S/PV.923 Security Council

Pursuant to the decision already adopted, and ifthere is no objection from the members of the Council, 1 shall invite the representative of Cuba to take a place at the Council table. At the invitation of the President, Mr. Radl Roa, representative of Cuba, took a place at the Council table. 2 Mr. PADMORE (Liberia): My delegation has listened attentively ta the statement of the Minister for External Felations of Cuba, as weIl as to the rebuttal of the United states representatlve. My delegation can understand the fears and anxieties of the Cuban Government because Liberia was also hemmed for more than a century by more powerful neighbours during the colonial expansion period. 3. During those days there were no communication media whereby the peoples of the world, especially those who rnight be sympathetlc, could be aroused to one's defence; neither was there any international forium, sllch as this, that a smaller country could appeal ta in the event of a national emergency. 4. Apart from the United States delegation's categorical denial of any intent by this great country to invade Cuba, my delegation is not convinced that the evidence prodcced by Cuba gives substantive proof of an actual imminent invasion. VVe probably can 5. The United Nations, to which Cuba has appealed, ia the h~'re, llnd possibly the only hope, of the African people for the political stability and economic develo!lment of their countries and territories without the harussment of more powerful States. Therefore, when the structure of the United Nations was so vehemently challenged many of us were dismayed and confounded. 6. Let me also assure the i:nik l States that its history is one of the greatest i' ;entives in the struggle of the Africau peoples for pvlitical fT'pedom and the search for human dignity. It is beyvnd our conception that the Government of Cuba and the Government of the United States cannot assuage the anger, fear and suspicion of each other withüut this international ciamour and fanfare. 7. 1 wi"h 1 could impress upon the Cuban people the fact that my delegation, and what it represents, is ever on the alert in the interest and welfare of smaller States. It would not then be amiss for me to suggest that national expediency sometimes supersedes national policy. 8. My delegation, therefore, has noted with interest the concern of the Cuban Government and people regarding al imminent invasion by the United States and heartily welcomes the categorical denial of the United States in connexion with such a plot. In our opinion, there is not much else to be done by the Security Council in the circumstances. 9. Ml'. BERARD (France) (translated from French): On the evening of 31 December, the Cuban Minister for External Relations requested the President of the Secur,ity Council to calI a highly urgent meeting of the Council to prevent a direct milital'y aggression which, he said, the United States Government was about to perpetrate within a few hours against the Government and people of Cuba, thus placing international peace and s'.'lcurity in grave peril. 10. Couched in such language and coming on such a date, that request, to be just'fied, needed to be bas{)d on well-established facts. It wouId beobviouslyinconsistent with the dignity of our Council to place it on guard without serious cause and to sound the alarm over a threat to international pe..ce and sec...~ lLY if no auch threat really existed. 11. Four days have elapsed since then, and the dramatic events whlch, we were told, were to take place in the next few hours have not occurred. There is no indication, even, that they couldhaveoccurred. Thatls the first observation which 1 feel constrained to make at the outset of my statement. But since the Cuban complaint contains a formaI accusation, let us study 13. Before turning to faet or facts, the Cuban Minister for External Relations attacks the policy ofdiplomatic isolation allegedly pursued by the United States, in Latin America, with regard ta Cuba, As proof, he cites the Ouaterr tian Government's ruptt:re of diplomatie relations with Havana, the announcement that the Peruvian Government would tnke similar action, and news from Montevideo ta the effect that Uruguay was pl'eparing tu follow the same course. He does not hesitate to describe these actions as evidence that the United States has compelled these countries ta follow the path of subjugation, surrender and 'reason. It is not for me ta speak on behalf of the Latin American States; they are represented at this table. I shall only say that, from my standpoint of impartial observer, the intemperance of the words, here again, fails to cal"'y conviction. These accusations, which some will undoubtedly find insl.41ting, seem quite gratuitous. We know the Governments of Guatemala, Peru and Uruguay too weil to think that, if they have decided or are about ta decide to break off diplomatic relations with Havana, they lack serious reasons for doing sa. The isolated position in which the Cuban Government finds itself within Latin America Is not a sign that can be interpreted in its favour. 14. We now come to the last part of this lettel'-the only part which is of any substance, since here the Cuban Government speaks of having in itl:! possession a document containing,the threat of a military invasion planned for the hours immediately following the evening of 31 December. We have already pointed out that no effect has been given to this imminent threat. But let us go further: the Cuban Minister for External Relations tells us, in his letter, that the United States Government is prepared to order a military interventian in Cuba in arder ta prevent the installation in the island of seventeen sites for the launching of Soviet rockets, and that the document in question states that ~~~:~~;:!~~=:;:it1~;~::;~if1:.~~s~~~~~~ understand by this that the Cuban Government has {, declded to ,esume construction .nd le.r. the possible 16. The Cuban Minister for External Relations has sought, in a more general way, to establishthat certain circles in the United States are plotting the forcible overthrow of the Government and the régime of Ml'. Castro, tb.at they are being abetted by the United States Government, and that al'ms of American origin have been found in the possession of anti-Castro agents. It is a question, therefure, no longer ofthe first accusation mentioned in the lettel', but of a much braader and more indefinite charge. 1 can readilv imagine that, among the hundreds of thousands of Cubans who have fled Ml'. Castro's régime, there are many who are working against it. But 1 do notthink that Ml'. Roa has brought us any proof of the United States Governmentis connivance, and the reply made by our United States colleague has confirmed us in this bellef. 17. This is not the first time that the Cuban Minister for External Relations and his Government he.ve come before this Council to denounce what they call the intimidating manœuvres, pressure and acts of aggression of the United states. The Counoil discussed these matters, at their request, as long ago as 18 and 19 July of last year. By a majority of 9 votes, witt. 2 abstentions, it refused to condemn the United States Government in any way or to recognize that the Cuban complaint was justüied in anyparticular, and adopted a draft resolution, at the 876th meeting, submitted by the representatives of Argentina and Ecuador [S/4392], which refened the matter t.o the Organization of American states. 