S/PV.922 Security Council

Purs~ant to the dedsion taken at the previous meeting, 1 invite the representative of Cuba, subject to the Council's approval, to take a place at the Council table. At the invitation of the President, Mr. Raul Roa, representative of Cuba, took a place at the Council table. 2. Ml'. WADSWORTH (United States of America): Beginning in the spring and summer of 1959, a series of invasion attempts upset the peace of the Caribbean area. Panama, Nicaragua, the Dominican Republic and Haiti were the victims. In every case It has been established beyond reasonable doubt that the expeditions had the support of Cuban officiaIs. 3. In the case of the invasion of Panama in June 1959, the Investigating Committee appointed by the Council of the Organization of American States studied the facts and concluded that-and 1quote from their report: "The RepubHc of Panama was thevictim of an invasion organized abroad that sailed from a Cuban port and was compoRed almost entirely of foreigners." ln fact, the Chairman of the CommIttee was able to confirm that eighty-two out of the eighty-four invaders who were taken prisoner were Cubans. The invasions of Ha1t1 were apparentJy attempted with the compl1city of the Cuban Ambassador there and his five mllitary attachés. 4. Therefore, by plunging their country into this subversive and m1l1tary activity, which is far beyond ','; 1 6. \Ve have already seen evidences of that joint activity, not only today but last October when the General Assembly [904th plenary meeting] voted on a Soviet proposaI for a plenary debate on its discredited charge of United States aerial aggression. Therewere only ten votes for that proposaI, the nine votes of the Soviet bloc, which virtually always vote together, and Cuba. And now, 1 submit, we see another example of that joint activity right here in the Council. 7. It has been remarked to me, and Ithink truly, that the Soviet Union must find it very convenient that the Security Council should be hearingthis spurious Cuban charge of an imaginary United States aggression, at a time when world opinion might otherwise be noticing certain events in Laos or in the Congo. 8. Such Is the record of Cubais self-isolation during the past two years. And what began two years ago as a bright hope for the Cuban people, applauded widely by the American people and by the Eisenhower administration, as well as throughout the world, quickly turned into a reign of terror at home, and then into a danger to the peace and freedom of the entire hemisphere. 9. Severely provoked though we are, as last night's action of the rupture of diplomatic relations with Cuba will attest, the United States' aims regarding Cuba have not changed. In the face of this situation we shaH co-operate with our allies in the western hemisphere to maintain its security against aggression from whatever source, and we shall never cease to look for a way back to peace and friendship between Cuba and the United States. 10. Now in aIl these efforts the United states has placed the greatest emphasis, and we think rightly so, on the Organization of American States. \Ve believe strongly in the OAS and in the inter-American tradition. At San José, Costa Rica, last August, the OAS created an ad hoc Committee of Good Offices composed of representatives of Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Mexico and Venezuela, to provide a forum where the difficulties between Cuba and the U:.:'ted States might be ironed out. On 12 September 1960, the United States proposed that the CommUtee be convened in order to clarify the facts in the controversy between ourselves and Cuba. On 28 October we reiterated that proposaI in a note to the Secretary-General of the Organization of American States and promised to cooperate fully with the Committee on the soleconditfon that Cuba would do the same. Perhaps ifthat offer had been accepted" the false, vague, and somewhat hysteri.- cal charges which we have heard today could have been 11. 1 noted particularly, in listening to M. Roa over the simultaneous interpretation, that he stated specifically that Cuba could not accept any resolution of the Security Council whichwould ask the Government of Cuba and the Government of the United States, as it is presently constituted, to get together and talk things over. This again is another evidence of the attitude which is held by the Government of Cuba. But we shall never despair and we shall i:leVer cease to look for the day when Cuba will break out o:ê the prison of hatred in which her present rolers hav/a confined her and will rejoin the community of nations. 12. After listening to Mr. Roa's speech, 1 have no reason to change what 1 said in my brief statement at the last meeting about the Cuban charges as set forth in his letter to the Councn [8/4605]. The charges in the speech, just like thoseintheletter, are completely without foundation and have been given to us in a rather hysterical manner. 1 seriously doubt that Mr. Roa himself believes them. To try to refute them al! , ~~ l~~~~l~o~~n~:rll::dmaking apointby point rebuttal 13. There was one thlng that Ml'. Roa said toward the early part of bis speech, and it sounded something like this: the' actions of the United States, as he was about to give them to us in his speech, were unbelievable. 1 agree. They are unbelievable and they should not be believed. 14. My delegation will not make very much comment on Mr. Roa's speech until we have had an opportunity to see ft in the verbatim record, but 1wf1l say a few words about the main charges contained in his letter, which is before the CouDcil which we have had a brief opportunity to study. 15. As 1 ,have already mentioned very briefly, that lett6r charges that there is some sort of confidential note, some sort of document, of the Department of State in which the United States Government has informed the Foreign Minlstries in the Western Hemisphere of our intention to carry out a military intervention in Cuba under certain contingencies, namely, if lIthe construction is resumed on seventeen sites for the launching of Soviet rockets". Alice in Wonderland, indeed. In the second paragraph of Mr. Roa's letter, this was stated flatly as a fact, that the United States note exists and has been circulated, and words are quoted from it in quotation marks. But we read furtber that the existence of the note is ratber oddly attributed to "cabled dispatches from Montevideo, Uruguay". 