbation of the crisis due to the irresponsible interference of certain States and their indifference in the face of its consequences. They insist on courses of action that seem to have no aim but to leave my country in a state of deadlocked fratricide among Libyans and halted development. We do not see these States proposing any initiatives that could contribute to a solution to stop the bloodshed. They are explicitly breaching the relevant Security Council resolutions, which always call for a peaceful solution to the Libyan crisis and for refraining from resort to the military option to settle the crisis, which leads to implementing a policy of “might makes right” that may result in violating international humanitarian law. This is totally incompatible with the Libyan people’s desire to establish a State ruled by institutions in which the rule of law prevails and where we all have equal rights and duties. Someone could say that all parties, and I mean here Libyan parties, are dealing with certain States. I would like to remind the Security Council that State institutions are under attack here; these institutions are run by the Government of National Accord, which has been recognized by the Council. The Council also called on all States Members of the United Nations to refrain from interacting with any parallel institutions other than those of the Government of National Accord. My Government would like to highlight further serious acts carried out by the aggressor force against Tripoli, using foreign elements as mercenaries fighting in its ranks. This has been confirmed by the Panel of Experts established pursuant to resolution 1973 (2011) in its various reports. We call on the Security Council to urge the States involved to take the measures necessary to prevent such actions, which are fuelling the conflict and damaging Libya’s relationship with those States. My reference to foreign interference leads me to raise an important issue here in the Council — that of the arms embargo that has been imposed on Libya since 2011, which the Council has been urging Member States to adhere to in accordance with resolution 1970 (2011). My delegation wishes to reiterate that many States have violated this resolution and supplied the aggressor forces attacking the city of Tripoli with sophisticated weapons, such as fighter drones and offensive weapons that even some States do not possess. In that connection, we cannot help but wonder what how the international community expects the Government of National Accord and the Libyan National Army to confront this aggression. Do we stand idly by and leave the country’s capital vulnerable to damage and destruction by gangs and irresponsible individuals whose sole purpose is to gain power? The actions that the Libyan National Army of the Government of National Accord is taking to confront this aggression are an obligation in line with the natural right of every Government to defend its people. Logically, the aggressor forces — namely, the militias of Haftar — should be questioned and held accountable here, not the Government of National Accord, which emerged from the Libyan Political Agreement that has been recognized by the Council. We must ask ourselves how those militias have obtained such an arsenal of weapons to carry out their continued aggression against the city of Tripoli, right under the noses of the United Nations. We wish also to stress that the Council could have done a great deal in the face of the aggression against the city of Tripoli had it stood united and adopted a clear approach, based on its various resolutions on Libya, and held everyone, including States Members of the United Nations, to comply. However, some Member States are currently tampering with the fate and unity of Libya, the evidence for which is clearly and consistently documented in the reports of the Security Council and its various committees and panels, particularly those of the Panel of Experts established pursuant to resolution 1973 (2011). Those reports provide ongoing evidence of the grave violations that have fuelled the war and aggression against Tripoli under pretexts and for reasons that could have been resolved through serious negotiations, with the participation of all Libyans. My country welcomes all international efforts to end the crisis and bring peace to our country. The Government of National Accord stresses the importance of activating the Libya Quartet, composed of the European Union and the United Nations, among others. We reaffirm the fundamental importance of the African Union’s role in working with the United Nations to find a formula for cooperation among them in order to coordinate efforts aimed at ensuring the success of international efforts to achieve peace in my country. My delegation would also like to take this opportunity to commend the efforts currently under way, in cooperation with the United Nations through the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Ghassan Salamé, aimed at making a success of the international conference on Libya, to be held in Berlin. We are confident in Germany’s ability to host a successful conference and reach a unified international position that will put an end to all polarization or disputes among a number of States whose differences have greatly contributed to fuelling the situation in Libya and exposing it to risks and levels of tragedy that the country has not witnessed since its independence. My Government would also like to emphasize that the success of any such effort should not overlook the following points. First, the aggressor forces must withdraw to their former positions before 4 April 2019, without preconditions. Secondly, we reiterate the importance of the ceasefire following that withdrawal through the implementation of an international monitoring mechanism, under the auspices of the United Nations, and the adoption of a Security Council resolution on the matter. Thirdly, the States involved in the situation in Libya must be compelled to refrain from any act that would undermine national and international efforts to bring peace to Libya. Fourthly, the Government of National Accord reaffirms that it continues to address the concerns of States vis-à-vis Libya, particularly with regard to terrorism, and calls on them to provide any information concerning