18. Subsequently, on 26 September in the General Assembly [872nd plenary m~eting], we heard a statement, lastingfour and one-halfhours by the clock, from the Prime Minister of Cuba in which he denounced the so-called colonialist, imperialist and aggressive policy of the United states. The Cuban Minister for External Relations expressed the wlsh that the question be reconsidered in plenary meeting, before the adjournment of the session. The Assembly rejected this request [91Oth plenary meeting]. The statements made by Mr. Roa yesterday have not, it seems to me, ];Jresented us with any more convincing proof. 19. In these circumstances, my delegation wonders whether there was really any reason for the Cuban Government to refer the question to the Council and, furthermore, te do this so pressingly and ta strike such a note of gravity. Are not the action and the statement of the Cuban Minister fci' External Relations more in the nature of a propaganda move like those to which, for several months, his Government has accustomed us, either here or in the General Assembly? 20. Mr. Roa has told us that the only conclusion of the present debate which he could accept would he a resolution condemning the United States Government 21. Nor will my delegation vote for any draft resolution implying that neither Cuba nor the United States had proved its case, It would fear that, by doing so, it might give the impression of regarding the Havana Government's complaint as well-founded. 22. We sincerely hope that these debates will at least have the effect of calming the anxiety which the Cuban Government claims to feel. 23. France profoundly regrets the tension at present characterizing the Cuban Government's relations with the United States, and earnestly hopes that there will be a prompt restoration of the friendly relations which previously had existed between the two countries.

It is a matter of deep regret to the Ceylon delegation that the relations between the -Government of Cuba and the Government of the United States of America had reached a stage when it was deemed necessary to seyer diplomatie relations between the two countries' which, by incontrovertible fa'J~g of geography, are suchclose neignbours. Our sincere hope is that in the n"t tor distant future their relations will be restored to normal through the rebuilcling of underste.nding and confidence in each other. techniques d'une teinte 25. However much these qualities were evident in their relations in the past, and however much we look forward to their restoration in the future, we cannot but take into account the present and feel apprehension at the strained relations between these two countries at the moment. We hope that nothing untoward will occur to make a i'eturn to normal relations between the two countries difficult. We urge and plead that these two neighbours follow a path of good neighbourliness not only in their own interests, but also in the interests of the whole of hl.i.manity, whoso present-day achievements offer us the choice between an abyss of destruction and desolation or realms of attainment that man has never before attained in known history. Gouvernement accusations ou c'est envenimée ont veiller, nombreu.x irréparablement C'est sécurité chargé nationales, tions exprimant 26. Such being the issue, the present lack of understanding between the Government of Cuba and the Government of the United states ofAmerica merits the most serious consideration by this Couneil. Whatever are the merits and demerits of the allegations-and their rebuttals-there is one fact that emerges clearly, namely, the poisoned atmosphere of suspicion that prevails between the two coun.tries. It is for those, who have goodwill towards these two neighbours, to see that the many ties which exist between them for their mutual advantage do ..'lot get damaged irreparably during the present period of suspicion through which they are passing. It is here that we feel the Security Couneil, as the principal organ of the United Nations entrusted with the preservation of international peace and security, could lend its assistance to the restoration of harmonious relations between Cuba and the United States by an expression of its collective opinion and 28. The Security Council considered this complaint and adopted a resolution [S/4395] on 19 July 1960 in which it expressed its concern at the situationexisting between Cuba and the United states, noted that this situation was under consideration by the Organization of American States, and decided to adjourn its own consideration of the complaint pending the receiptofa report from the OAS. 29. This resolution was communicated to the 8ecretary-General of the Organization of American States which at the Seventh Meeting of Consultation il" San José, in the following month, set up an ad hoc Commtttee of Good Officee to facilitate !'. settlementof controversies between American Governments. 30. Shortly thereafter, the acting representative ofthe United States on the Council of the Organization of American sta.tes requested the convocation of this ad hoc Committee to clarliy the facts in relation to the matterl3 in controversy between the Governments of Cuba and the United states. The acting representative's letter dated 12 September 1960 quoted from a statement made in San José by the Sec1"etary of 8tate of the United states, Ml'. Hertel'. This quotation reads as follows: "1 bell.eve that a fact-findingcommission should he established to eeparate faet from fiction, so that the Organization of American States will have an adequate basis t,)r passing judgÈlment on the assertions which have been made." [8/4559, annex 1.] 31. The Secretary-General of the Organization of American states conveyed .this proposal ta the representative of Cubathree times-on 28 8eptember, 28 October and 2 November IDWi., annexes m, IV and V]. Sa far as the 8acurity Council is aware, there has been no reply from the Government ofCuba. The documents to ww:~h 1 have just referred have been communicated to the Security Conncil bythe Secretary-General ofthe Organization of American states, but they can hardly be said to constitute the report required by the Conncil. Moreover, it seems unlikely that we shall receive any such report, since we have also hadthe Cuban Foreign Minister's letter of 26 November [S/4565], inwhichhe declares that the revolutionary Government has not thought m to have recourse to the clarüications llnd good offices of the ad hoc Committee. 32. 1 do not intend to discuss the merits of the Cuban position in relation to the procedures ofthe Organization of American states. others here are far more tio~hat condition was the receipt of a report from the ùrganization of American States. No such report has been received, apparently because of the nonco-operation of the Government of Cuba. It Is this Government which has now brought the question back to the Security Council. 