16. That is the sort of evidence which is being presented to the Security Council to support a charge of aggression, of imminent invasion; the most serioue: charge-I am sure Mr. Roa realizes this-that one 17. The United States Govertmlent has not circulated any document or note of any kind relating to the supposed construction of Soviet misaile bases in Cuba, or stating an intention to launch a military intervention against Cuba, and perhaps it is significant that, in spite of a welter of photographs and in spite of a large number of quotations from various newspaper and magazine articles, the Security Couneil has not been shown any such documents. ' 18. Cannot we aU realize, understanding international relations as we do at this table, that if any Cuban authority had come to any United States authority about this so-called "document", we could have told them that this particular press report was eompletely erroneous? Obviously they do not want to be told that. They would much rather spread it in the Press and come to the Security Council of the United Nations and make a big noise about !te 19. So much for our latest invasion plot, and that te a good sample of the kind of second-hand rumour which Mr. Roa uses instead of evidence. In order to keep this invasion scare in perspective, we must keep in mind recent Cuban propaganda. For the past year or more, ft has been the practice ofthe Cuhan leaders, particularly of Prime Minister Castro, to ascrihe to the United States the intention to carry out a military invasion of Cuba and to urge aU patriotic Cubans to he ready to d!e figh:ing th" Yankee invaders. 20. We had 'a.'à'ample bere when Mr. Roaasked for an immediate debate on what he called the large-scale invasion which the United States Government 18 prepa!'fng ta launch at any moment agalnst Cuba. One can just imagine the headÏh:les inwhich these chargeswere spread across the pages of the controlled Press of Cuba, in arder to whip the people ioto a state of fear and alarme Of course there was no invasion, there was never any plm fOllOY St:~il invll~Jon, and the matter layon the agenda ot the Firf't COlJ.~nltteeof the General Assembly for sevenweeks without heing raised again by anybody, even though the United States had indicated its full agreement that if &Dy rea! emergency came up the Cuban item could he moved directly to the head of the list. So, the General Assem!:lly 00- Journed the first part of its Bession, and then the new year approacbed and with it the second anniversary of the aceer"aion to power of the Castro regime. The 21. Now 1 come to the second principal charge in Mr. Roa's letter, that our so-called "slnister plan" was developel'l "with the open co-operation of Cuban war crlmlnals who have sought refuge in the United States-including mercenaries. adventurers, spies, saboteurs and terrorists of every klnd". Of course, it is a fact that thousands of Cubans, including editors, intellectuais and professional men ln aIl fields have ned from Cuba in the past two years. Many hundreds of them hava taken refuge ln the United States, but they are not war, criminals. Like most Amerlcans, the great majority of them, including nearly aIl the original chiaf lieutenants of Mr. Castro, supported the Castro revolution until they were sickened by the sUIr pression of freedom in Cuba in aIl fields of endeavour. Those who were not able to gat to the United Btates or to sorne other free country for asylum are ilD prison. They were disgusted by the suppression of freedom, by the wiping out of every political party exeept the Communist party, by the complete muzzling of Press, radio and television, by the taking over of the universities and the labour movement by the régime, by ilbe subjugation of the courts to politieal control. and by the widespread execution and imprisonm'9ilt of individuals who Wf.'i'e suspected ofpoUtical opposition. Yeso there are a great number of Cubans who do not choose to live in Cuba under these circumstances, but the United States is only one orthe many free countries which have gjyen them asylum. 22. Now our Federal and local governmeats, as weIl as soms private organizations. have given emergency assistance to some of these r'!fugees who had to leave Cuba without money or prope~r and must make a new start somewhere. We are doing l[)Ur hast to find hOllsing and jobs for them' and schooling for their chlldren. We have informed the Council of the Organization of American States all about fuese steps and have expressed the hope that other AmericanRepublics might wish to co-operate in dealing with th~s purely humanitarian problt!m. Those are all actions which any free country would take as a matter of common humanity. But to imply. as Mr. Roa has done. that we have sUIr ported milltary incursions by Cuban refugees intoCuba is absolutely false. It is natural and readily understandable that some Cubans on our shores should want to engage in activit1es against the government which has done them so much harm. But the United States Government has been in no way associatedwlth euch actlvitiee. On the contrary. we have madeunusuai and special efforts to prevent violation of our laws. 23. As to the third charge in Mr. Roa's letter, ft iB that the United States: If••• is now engaged in a ma- 24. Of course, the United States consults with other American Republtcs on matters of common concern, including our relations with Cuba and their relations wlth Cuba, and the position of Cuba in our Western hemispheric situation. For 1\11'. Roa to say that we have used tremendous pressure on other American Republics to cause them to break relations with Cuba Is entirely false. It shows how far he has slipped into the totalitarian state of mind ln which there are only two possible relationships between governments: either command and obedience, or open hostility. 