individuals or entities that they consider to be engaged in terrorist acts that pose a threat their security and stability. We also call for a strategy based on cooperation with the relevant authorities of the Libyan State and stress the need to adhere to the implementation of bilateral and international agreements in this field. Fifthly, we must emphasize the necessity of concluding this stage and finalizing the steps to be negotiated among Libyans at an inclusive national conference, as stipulated in the United Nations action plan and the initiative to resolve the Libyan crisis proposed by the Chairman of the Presidential Council on 16 June, in order to reach an agreement on the rules to form a constitutional basis for organizing parliamentary and presidential elections as soon as possible. Sixthly, all countries concerned with the Libyan file should be involved in the Berlin conference, especially our neighbouring States. This will allow us to reach an agreement whereby those States can commit to refraining from any action that would undermine domestic and international efforts to resolve the Libyan crisis. The Government of National Accord also reiterates its previous requests submitted to the International Criminal Court and to the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011) concerning Haftar to hold him accountable for the violations and crimes he has committed against civilians and the infrastructure of the city of Tripoli and surrounding areas. My Government also calls for the expedited deployment of a fact-finding mission to document such violations and identify those responsible. With regard to illegal migrants, my Government has taken swift measures to protect them,by moving them out of the area where clashes are taking place. We conducted this process in cooperation with the International Organization for Migration. Furthermore, my Government intends to complement efforts to provide them with the necessary protection. We reiterate the need for concerted international efforts to address this crisis in view of the repeated aggressions, such as when Haftar warplanes carried out an air strike on a migrant detention centre in the vicinity of Tajoura, in Tripoli. On the work of the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011), we recall the situation of the frozen assets of the Libyan Investment Authority. These assets have diminished owing to the actions of the sanctions system in place since 2011 and because of the negative interest on the frozen accounts and the management fees that are withdrawn from them. Those charges are withdrawn from the frozen accounts without being duly managed through the banks into which they are deposited. There is no option to reinvest these assets, and their value diminishes because they are not invested in a timely manner. In addition, we cannot even maintain the investments of the Libyan real estate and hotels owned by the Authority that are all over the world because of the sanctions imposed on its assets. The Authority is facing many challenges in managing these investments and because of the failure to consider their profitability. In some cases, the Libyan Investment Authority has not been able to carry out the maintenance of the hotels it owns to ensure their proper functioning. The pretext advanced by the authorities of some States was that the Authority has been affected by the freeze. In order to find effective solutions for the difficulties facing the Authority as a result of the sanctions regime, on 12 September a delegation of the Libyan Investment Authority met with the sanctions Committee and clarified for its members the challenges, difficulties and negative consequences of the existing sanctions regime. The Authority has also presented a notification to the Committee regarding the negative consequences of the sanctions and the strategy of the Libyan Investment Authority to enhance transparency, good governance and accountability with regard to its management and assets. In this respect, we hope that the Council will take the measures necessary to address the negative consequences of the sanctions regime as soon as possible in order to improve the management of assets without lifting the freeze. That would enable us to stop the unnecessary losses that we have warned against since March 2016. The sanctions regime was presumably established in the first place to protect against the diminishing of frozen assets. The purpose is to serve interests of the Libyan people and its sovereign wealth fund for future generations. The sanctions regime in the case of Libya is a measure to protect assets and preserve them; it is not intended to be punitive. We therefore call once again on the Security Council and the Libya sanctions Committee  — given their ethical and legal responsibilities  — to urgently amend the measures taken by the sanctions Committee with regard to frozen assets in effect since 2011, in order to stop the losses on these assets and preserve the wealth of the Libyan people, in accordance with the relevant Security Council resolutions. In closing, we reiterate the position of the Government of National Accord. We are fully convinced that dialogue among the Libyan people, with the assistance of the United Nations, is the only way to achieve safety and peace and meet the aspirations of our people. We have high hopes that the Council will duly assume its role, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, to maintain international peace and security. I also emphasize what was said by Ms. Al Tubuly regarding the importance of the participation of women and their role in the future of Libya, that Libya is going through an unconventional political stage and that Libyans are not the only ones who have put the country in such a situation. Indeed, the foreign interference of many States, which are well known to the Council, is also to blame. I conclude my statement by reiterating the reference made by the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Ghassan Salamé, to the effect that the international community should be united on the situation in Libya. We hope that the Berlin summit will play a crucial role in that direction and foster support for the Special Representative of the Secretary- General. That action may lead to the resolution of the Libyan crisis.