34. Now 1 must leave the narrative of the events in the Security Council for a moment to touch on another initiative taken by the Government of Cuba. 35. It will he remembered that the grievances ofthat Government were described at length in the general debate at the opening of the fifteenth session of the General Assembly. Subsequently, or. 18 October, the delegation of Cuba requested the inscription on the Assembly's agenda of an item entitled "Complaint by the revolutionar} Government of Cuba regarding the various plans of aggression and acts of intervention being executed by the Government of the United States against the Republic of Cuba, constituting a manifest violation 0f its territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence, and a cIeal' threat to international peace and security." The explanatory memorandum submitted by the delegation ofCuba referred to "the largescaie invasÎ')n ... which, according to reliable information in th", possession of the Cubanauthorities, will be attempted in the next few days."!J 36. 'I1?!Ys was on 18 October 1950 and onl November, in his speech befora the Generd Assembly on the adoption of this item, the Minister for External Relations of Cuba said: "Although the invasion has not yat taken place, it may happen at any moment Those who have ùenied that invasion plans for D-Day exist, are adoptingthe old technique of 'stop thief'. Stop thie:n'"Y The item was inscribed on the agenda ofthe Assembly and allocated to the First Committee, but discussion of it there was postponed until the second part of the session. It is in these circumstallces that the Cuban delegation has now taken its third initiative in the United Nations. 37. We received, on 1 January 1961, copies of a letter from the Minister for External Relations of Cuba to the Preside:lt ofthe Security Council, requesting an Immediate meeting of the Council on the ground that the Government of the United stateswas "about to perpatrate, within a few hours, direct military aggression against the Government and people of Cuba." [8/4605.] That document was dated 31 December 1960. It is now 5 January 1961. 38. Yesterday we had another letter [S/4611], which again informed us that according to reliable reports a direct military aggression against the Government and people of Cuba would ocCUI' "within a few hours". 40. When the Government of Cuba came before the Security Council for the first time, the Courlcil feit that there might he something to investigate and that that appropriate forum for such an investigation was the Organization of American States. The Gov-ernnent of Cuba has chosen not to avail itseif of the machine,:; provided by thatOrganization. !thas also, ifl correctly understood the speech of its representative yestercky, informed us that it rejects in advance any resolution providing for a direct negotiation of its differences with the Government of the United States. 41. The conclusion seems unavoidable that the Government of Cuba has not come here to submit its accusations to impartial exarnination or to seek the help of the Security Council in measures of concl!iation. It has come ostensibly ta seek endorsement by the Council for a charge of aggression or of the intention to commit aggression. But the Cuban Government must be well aware that this Council does not make grave decisions on so flimsy a basis. 42. 1 can only conclude from the facts which 1 have set forth, from the persistence with which the Government of Cuba is seeking to engage the attention of the United Nations, and from the nature of the statements made by ita 1'ep1'esentatives 11e1'e and inthe Assembly, that the object of all this activity ia to make p1'opaganda and inflame feeling against the United states of America. In these circumstances, it is the viewof the United Kingdom delegation that the Security Council ahould not adopt any resolution. 43. 1 respect the careful thought and the conciliatory intentions which are expressed in the draft resolution presented to us by the representatives of Chile and Ecuador [S/4612]. But the representatives of bath the United states and Cuba have expresaed themselves negatively ou any resolution of this klnd. The United Kingdom delegation therefore remains of the view that further action by the Security Council is unneceasary and would be of no positive value. 44. Ml'. SCHWEITZER (ChUe) (tranalatedfromSpanish): The Security Council ia now dealingwith a matter affecting two aister countries of the continentofwhich Chile forma part. For us it is a painful development, which we are the first to deplore, because by virtue of an uninterrupted tradition we are linked t0 both these countries by ties of every kind, which it has been our constant endeavour to strengthen. Not only have our Governments always maintained friendly'diplomatic relations, but our peoples feel that their destinies are linked, and anything affecting one must also affect the other. 45. Moreover, we are all thr;:e members of the Organization of American States, a regionl;ll agency of the United Nations. Hence the sacred nature, for us, of the principle of non-intervention, which we have 46. Jealous defenders of our sovereignty and independence, in proscribing any foreign intervention in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of States we rule out, not m':rely recourse to armed force, but any other kind of interference or attempt to undermine the individuality of the State and its constituent elements. 47. The corner-stone of this system cf collective security is the principle that any attack by any State against the integrity, territorial inviolability, sovereignty or political independence of anAmerican State will be regarded as an act of aggression against all the other American States. We have reaffirmed these principles in a series of international pacts and agreements, to the execution of which our various countries are pledged, in common undertaking to defend, jointly, the solidarity and the security of the American continent. 48. What the Cuban Minister for External Relations, in a letter dated 31 December 1960, has submitted to the Security Council is an alarming charge which has induced my country to support its inclusion in our agenda, with a view to the Counci! examining it and clearing it up. 1 propose ta refer solely ta those aspects of it which are new, or basic. 49. We are told that "the Government of the United States '" is about to perpetrate, within a few hours, direct military aggression against the Government and people of Cuba". Although it is not my desire to embark upon an extensive analysis of this statement, the mere fact that it has been made compels me to say -although this is superfluous, given the clear-cut principles contained in the United Nations Charterthat we do not accept and never will accept any re80rt ta force, or the solution of difficulties between States by other than peaceful means. 50. However, the statement in question subsequently, in the same document, aUeges something that is no longer imminent but is conditional, is postponed. We prefer to believe that the fears to which it gives expression are unjustified, since justification for the assertions is found in a confidential note which the United States Government is alleged to have circulated to the Governments of Latin America. Similarly, the United States Government is charged with preparing its supposed armed aggression by means of a manœuvre designed to 'isolate Cuba diplomatically from the l'est of Lst.in America. 