1 1 25. Now anybody who knows the extenttowhichCuban diplomatie missions throughout this hemisphere have been used for subversion and hostile propaganda can understand why sorne of the sovereign Governments should find ft necessary to break relations with Cubaand this requires no underscoring from us. In this context let me add one word about the action of the Ullited States last night ln breaking our ,diplomatie relations with Cuba. This was a step which we took, as 1 said at the last meeting, with heavy hearts, and we were driven to it. Probably nowhere in the history of recent civilization has any government been as forbearing in the face of provocation as has the United States Government in connexion with Cuban actions. 26. For many months the Cuban Govetnment and particularly the Foreign Ministry, over which Ml'. Roa presides, has made normal diplomatie contact by our Embassy virtually impossible. OUI' country has been made the chief target for aIl Cuban hate propaganda. OUI' nationals have been the chief vlctims of their harll.ssment. In the flrst ten months of 1960, at least fortj -three United States citizens were harassed and arres ~ed without charges by the Cuban police. 1 stress the phrase "without charges". This is not the action of a government wlth the ideals which have been professed by the leaders of the Cuban revolut:l.on. 27. In one of these cases, on 18 August 1960, an .\merican woman and her t'.lleyoung SO!lS were dragged from their car by a mob and beaten while the Cuban police stood by and watched. Then the police took them to headquarters and questioned them IntensIvely before releasing them many hours later, still without glving any reason for the arrest. Then on 15 September, at 1 a.m., armed representatives of the Cuban ArmY'3 Department of Investigation forced their way Into the apartment of a woman staff member of the United States Embassy ln Havana. They searched her apartment, refused to tell her of any charges against her, and would not let her make contact with the Embassy. She was taken to police headquarters. OUr Embassy was still not allowed to talk to her. Forty hours later, after vlgorous representations by our Ambassador, ahe was released and ordered to leave Cuba Im- 29. Now then, as tue world lmows, only yesterday morning the Cuban Government suddenly issued an order, without warninr;, that the United States Embassy should be reduced arbitrarily to eleven persons. AlI member of the Embassy above that n.umber were summarily ordered to leave within forty-eight hours and were saild by Prime Minister Castro to be engaged in esplonage. Such hostile and provocative actions by the Cuban Government have long since destroyed the confidence and mutual respect which are essential to effective diplomatic relations, and have made the maintenance of the United States Embassy in Havana impossible. 30. In our apinion the leaders of the Cuban revolution have isolated their nation from the restofthe nations, even though the representative of Cuba has btlaBted thls morning that ·We do not stand alone". They have isolated their nation at least from the other nations of the hemisphere, which were their natural friends. by their extreme thirst for power and domination, and fanatical Intolerance of any and aIl dissent. From this state of mind have flowed many tragic results: the imposition of censorship and thought control; the banning of aIl poHtical parties except the communists; Bummary justice by drumhead courts, which have arbitrarily caused hundreds to be put to death; the consequent ntght of many thousands of refugees, includlng many of Cuba's ablest citizens; the economic troubles arising from irresponsible policies and a constant defection of pol1tical and econ'lmic leaders; the official creation of a "Yankee devil" whom the unfortunate Cuban people, includingthe smallest school children, are taught to fear and despise as being ready to invade their beloved fatherland; an open advocacy of subversion and violent revolution throughout Latin America; the mortgaging of Cuba's economic future for the purchase of large quantities rI' arms from the. Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia; il'. lilitary mob1l1- zation of hundreds of thousands ofCubans; and, finally, the graduaI transformation oran increasingly insolvent Cuba into a pol1tical and economlc dependency of the Soviet Union and a springboard for Soviet ambitions in the Western Hemisphere. 32. 1 ba~an my remnrks this afternoon with a very brlef description of the invasions which tooh. place over the last two yenrs. We must aIl recognize, because it is openly avowed, that subversion in the Western Hemisphere is a definite policy of the Castro Government. High officiaIs of the Cuban Government have proclalmed that the Governments of Latin America do not represent the peoples of Latin America. 33. On 30 Au~st 1960, Prime Minister Castro said in Havana: "What happened in Cuba will some day happen in America." By that, 1 suppose, he meant the United States. "And if for saying this we are accused of being continental revolutionaries, let them accuse us. And if for saying this we are accused of wanting there to be revolutlon in aU of America, let them accuse us.· 1 do not know of anything th~t could be much clearer than that. 34. But to nail down the last nail, two days later, on 1 September, Foreign Minister Roa said that the Cuban Revolution "will net as a springboard for a11 the popular forces of Latin America, fo11owing a destiny identical to that of Cuba." 35. Tl the rulers of Cuba set out by themselves te carry out such a policy, it would be dangerous enough; b..lt it is mad~ far more dangerous by the fact that it is openly espoused and abetted by the international communist movement and Ly the leaders of the Soviet Union. 36. Just a month ago, in Moscow, the leaders of the communist parties of the world, in their dir~ctive on world-wide communlst strategy, proclaimed, and 1 quote from thelr communiqué: "The victory of the popular revolutlon in Cuba i5 a splendid example for the peoples of Latin America." These words have been supported with weapons. 1 will not take the time of the COUDcil to go through the listingof the types ofweapons, of the military technicians that came with them, and of the establishment of huge civilian militia far beyond the normal needs for defence and national security. But the Cuban programme of disruption in Latin America. under the Castro Government. is already weIl known. ft is aimed at the establishment of régimes of the Castro communist mould. 