51. So far as Chile is concerned, 1 am expressly instructed by my Government to tell tQe Council, categorically, that neither the confidential note referred to, nor any other note of a similar kind, has reached the Chilean Foreign Ministry. Nor has there been received. in that Ministry, any suggestion, either orally or in writing, that there should be a rupture of diplomatie relations with Cuba. 52. 1 hasten to assure you, once again, that relations between Chile and Cuba remain normal, and 1 would add that nothing but our own sovereign decision could change that situation. 54, This means, in our view, that the fears repeatedly expressed by the repl'esentatives of Cuba have not been substantiated. We cherish the hope that the nlarm conveyed to us will nevel' be more than lt is at present: a fear which the fncts do not confirm or justify, 55. 1 have already described the inter-American security system, under which Cuba, like every other American State, can l'est assured that its independence, integrity and sovereignty will be fully guaranteed and defended. Furthermore, at the Seventh Meeting of Consultation at San José, an ad hoc Committee of Good Offices was established. My country and five others Iu'e members of that Committee, whose task is to study and help resolve any difficulties that may arise betweeu members of the Organization of American States. We are still convinced that a peaceful solution of differences and disputes can be achieved through full application of the principles governing relations between the American States. 56. My delegation does not wish to increase the reaL or apparent difficulties at present obstructing normal relations between two countries of this continent, coun'.ries which are members 01: our regionalOrganization and of the United Nations. On the contrary, it ia our keenest hope that these difficulties will disappea l' and that the countries in question will very soon reestablish friendly relations. To emphasize and analyse their mutual recriminations would be neither constructive nor fruitful. 57. For this reason, and because we shouLd fail in our most elementary duties if we were to stand with folded hands b~fore the pre8ent deterioration in th cc relations between these two friends of ours in the American continent, we submitted, in agreement with the delegation of Ecuador, a draft resolution [S/4612] which we hoped the Council could adopt unanimously. This draft resolution contains nothing more than a fervent appeal to the Governments of the United States and Cuba to seek a solution for their differences by ail the peaceful means provided for in the Charter and in the American regional system. It also appeals to ail Governments to refrain from any action which might aggravate the present tension between the two countries. 58. No objection could be raised to uny part of the draft resolution, since we are ail under an obligation to act in the way it recommends, It has been said that 59. We would reply that the Security Council is not a court of lllW and cannot, with reference to the charges and counter-charges of either side, give II decision one way or the other without effecting an investigation, which it is not at the moment in a position to do. The United States has tried to bring about such an investigation; Cuba has not. But it is certain that relations between the two countries have progressively deteriorated, to the point where, less than forty-eight hours aga, diplomatic relations were broken off. 60. In these circumstances the Security Council, if it ls to fulfil its dutY of maintaining international peace and security, cannot fold its arms and postpone action, but, without acquitting or condemningone party or the other, should recommend them to use every means of avoiding further aggravation of a dangerous and explosive situation, by resorting to the peaceful measures provided for in the Charter and in the American regional system. This realistic and objective approach is in Une with the need for reason and calm, for conduct which will reflect our unanimous desire for peaceful relations, t'l'ee from the kind of tension that at present exists. 61. Our move was based simply on a sincere desire for constructive co-operation with a view to the establishment of calm and normal relations, which we are convinced must come about as soon as the present obstacles, fraught with danger, hav'e been overcome. 62. We have been informed that a number of delegations consider themselves unable to support our draft resolution. This we regret, since we should have preferred to see the resolutiol! aciopted. 63. In these circumstances, without pressing for a vote on this draft resolution, 1 would express the hope that calm will t restored with a return to a normal state of things, thllt in the near future aIl the fears which have given l'Ise to this debate will be dispelled, and that peaceful and friendly relations between the United States of America and the Republic of Cuba will be re-established once and for aIl. 64. MI'. MENEMENCIOGLU (Turkey): At the outset J wish to state that the precedent according to which the Security Council must proceed to a careiul and thorough examination of uny complaint made by any government, based on the charge that it is under the threat of imminent aggression, constitutes in the long l'un, in the opinion of my delegation, one of the fundamental guarantees for the proper functioning of the system of security and the pacifie settlement of disputes envisaged by the Charter. 65. As a matter of general principle, it is always important that the Council should continue to be receptive to any such requests to examine fully aIl evidence brought before it which, if Subst9:1tiated, ry lead to events that may endanger peace in any part of the world. 67. The statement which we heard yesterday has reiternted this charge and placed before the Council the reasons which, accol'ding ta the Cubnn Government, have formed the premises of its assumption and its complaint to the Security Council under Articles 34, 35 (1) and uther articles of the United Nations Charter. 6S. As a result of our careful scrutiny and leaving aside our opinion concerning certain terminologyused in that document and statement, my delegation has not found any of the reasons invoked before the Council as capable of being construed as evidence in support of the charge of imminent !lggression, the charge which has constltuted the reascn for the present meeting of the Security Council. 69. On the other hand, we have noted the statement of the representative of the United States in which he has reiterated his Government's denial of any intention of aggressive action. ln these circumstances, faced with the complaint of the Cuban Government as il now stands before us, my delegation cannot sel' how the Security Council can proceed to take any action which would go beyond the careful examination whichhas been given ta the claims and answers concerning the question figuring on the agenda. 70. ln concluding my statement, 1 wish to express the satisfaction of my delegation in having heard both the representative of the United States and the representative of Cuba mention in their statements the ties of friendship which basically exist between the people of the United States and the peC'ple of Cuba. Il is our ardent hope that these bonds and common interests may predominate in the future relations between these two neighbouring countries. 71. Ml' TSlANG (China): ln the language of our agenda, the main business of this series of meetings is the "Letter dated 31 December 1960 addressed to the President of the 8ecurity Council by the Minister for External Relations of Cuba". This letter [S/4605], in its very first paragraph sets forth Cuba' s complaint in very definite terms. The complaint is that the Government of the United States "is about to perpetrate, within a few hours, direct military aggression against the Government and people of Cuba". This letter, artel' stating the complaint in such very definite and concrete terms, proceeds immediately ta cite the evidence. Il affirms that there has been a confidential note circulated by the United States Government among the Governments of Latin American States. Il is alleged that in this confidential note the United States bases its plans of aggression on the pretext of the construction on the island of Cuba of seventeen sites for the launching of Soviet rockets. 72. The letter of 31 December touches upon several other matters, but the main charge is that of military aggression and the main eviden~e is this so-called confidential note. Il seems to my delegation that the 73. In the first pince, Cuba charged that aggression would take place in a few hours. The letter was dated 31 December, and today is 5 January. One hundred hours huve passed, and we have seen no evidence of militnry action. in other words, events have already pl'oved the charge ta be groundless. H. In the second place, Cuba has not shawn to us any copy of this important document, this confidential note. When 1 came to the Security Council yesterday, 1 fully expected to be given. if not a photostatic copy, at least a mimeographed copy, but up to this moment we have not seen the document. The letter of 31 December makes this document the chief evidence for the charge. The letter l'efers ta that confidential note in rather vague and contradictory terms and, strange ta say. the Millistel' for External Relations of Cuba in his long speech yesterday paid very litUe attention ta that circulaI' nole. 75. In the third place, we must note that the United States representative has categorically denied this charge and furthermore has denied tl1at any such document exists. 76 ln the fourth place, aur two colleagues from Latin America bath have given us additional light in regard to this so-called confidenti:!1 note. Yesterday, the representative of Ecuador, in referring to this matter, said: "The allegations maàe by the Cuban Minister for External Relations are based on fears arising out of a difference of views and methods. We should like to say'.hat, for our part,"-that is, on the part of Ecuador-r.we have been subjected to no pressure and have received no document implying the use of pressure or threats against the Government of Cuba." [922nd meeting, para. 52.] This afternoon, the representative of Chile in the course of his speech also assured us that his Government had received no such note. 77. The conclusion from these facts is inescapable; it is that there has been no such note and that the charge of imminent United states aggression against Cuba is groundless. Since this is the main business of the Security Council in this series of meetings, 1 believe it might be useful ifthe Council made a formaI finding that the Cuban charge is groundless, for 1 know that repeated charges of this nature have formed a part of a persistent propaganda campaign of hate. It seems ta me that the situation cannat change for the better, indeed, cannot return to normal ifthl'lt campaign of propaganda, of hatred against the United States should not stop. If the Council could find it possible to tell the world unmistakablythat these repeated charges of United states intended aggression against Cuba are groundless, much of that campaign would fail ta have any effect and. as a result, the Cuban authorities might be persuaded or might find it possible to stop this campaign which is against the spirit of the Charter and which, 1 presume to say, is also against the spirit of the principles of the Organization of American States. 13 79. What the present Government of Cuba hasdoneis ta open an additional front for the coId war between international communism and the free world. SA far as 1 can see, this campaign serves no Cuban interest and it serves no Latin American interest. If it serves any interest at a11. it serves only the interests of international cornmunism. 80. The PRESlD~N'r (trar.::llated from French}: T should now like ta say a few words in my capacity as representative of the UNITED ARAB REPUBLlC. 81. Today the Security Council i8 dealing with the complaint of Cuba. We note with regret that relations between the Republic of Cuba and the United States of America continue ta be strained. The culminatingpoint of this tension was reached yesterday, when diplomatie relations between the two States were broken off-a fact which we cannat but deplore. Cuba and the United States fi re neighbours. belonging ta one and the same regional community, and, in the general interest and in the interests of peace, friendly relations should exist between them. 82. 1 will fit"st say a ward about a very important principle governing relations between States, a principle that was mentioned at the last meeting by the representative of Ecuador. Ml'. Benites Vinueza spoke of the principle of non-intervention by one State in affairs falling within the domestic jurisdiction of another State. 83. My delegation entirely agrees with this principle; it is enshrined in the Charter ofthe United Nations, and we support it. We have always believed that each country is entitled ta adopt the political and juridical system which it considers suited ta its needs, and that it is for no one ta interfere in its domestic affairs. 84. The Government and people of the United Arab Republic have from the outset followed with sympathy the course of the Cuban revolution, and especially the efforts made and reforms introduced in the economic and social fields-matters in regard to which Cuba alone has the right of decision. 85. 1 listened with much attention ta the statements made by the Cuban Minister for External Relations and the United States representative. It appears that certain faets, and the tension existing between the two countries, explain the fears mentioned by the Cuban Minister for External Relations as ta an imminent invasion by the United States. 