37. 1know that a11 the members of the Council do not need to he reminded that when the CastroGovernment first came to power, the people of the United 8tL.tes and the Government of the United States, now called various names by the Cuban representative, rejoiced. They rejoiced together with the Cuban people who had been given promise artel' promise of a more wonderful day to come. And as 1 said recently, !t was not until they were sickened by the realization that many of these promises were :Jmpty, were not heing fulfilled and probably never w01.1d he, tbat the very able lieutenants of Ml'. Castr Aarted gradually to move 39. We realize as much as anyone else the crying need on the part of the peoples of Latin America for true self-determination. And we can only deplore the fact that apparently thls time the people of Cuba have been taken in by empty promises. 40. From the standpoint of the United States, as 1 said at the last meeting, the charges brought today by the Foreign Mlnister of Cuba are empty, groundless, false, îraudulent, and 1 suppose that in the lexicon of diplomacy one might find many other words to indicate that they are wlthout basis in facto 1 ask the members of the Security COUDcil to study the charges, to study the hlstory of the relationship betwec.n Cuba and the United States over the past two years which has become an open book to aH of you-to aU Council members-and then to decide, on the basis ofmerit, whether these charges should be considered in a serious veine We helieve that they should notbe. We belfeve actually that there should be no draft resolutlon whatever before this Councn taking any cognizance of these charges. 1 hope that, as we draw toward the close of our deliberations on this particular item, this position as to resolutions will be l'ecognized and supported by a great majority of the Council.

1 would remlnd the public that it must remain silent, otherwise we shaU he obliged to clear the gallery. 42. Ml'. BENITES VINUEZA (Ecuador) (translated from Spanish): My delegation is taking part in this debate wlth a definite feeling of sadness. This is a conflict between two States whlch form part of the sarne regional communlty and are both linked to my country by ties of 1:10se friendship. My delegatlon would not, therefore, want to assume the severe l'ole of an Informed juàge, but rather that of a friendly adviser in a farnily quarrel. 43. For that reason 1 should 1lke, first andforemost, to recaU the princlples that form the basis of our regional community, a community which is older than the United Nations, of which It is a part. It is in these principles that must be found the proper method and the practical solution of the problems which today divlde two States and threaten the friendship of two Amerlcan peoples. - 44. It ls t1'11e that the American regional community i8 based on concepts which have emerged from two 1 45. Among t.hese principles is one which fc.••ns the corner-stone of the American juridical system-the principle of non-intervention by any State in matters which are within the domestic jurisdictlon of another State. 1 need hardly remind you of how stubbornly we had ta fight for the establishment of that princip1e, how many difficultles had ta be ovel'come, and how hard was the road that led ta Its final recognition in the Charter of BogoUt,!J whereby the Organizatlon of American Sta.tes was set up. Norwould It be constructive ta recaU to you, here, the painful events of a past which has once and for aIl been left behind. The important thing is that this principle serves as a basis both for the American regional Organization and for the United Nations. 46. We firmly believe that this. principle will be preserved as a permanent basis for illter-American relations. We have no reason ta think that a system of violence, definitively abolished, could lead to astate of affairs which Ume has swept away, leaving us only with the consciousness of Its essential uselessness. 47. The principle of non-intervention in the domestic affairs of other States has, of course, the obvious coroUary that each people is entitled to set up for itself the juridical and political organizatlon which, in its view. is best suited to it. No one has the right to sit in judgement on the political conductof another. Every people-and especially aIl those in Latin America which have a semi-feudal structure-is entitled to make its own experiments with a view to attaining a state of social and economic development that will enable Its economic wealth to he fully employed. But it has the rigbt to do so lr~ its own national means and according to its own doctrines. If more powerful States. whatever their ideologies. tried to use an under-developed country as a terrain for ideologtcal struggles or as a propaganda platform for ideas endangering the security of other States. that would he a forro of veiled intervention. justas it would he if aState tried to extend, sub·...ersively. a political experiment from one people to another. '" 4t:l. American solidarity must be based on thfs absolute respect for the sovereignty of States. The Latin American peoples achieved their independence under that politieal prinefple. which was present to the minds of their liberators. Only on that basis can an international society be lrllilt in which respect for States, large and small, will he maintained. Any theory of tutelage, any ideology of exclusiveness. Is contrary to our tradition of universaHty. However. increasing solidarity within the hemisphere Involves common respect for a body of fdeas and guiding prlnciples which must he eonstantly re-examined and reassessed. y Charter of th~ Organization of Am~rlcanStatell, lIlgned at Bogotf, on 30 ... pril 1948. 50. My delegation is convinced that the present differences between two Governments whose countries form part of thls American regional system should be settled by such methods, which are basic to our very existence. We are confident that no resort to violence will talce place to trouble our American peace. The responslbtltty and the mortgage to history involved would be too great. 