86. Here 1 would quote what The New York Times stated in a leading article of 3 January 1961 entitled "The Cuban Charges", which explains what 1 have Just said. After speaking of the complaint of Cuba, the leading article continued: " .. , there remains somethingelse to be said of para- mount importance. This is the simple fact that the Cuban revolutionary leaders do sincerely believe in 14 87. On the other hand, the United States representa- tive has told us that his Government has stated no intention of launching a military intervention against Cuba. He also said: "Of course there was no invasion, there was never any plan for any such invasion ...". [922nd meeting, para. 20.] Itake noteofthis statement. 88. My delegation considers that it is the dutY of the security Council to find, for this problem, a solution in keeping with the Charter, [,nd to end this state of tension which can have very serious l'epercussions. The Council has primal'y responsibility for the main- tenance of internat' .:mal peace and security The solu- tion. we believe, should be found on the basis of Chapter \'1 of the Charter, concerning the pacific settlement of disputes. 89 We do not think it serves any very useful purpose to go into the detnils of the facts adduced in the com- plaint of Cuba or in the reply of the United States representative. The main requirement is to seek an objective and constructive solution for the settlement of this dispute between two States which, as l said before, should maintain friendly relations in the gen- eral interest and in the interests of pence. 90. This solution has. moreover, been found. We can only pay tribute to the efforts made by the representa- tives of Chile and Ecuador, who have submitted a draft resolution designed to setUe this dispute in accordance with the Charter. It might be said that this dl'ait merely reaffirms the principles of the Charter; when we are confronted with problems like the present one, with a dispute between two States Members of the United Nations, such disputes can only he settled by the prin- ('iples of the Charter, and therefore it is useful ta recall them. 91. My delegation accordingly supports the joint draft resolution of Chile and Ecuador, which stresses the faet that States should setUe their internationn 1disputes by peaceful meuns. The sponsors of this draft have pre- ferred no· to specify the means, but to leave their selection to the two countries concerned. There might perhaps be contacts, either directly between the two States, or through friendly countries chosen by the two States in agreement. My delegation cannot but support the principle stated in the operative paragraph 1 of the draft resolution, as weIl as paragraph 2, which urges Member States to refrain from any action which might aggravate the present tension between the two countries. 92. We regret that sorne delegations consider them- selves unable to support tllis draft. 93. We sincerely hope that the Governments of Cuba and the United States will be able to find a formula for settling this dispute by peaceful means, as is appro- priate between neighbours belonging to the same part of the world. 1 96. 1 cannot say, today, that our faith i5 weaker, but 1 must confess that our hope is less robust, We shall maintain OUi' faith in the principles. We shall maintain it becèiuse it is the one thing to which we can cling in this world of contradictions; "..t 'ts for our hope that the principles will themselves se 've as a means for attaining, forthwith, the noble ai ms t-, :,''trds which they are directed, it is constantly receding. 97. 1 need hardly say that 1 am referringto \ 'hl'l.t was stated a few minutes ago by the representative of L-hile. He said that he had reason to believe that the neces- sary unanimity would not be forthcoming, and that therefore our draIt resolution no longer had any "raison d'être". That being so, 1 must say that my delegation will not fight an impossible battle alone. 1 am too realistic to believe in the usefulness of resolutions that are not supported by the parties to which they refer. But if my delegation cannot continue to maintain its draft resolution as it would have preferred, and if we are constrained not to press for a vote, at least we believe in our right to defend that draft, to defend the good faith which inspired it, and to uphold the correct- ness of the principles on which it was based. 98. Ifresponsibilities-historic responsibilities-have to be assumed, my delegation will not refuse to bear its burden, Let each of us accept his share of respons- ibility-responsibility in face of the judgement of history, and in face of what the American conscience, today, demands, 99. First of all, my delegation must uphold the correctnesE of its intentions. Its sole intention, infact, was to fulfil a clear and inescapable duty-the dutY towards American solidarity, which compelled us to seek peaceful solutions for the problems at issue between two friends of ours on this continent. 100. For this reason 1 should like to recall the facts, state the principles and apply the principles to the facts. 101. The facts are well known, There is a controversy between two American Sta,tes-Cuba and the United States of America. The existence of that controversy has been recognized in official United States docu- ments, such as the letter dated 12 September addressed to the Secretary General of the Organization of American states by the acting United States repre- sentative on its Council, Ml'. Jamison [S/4559, annexl]. This recognition of the existence of a controversy was later confirmed in a further letter of 28 October 1960, addressed to the Secretary General ofthe Organization of American StateE ~:r the United States representa- tive on its Council, '11'. Dreier (ibid., annex II]; and the controversy was .lin admitted by the United States 102. Thus none can say that there is no controversy. Thc controversy exists; it is a fact, and a fact that deeply affects us American States, aspiring as we do to peace and solidarity for the defence of common ideals. This controversy has, furthermore, been offi- cially recognized by international organizations. Ithas come before the Security Counoil, where a resolution was passed on it, and before the General Assembly and the Organization of American states. It has finally culminated in an official rupture of relations which is of deep concern to the countries of this continent. Those are the facts. i 103. Now, as a resuIt of this controversy and of this international tension, the Republic of Cuba has ex- pressed a fear of invasion. My delegation has not pronounced a jucgement on the facts; it has simply pointed out that they stem from fears. 104. Nor does the draft resolütion which we submitted refer to those facts. It refers to the tension existing between two American states friendly to us-a circum- stance which is undeniable and self-evident. These are clear-cut, definite and unavoidable facts; and they constitute a threat to the harmony of our continent. 105. It would be a ludicrous, ostrich-like policy to try to stick our heads in a hole so as to avoid the serious responsibilities of the moment. That is why we feIt it necessary to recall the peaceful means of settle- ment provided for in the Charter-the Charter being a multilateral treaty, absolutely binding on aIl Member States. For my part, 1 have the satisfaction of knowing that 1 have, on behalf of my country, fulfilled a duty towards the conscience of America. 106. 