51. The princfples which 1 have mentioned enable my delegatton to adopt a clear stand with regard to the problem before us. The fact that Ecuador Is a peaceful State, that it has given proof of its abtltty to fulftl ita obligations towards continental solidarity, enables my delegation to conslder thls problem openly, honestly and dlspasslonately. 52. The allegat.tona made by the Cuban Mlnister for External Relations are based on fears arislng out of a difference of vlews and methods. We should like to say that, for our part, we have been subject~d to no pressure and have received no document Implying the use of pressure or threats against the Government of Cuba. We may or may not believe that thls Government has made mistakes; we may or may not entertaln doubts as to the efflcacy of Us methods; and there may be different vlewpolnts among us as to certain aspects of its policy. But for the Cuban people we continue to have warm feelings of sympathy and friendship, which nothing wtll destroy and whlch no one has sought to destroy. 53. Since there are no serions. specifie faets to account for any fear of an Immediate threat to peace, we believe that our l'ole should be one of friendly arbitration. We must continue ln our efforts to find a peaceful solution that wf1l avoid the shatterlng of Amerlcan unlty. Wlth thls ln vlew, and ln complete agreement with the representative of Chfle. we thfl1k that we should spare no effort in the cause of an understanding which will enable agreement to be reached between two States both linked to us by ties of friend~ shlp. 54. The draft resolution [S/4612] whlch we have submitted la dlrected towards thls end. In a world of fear, dlstrust, suspicion and alarm, we must afflrDi our falth ln the prlnclples of the United Nations Charter. whlch arose out of a war, so that we may prevent othel', more cruel and more sangulnarywars. 55. My delegatton believes that the Securlty COUDcil is fully competent to deal wlth this matter and to strive 1··- 56. Ml'. ZORIN (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) (translated from Russian): The Security Council is again faced with the need to considel' an extremely grave situation resulting from the latest aggressive acts by the United States against a small indep,=,ndent State-the Republic of Cuba. 57. We have heard a detailed statement by Ml'. Roa, the Minister for External Relations of Cuba. Thil; statement convincingly demonstrated that. following the Cuban revolution leading to the overthrow of the Batista dictatorship, which was detested by the Cuban people but was supported by the United States Government, the United States has made its relations with revolutionary Cuba more strained with every passing month and has carried out a series ofaggresS!ive acts which have now culminated in the termination of diplomatic and consular relations with that State Member of the United Nations and have confronted the Cuban people with the threat of military invasion. Mr. Roa quoted many instances and provided much evidence of provocative action by the present United States Government; he also demonstrated the aggressive character of the entire policy of the United States towards this small Latin American State which. two years ago. announced that ft was making a complete break with the old policy ofunquestioning subservience to the imperialist domination of the United States and declared its intention of pursuing an independent policy in the interests of its own people and the peoples of aU Latin American countries. 58. We have also heard a statement by the United States representative. MI'. Wadsworth, who tried to represent the serious charges made by the revolutionary Government of Cuba as false and completely groundless. He even described these charges as ridiculou8 and tried to accuse the Cuban Government itself with creating difficulties for its own people. The United States representative merely attempted to evade any detailed discussion of the facts and argumeüta thiit ha:;;a besü put fûx-ward. This is of coursa a. very simple but highly unconvincing line. It is also a significant fact that, despite the gravity of the ci1'- cumstances in which we are examining this question, the United States representative did not consider it necessary to make a clear and unequivocal statement that the subversive activities against Cuba being conducted in United States territory will be brought to an end, tbat acts of provocation and preparations for direct aggression will be discontinQed and that aU differences between Cuba and the United States will be resolved by peaceful me~:08. A ~lear and unequivocal statement to thr.t p,ffL' ras not, unfor-' tunately. been made by th", United States representative and this gives us food for serious thought. 60. It is enough to take an objective look at the facts to realize that the United States representative's attempts to evade serious responsibility for the grave situation which has developed in the Caribbean are futile and that those who have inspired those attempts are doomed to d!sappointment. In fact, the present situation, which is extremely dangerous for the Republic of Cuba and for peace throughout the world, is not unexpected. A few months ago, the Soviet Government followed the Cuban Government in drawing the attention of world public opinionand the United Nations to acts which indicated that the United States Government, influenced by the United States monopolies and militarists and filled with hatred for the revolutionary régime in Cuba, was making steadily intensified preparations for direct military attack on a small, but proud and freedom-loving country, which had refused to bow its head to dictation from Washington. We then urged that no credence should be given to the false assertions of the present United States Government that it had no aggressive designs with respect to Cuba. Unfortunately, we proved to be right and aH the formaI assurances of the United States Government have merely turned out to be theusualutterlycynical coyer statements which the present United States Administration has hypocriticaHy used to conceal its many discreditable activities. 