1 would stress that the draft resolution contains nothing that could be interpreted as acceptance, rejection, endorsement or denial of the accusations and allegations made by the Cuban Minister for External Relations . 107. In my statement of yesterday, 1 said that we did not believe the1'e was any possibility of aggression. Nevertheless, we could not refrainfrom recommending to the parties that they should try to settle their differ- ences by the peaceful means specified in the Charter. Such action on our part in no way implied any judgement on whether the allegations giving rise to this meeting of the Council were well-founded. Any other course- refusaI to face the matter-would have amounted to turning one's back on a conflagration; it would have reflected a negative and cowardly attitude, an attitude which neither my Government nor my people is pre- pared to adopt. 108. The peaceful means of solution provided for in the Charter of the United Nations do not exclude those 110, Operative paragraph 2 of the draft resolution needs no comment. 1 would merely point out that it is similar to a provision adopted on this very matter by the Security Council on 19 July 1960 [Sj4395]. It would he absurd to reject, today, what was approved yester- day. 111. We do not p1"'ess fora vote on ourdraft resolution, since my delegation adheres to the principle that only practicable resolutions-that is, resolutions accept- able to the parties concerned-snould be proceeded with. But 1 wish to record, exprefsly, how deplorable it is that, in a world filled with fear and alarm, the Security Council finds itself unable to recommend, as a valid means of settling a dispute, application of the principles which constitute the very foundation of our Organization. However, my delegation is satisfied that it has fulfilled its dutY. 112. Ml'. ROA (Cuba) (translatedfromSpanish): 1have asked for the Hoor in order to exercise my l'ight of reply. 113. ln his statement yesterday, the United States representative referred to the char!,-",s made by Cuba as empty, groundless and hysterical. He went even furtheI'; he went so far as to say the specifie,precise al).d cIeaI' accusations brought by Cubawere so fantastic that they reminded him of Alice inWonc:erland.l must say, using similar mythological or, if you like meta- phorical language, that the counter-allegations made by the United States representative reminded me strongly of Candide's garden, where Dr. Pangloss walked, watering his roses and helieving that he lived in the best of all possible worlds. 114. Cuba is entitled to state categorically that questions submitted for the consideration and judge- ment of the Security Council should he treated with more austerity, more seriousness and more maturity It is, however, characterstic of the great Powers-and aU of us here have had manifold proof of this-that they envelop in a cloud ofdenials and sophistries facts which are as brutal and real as a clenched fist. 115. There is no need for me to reiterate or repeat our charges; everyone is familiar with them. lt is, however, highly significant that practically none of the delegations which have spoken in the Security Council have dealt directly with those charges and aUegations by Cuba. 116. The statement of the United states representa- tive, like those made by the representatives of France, the United Kingdom and China, concentratM orimarily on the letter signed by me and addressed to the Presi- dent of the Security Council, requesting an immediate meeting of the Security Council. Their statements, in 117. In my complaint yesterday, 1gave that statement the importance which it merited, because the essential thing, in considering such a subject as we have before us, is ta include any kind of argument or proof which cornes within the broad context, The alternative is over-simplification, a method to which the great im- perial Powers are frequently addicted, We have already seen here how Kasa-Vubu and Mobutuhave been trans- forme'l into the authentic representatives of the sov- ereignty of the Congolese people. We have already seen here how the great imperial Powers have ignored the dramatic reality of the struggle in Algeria and have adopted an attitude of opposition to the independence, self-determination and sovereignty of peoples who are truly oppressed and exploited. AlI that we have seen here. 118. The Unit\~d states reprcsentative yesterday accused Cuba of being the SOl'rce of tension in the Caribbean and to support his accusation he stated that expeditions supported by the Government of Cuba had sailed from Cuba to invade Panama, Nicaragua, Haiti and the Dominican Republic. 119. 1 shall not go into these questions in detail, because it is really not necessary; but 1 do want to point out, as an indisputable example of what he omitted, that the United States representative com- pletely distorted the facts regarding the expedition ta Panama. That expedition was organized in Cuba by a group of Panamanians and Cuban adventurers, under the leadership of a gentleman named César Vega, who never had any connexion with the Cuban revolution or with the Revolutionary Government, and it was the Government of Cuba in the Organization of American States, to which 1 was Ambassacior at thattime, which was most concerned that that international adventure should be stopped at once and to that end it sent Cuban army officers to Panama to co-operate withthe Pana- manian Government in putting an end to the whole affair. 120. The Panamanian Minister for ForeignAffairs in the former Government could say whether 1 am lying about the many occasions on which the Government of Cuba maintained a position entirely in accordance with that maintained hy Panama. The day after those events 1 went to the Panamanian Mission to the Organization of American States and stated on behalfofmy Govern- ment that we were in full agreement with the attitude taken by the Government of Panama and that we ",~~d prepared to support any type of solution which Panama might present for the consideration of the OAS. That is more than enough on that subject. 121. Concerning the fact that Cuba cast a vote in favour of the Soviet Union's proposai concerning the acts of aggression of which it accused the United states in connexion with the espionage flight of the U-2 air- 122. The charge levelled against us that the isolation of Cuba i8 the result of our close relations with the Socialist countries could not be more false. It is true that attempts have been made to isolate Cuba, but it is not Cuba which has tried to isolate itself. That would obviously be folly. No State isolates itself. There have been attempts to isolate Cuba, which is a different matter, and the party which has tried to isolate it and is still striving to isolate it at this very moment is the reactionary and imperialist Government of MI'. Eisenhower. 123. The Cuban revolution-I must say this, because MI'. Wadsworth seems to have forgotten it-is a true and complete revolution. In the cou:"tries of Latin America, as we all know, there arise from time LC' time popular movements whose object is to transform the prevailing economic, social, cultural or juridical situation. Some of those movements are imbued with a deep popular and democratic feeling. At othertimes- and indeed more frequently-there are "coups d'état", palace conspiracies, aimed at usurping the power more or less legitimately exercised by the Government in office. But what happened in Cuba was not a "coup d'état" or a palace conspiracy, nor was it a minor revoIt, a "revolisco", as we say in my country. What happened in Cub[' was a true revolution. 