61. As the facts show-these facts we describe are hard to deny-hostile acts and preparations for aggression against Cuba by the United States may be said to have passed through three clearly defined stages. At the outset, there were only isolated acts of interference by the United States in the domestic affairs of Cuba and the general line of a United States policy of hostiUty to the revolutionary Government of Cuba was still only in the process of development. 62. Mr. Wadsworth has told us today that the United States Government almost rejoiced at the revolution in Cuba. But 1 do not thinkthatthis hypocritical statement by the United States representative will deceive anyone. During the period immediately following the victory of the revolution in Cuba, the sabotage of the Cuban Government's measures organized by United States companies in Cuba had Dot yet been co-ordinated with acts of economic aggression against Cuba by the United States Government. During this period, the various counter-revolutionary anti-Cuban organizatiûns aüd a11 the f"ügltives-Ûlose who naà to ünited States territory with Batista, established themselves there and still enjoy the support of the United States Government-were cnly just beginning to organJze their activities and were establishing contacts with United States authorities. 63. The campaign of malicious slander against Cuba which has developed in the United States, had Dot yet become a well-orchestrated whole and discordant notes were frequently heard owing to the lack of a conductor's fh..m direction. The faH of the United States hireling, Batista, had been too sudden and there had not yet been time to reach agreement on aU the meaaures to be taken against the new Government. - 64. The United States has been waging a campaign of hostUity agalnst Cuba and its Government for a long perlod of time. Today Ml'. Wadsworth even openly described thls Government as a "reign of terror". The representative of Ecuador today referred to the prlnclples governlng relations among the American States. He spoke of friendshlp, co-operation, the peaceful settlement of aU issues and the principle of non-Intervention in each other's domestic affairs. 65. In these clrcumstances, what justification Is there for the temerity, and, 1 would even say, the effrontery of the United States representative ln labelUug as a Wrelgn of terrorWthe Government of a country with whlcl. it malntalned diplomatie relations until yesterday? What Is thls if not dire"~ Interference i'il the domesUc affah of a small bL mdependent State? It seems to me that thls fact alone testifies to an open dlsregard by the United States Government of an the rules of International intercourse, Includlng the rules established for relations among the American States, to whïch the representative of Ecuador has referred. 66. On the radio and televislon, ln the press and ln numerous statements by varlous officiaIs a systematic campalgn has been and Is belng waged agalnst the Government of Cuba, agalnst the revolutionary Republic of Cuba ln general. Furtharmore, acts ofprovocation are belng carrled out, and direct pressure is belng brought to bear on other Governments and on the Government of Cuba itself. In the economlc field, the United States Government has dlscarded the prevlous agreements on the purchase of sugar and on trade ln generai. organlzed a blockade of Cuba and declared an embargo on all exports. This is purely and slmply an attempt ta brlng about the caconomic ruln of thls régime whlch Is abhorrent to the United States. But snch action runs dlrectly c:o.'II1ter to the basic prlnclples of the United Nations Charter and the Charter of the Organlzation of Amerlcan States. 67. In the poUtieal field, the United States Government has organized an Increaslngly extensive eampalgn to Isolate the Government of Cuba and to exerelse pressure on other Latin Amerlean States to break off diplomatie relations and Institute an economle blockade of Cuba. The latest step by the United States-the termlnation of diplomatie relations wlth Cuba-wu also motivated by thls desIre to aggravate the situation and to give a new Impetus to the campalgn of hostility against the RepubUc of Cuba. 69. It is highly significant that one of the reactionary United States journalists, David Lawrence, in welcoming the latest act of aggression by the United States against Cuba, stated frankly in the New York Herald Tribune on 18 November 1960 that the day was not far off when the United States might be compelled to land troops in order to take over United States property in Cuba which had been seized by the Castro Government. 70. Similarly, The New York rimes, commenting in !ts issue of 20 November on the United States Government's decision to organize what ft describes merely as symbolical patrolling off Cuba, was impelled to ask the following puzzled question: "Andwhy was it necessaryB, it asks, "to assign a ca:i:'rier with seventy planes and five destroyers to the patrol? A year' ago the Navy had merely put two small vessels on patrol off the Panamanian coast." 71. This!s a nal've question, to which the answer is very simple. The assignment of the United States naval squadron cruising in the waters to the south of Cuba was not to pat1'01, but to work out the technique of invasion. Surely eloquent evidence of the true intentions of the United States with regard to Cuba is also provided by the fact that, at that Sarne period when the main United States naval forces were concentrated to the south of Cuba, it was announced that the United States fleet was also holding manoeuvres with the participation of cruisers and submarines off the north-west of the islands-only six miles from the Cuban capital? 72. What was the purpose of all this? Can anyone seriously believe what Ml'. Wadsworth told us today, namely, that a military threat has been created to the whole Caribbean area, that Cuba with ~ts population of six and a half million is threatening the United States of America? Such charges against Cuba are utterly ludicrous. . 73. The United States did not organize large-scale naval manoeuvres just as anouting. The working out of the techn1cal details of intervention against Cuba by the armed forces of the United States was accompanied by other final steps in the military and pol1tical buildup for invasion. As we know, on 2 December 1960, the 74. On 9 December the United States Department of State warned United Statl;lB nationals againsttravelling to Cuba for the ChrilJtmas and New Year vacation. There ean be no doubt about the purpose of this warning. The time for the attack upon Cuba had e'lidently been ehosen and the so-called "danger period" had arrived. SUrely it was tiO mere coincidence that a week ago, on 25 December 1960, the Miami Herald. a newBpaper published in a e!tywhere, asweknow, the Cuban counter--revolutionary elements whieb have found Ibalter under the wing of tbe United States Government have their beadquarters, published a report that large forces of thesa counter-revoluttonary elements were making what the newspaper deseribed as final preparations for an invasion of Cuba. These forces are DOt, of course, the main invasion forces; their intention is to :ride into Cuba on the bayonets of the United States Marines. . 75. Binee the Cub , GovernmClnt exposed the secret designs of the Um. Id States to 'larry out an armed 9,ttack on the herote RepubUc of Cuba, other facts relating to United States preparations for such an attack bave become knawn to the world. The Eisenbower Government is exertmg pressure on the Latin Ameriean countries with a view to forcing them to break off diplomatie relations with Cuba, thereby isolating that country from the other States ofthe Western httmisphere. 76. AU United Statelt nationale at present in Cuba were secretly sUD1Dloned to the UnitedStates Embassy to receive hlghly important Information. Incidentally.. thi, summoning _of United States nationale to the United StateH Embal!lSY took place before the Cubl\D Government demanded a reduction iD the numœr oi embuey staff members and there are ther13fore no groundil for the 8.llsrtinn made bere 13) the United States representative that the Cuban Gcvernment's demand ',,1' equal staffs in the United States Embl18By in Cl!Oa rmd the Cuban Embasey in tbe United States was the ultimete cause for the rupture of relations. But you called in your nationals before the Cuban Government made thie; demande m other words, you WGre preparing to break off relations even belore this dev·slopment cccurred. ',. 77. Althougb no one was taken in bGfors, the true significance of the commotion which ~he United States Government has recently bean mùing over Cuba's purehue abroad of armlJ for defensive us is now clear; U was nothing but a smoke sorean. In ma!dng the slan<1erous aslertion that CuhaIs purcbumgarms in the Bocialist countries for the purpoS19 of givlng armed support ta the epnad of itl revolutton to other parts of North and Sout.h America-the Umteli SU.. apwttated on thll J.Y.Jint tw ~:,~the Unfted States Govemment ls in f'"Ct attempting, by the UI6 of it8 usual sordfd Methode, to diserm Cuba and to leave it wlthout the means of defenee in order tg faci1ltate the direct bwuion of the Island by the United States. 79. It Is ln vain that the United States representattve tries to scare us with quotattons from a communiqué issued by representatives of the communist and workers' parties or from a communiqué issued by Ml'. r.Hkoyan and the Cuban Government during the former's vislt to Cuba 8tati~ that the Soviet Union and Cuba have agr6ed to joint acU'/ity in the United Nations. This 18 a crime indeed! Is there any reason why the Soviet Un!on ud Cuba or any other Dtate should not act jolntly in the interests of peace and of international security and co-operation? lB there any reason why they should he enemies? What crime has Cuba or the Soviet Union committed here? We are proud of such activities in the interests of peace mnd international securlty. 80. The Havana Dec:aration which was adoptedby the people of Cuba on 2 September 1960 repudlated the Monroe Doctrine and the principles of Pan Americanism as interpreted by Washington. and proclaimed the unity of the peoples of the Western hemisphere on a now democratlc basis, on the basls ofthe princlples of an emancipatory Latin-Amerlcanism. These principles involve the liberation of the Latin American countries from tbe pollUcal and economlc oppression of the United States and thelr emergence on to the broad road of free and Independent national development. The revolutionary Government ofCuba is guided by these princlples ln all Us actlvttles on the International scene and thls is precisely why ft is so strongly dlsliked by the North Amertcan monopolies. 81. In preparlng for intervention against Cuba. these forces are not only alming at regatningwhat they have lo&t as a reeult of the revolutionary changes which have taken place. in Cuba; their activities are alao intended as an object lesr '\nfor the benefltof the other Latin American countries in case thesa countries should tako it Into their beads to repaat tbe C'aban experlment. This la one of the purposes of the telmlnation of relations by the present United States Government. It is a warning to the other Latin American countries. 82. In opposlng the Cuban revolution and ln preparing for 1ts direct suppression. theUnitedStates ofAmerica has shawn the whole world that it openly advooates the maintenance of other countrtee Independenceupon itself, that It fs the closest ally of colonial1sm in the terrftol'Y of Amedea. 83. 1\11'. Wadsworth vlrtually put the l!locialist eountries and Cuba ill tbe dock. the charge betng that the nine countriell of t110 Soviet bloc voted with Cuba for discussion by fueGhneralAssemblyinplenarymeeting 84. The acUvities of the United States against Cuba provlde convinclng evidence of the clear desire of the United States Imperialiste to retain what Ml'. Nehru. the Prime Minister of India, once aptly described as -the invisible empire of the United States. Il But the Ume for thls has passed. There Is Irrefutable evidence that we are dealing wlth a very direct threat of aggression by one of the great Powers, the United States of America, agalnst a sman country, Cuba. The purpose of this aggression, for-whichpreparations are undar way, is to overthrow the revolutionary Government of Cuba and the democratic régime in that country, to re-establish the control of the North American monopolies and to eliminate the exàmple of a successful struggle by a emall country for its freedom and independence, for the development of its national economy, which heroic Cuba offers to the other Latin American countrles. 85. At present, the threat of aggression has not yet been carrled into effect. Tho war machine ofthe United States has not yet been set in motion. There il'l still time te avert a course of events which may be fraught with the gravest consequences not only for the Caribbeau, but for the whole world. 86. The arguments used in President Eisenhower'R statement on the question of the rupture of relations between the United States and Cuba are amazingly unconvlncing. In the statement published today, President Eisenhower says: -The Government of Cuba has decided to Hmit the personnel of our Embassy and Consulate in Havana to eleven persons. fi But why does he make no reference to the faet that the staff of the Cuban Embassy in tho United States is precisely the same size. President Eisenhower goes on to say: -This unusual action on the part-oftheCastro Government can have no other purpose thanto render Impossible normal dlplomatic relations wlth that Government." 87. Why 18 thls action unusua}? Why should the Government of one country not he f:t:"ee to ask another country for equality of treatment? SUrely the Govern~ ment of a small country Is entltled to say to another country: -You must have the same number of diploome.Uc staff ln our country RS we have in yours." Why la a demand for equality hetween two Governmente an unuaual action? Or bas the United States grown used to the Idea fuat It must have an embassy staff of 120. 130 ~T 300 ln every Latin Amerlcan country while ,~=,=:~=~::~~~~~~.allO~~:8b~ tho~e countrles may have 2Jl embassy staff of 10, 12 or lti. Why should thls he so? What ~ustiflcat1on do you have for according such unequal ,,;:eatmeltt to coun- 88. President Eisenhower goes 011 to say: 'It is my hope and my conviction that in the not tao distant future It will be possible for the historic friendship between us again to find its reflection in normal relations of eve.-y sort. Meanwhile~ our sympathy goes out to the people of Cuba now aufferingunder the yoke of a dictator. 91 In other words, you did not regard the dictator Batista as a dictator, but you regard the man who overthrew him and established a people's democracy as a dictator because he does not wish to submit to your dictation. This is the position of the United States on equality of treatment between countries. 89. Mr. Wadsworth made the following statement today: 'We shaH never cease to look for the day when Cuba will break out ofthe prison ofhatred in which her present mlers have confined it." What justification doea the representative of a great Power have for describing the internaI political system of a country with which it only recently had diplomatic relations as a prison of hatred, in which the country has been confined by its present rulers? What right does he have to meddle in the domestic affairs of another country, to discuss the type of régime established there? The fact that the United States is saying that the day is not far off, that it wiIi "never cease ta look for the day when Cuba will break out of the prison of hatred" in which It has been confined goes to show that it fa preparing to restore the old régime, which was rotten and had been repudiated by ~e Cuban people. It will look for the day, but U will not see it. 90. It is necessary to appreciate the full importance of the decision facing the Security Conncil. It is not merely a question of Its duty to come ta the defence of a small country threatened with direct attack by the United Statt:as; it is also a question of its duty to avert a course of events wllich would imperH peace throughout the worId. 91. If the Security Council does not come to CubaIs defence, if ft do~s not take steps to preclude aggression by the United States against that country and if this aggression should nevertheless take place, Cuba w111, of course, not stand alone. It will recefve effective help from the countries which prize the defence of freedom and justice, which will not allow the principles of international law to be supplanted by the principles of international brigandage. 92. In his message of greet1ng to Ml'. Castro. the Prime Minister of Cuba, Ml'. Khrushchev. Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR said: "The Soviet people is proud of the relations of friendship, trust and mutual o..>-operation which are developlng so fruitfully between our countries. The Cuban people can always rely on the solidarity and support of the So'det ·people in the struggle for its independence, freradom and the development of Us national economy." 93. The Soviet delegation hopes that aIl members of the Security Council will give due consideration to the The meeting rose at 6.50 p.m. 1 1 1~·33, Guatemala HAITI Librairie 'fA la Catoy.II. HONDURAS libterfa Panameticana, HONG KONG • Th. Swindon Book Kowloon. ICELAND-ISLANDE Bokav.nlun Sigfu.ar F.. Au.tu..tra.tl INDIA·INDE Orient Lonllman•• dra., Now O.lhi Oxford Book & Delhi and Calcutta. P. Varadachary & INDONESIA·INDONESIE Pembangunan. L1d Djakarta. IRAN ''>uily. ~B2 F.rdow.i 11lAQ.IRAK Mack.nli..•• ~aok.hop; IIlELAND-IRUlNDE Stationery Off,ce. ISRAEL Blum.teln·. Book.tore and ~8 Nachlat ITALY-IYALIE Libteria Coft1millionaria Gina Capponi 26. Aluni 15/1.. Roma. JAPAN·JAPON Marulen Company. Nihonba.hi, Tokyo. JORDAN-JORDANIE Jallph 1. Bahou. Box 66, Amman. KOREA-COREE Eul.Yoo Publi.hlng Changno, Seaul. LEBANON·L1BAN Khayat·. College 92·9~. ru. BIi••• LUXlMBOURG Librairie J. Trau.ch·$chummer, Théâtre. Luxemboure. M~XICO-MEXIQUE Editorial Herme•• ~1. México, O.F. MOROCCQ.MAROC Centro de dlffu.lan B.E.P.I., 8, rue Mlchaux·Bell"ire. NETHERLANDs-PAY5-eAS N.V. Martlnu. Nijha", 9, '.·Groypnhage. NEW ZEALAND.NOUVELLE·ZELANDE United Nation...... land. C.P.O. 1011. NORWAY·NORVEGE Johan Grundt Tanum gu.tlgt. 7A, 0.10. Orcle" ancl inquiri•• 'rom coun'ri•• not lill.cl abov. moy b. ••n' '0: Sol.. S.ction. Publi.ltinfl S••ie., Uni'ed Na'ian., New York, U.S.....; or Sol•• S.ction. Unit.cl Nation., Pa/ai. de. Noticn., G~n.~a, Swifz.,I<lnâ. Litho in UoN • Priee: $US. 0.35: 2/6 stg.: (or equivalent in other