124. What do we mean by a revolution? A revolution is a radical transformation, qualitative in character, of the general structure of life in a country. That is what has taken place in Cuba. And why has the United States Government, from the very outset, opposed the Cuban revolution? It is completely untrue that the Eisenhower Government welcomed the 8uccess of the Cuban revolution. It is completely untrue and it could not he true, because the primepromotorofthe Batista dictatorship, and its prime supporter, was the Govern- ment of President Eisenhower. 125. The reason why President Eisenhower's Govern- ment opposed the Cuban revolution is that Cuba was a colonial dependency of the United States, and when the revolution tried to recover the national wealth, to ensure to the people of Cuba the full exercise of its sovereignty, to ensure that the fruits of the labour of the Cuban people were enjoyed by the Cubanpeople, it came into fatal collision with United States interests, which dominated the whole economic structure ofpower in my country. That is the true basic reason why Mr. Eisenhower's Government opposed the Cuban revolution from the beginning and fought against it by every means. 126. The course of relations between the United States and Cuba throughout that period 1S too long a story for me to attempt to expound it now, but 1 should like to emphasize one point. In spite of the insults to which we have been subjected, the Government of Cuba en- deavoured at all times to maintain the most cordial relations with the United States Government on a basis 127. From that moment began the whole series of aggression, provocr.tions, reprisais, embargoes, asyl- um in the United States for counter-revolutionaries and war criminals and, finally, as Le culmination of this whole long story, which could scarcely be blacker or more shameful, the breaking off of diplomatie relations. 128. It is true that Cuba enjoys friendly relations with the socialist countries and trades with them. No one can object to that, since the exercise Oi freedom of trade is within the sovereign jurisdiction of each State; but it is important to emphasize that these friendly relations and this trade with the socialist countries do not and cannot entai! any compromise or political subordination in the matter of CubaIs sov- ereignty, self-determination and independence. My country has not mortgaged one iota of its self- determination, independence or sovereignty under the commercial, economic and technical assistance agree- ments which it has reached with the socialist countries. But the truth is that the United States absolutely con- trois trade in Latin America. Most of our countries, unfortunately, are producers of raw materials and basic commodities which have the further misfortune to be entirely subject 1.0 the convenience and interests of the North American market. That was the case in Cuba before the revolution, with the result that Cuba was nothing more than a great sugar factory with the fictitious attributes of sovereignty, a flag, a national anthem and a seat in international organizations. '.29. 1 should like to recoul1t a small anecdote of what happe.led to me the first time 1attended this universal forum of nations. An Ambassador from a large Asian country invited me ta lunch and told me: "1 would like to tell you, before we start lunch, that this is the firs! time that l, who have been at the United Nations for eight years, have had lunch or spoken to a Cuban Ambassador, because until now they al! carried marked votes, and those votes were marked by the State De- partment" . 130. 1 am the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Cuba, and as such 1 have had the opportunity to make a care- fui study of the Ministry' s files, which disclose the spirit, the nature and the purposes of diplomatie relations between Cuba and the United States through- out the history of the Republic. It was a most painful experience. Cuba's vote was not even canvassed; it was imposed on us. on 132, We have not isolated ourselves ,fl'om the world, nor do we wish to do so. Befol'e 1 January 1959, Cuba had very limited diplumatic relations and vel'y few commercial links with the l'est of the wOl'ld, Il was the l'evolution that extcnded Cuba's diplomatic rela- tions with a11 parts of the woll'Id and diversified our intel'llational t rade mal'kets, which has resulted in the strengthening <>1' Cuban sovereignty, 1:l3. These l'vents wCl'e fUl'eseen by José l\lartf, OUI' great libel'ator, whu, 1 need not add, is unknown to the experts on Latin :\mcl'ican affairs in the State Department. The same thing occurred in the case of Simôn Bolfval', 134, Never befol'e has Cuba maintained such an inde- pendent international poliey. whieh is essentially Cuban and designcd tu serve the highe l'llims of the nation and the fundamental aims of humanity, 135, 1 categorically refute a11 the allegations made by the represent:!tive of the United States yesterday evening, which are an affront to the sovel'eigntyof my country. Th01'e are certain a11egations made by Ml', Wad::worth relating to the internai jurisdiction of Cuba wllh::h 1 cannot allow: 1 simply reject them, Naturally, 1 do not wish at this stage, a contrario sensu, ta embark on an analysis of the internai life of this "RepûbIica imperial ll , as José MartIdescribed it at the end of the last century. 136. Ml', Wadswol'th also spoke yesterday of the urgent need for a tl'ue self-determination of the Latin American peoples, The tel'm "tl'ue self-detel'mination" is the crux of the question. "Self-determination" for the Government of the United States means uncondi- tional subordination to that count l'y. That is self- determination as defined by the United States, 137, 1 wish now to refer briefly, in order not to pro- long this statement unduly, to the declaration made by the representativeof France. 1 have very little to say about it, His colonialist brief ls crystal clellr, When he attacks Cuba and defends United States imperialism, he is defending oppression in Aigeria and French colonial domination, 138, As regards the statement by the repl'csentative of the United Kingdom and in particular his reference to the ad huc Commitlee of Good Offices of the OAS and to the whole husiness of the charge against Cuba in the Sccurity Council last July, 1 must point out that his facls are distorted; hc distul·ted thern to the point of saying that, in l'ffect, the Cuban question and the dispute between Cuba and the United States had becn brought befol'e the Council of the Organization of Amel'ican States, although a11 herc pl't'sent know pe,'fectly weil that thc dispute could not have been brought before the Council of the Organization of 139. 1 must point out that the ad hoc Committee of Good Offices was not created either for Cuba or for the United States, but ta solve quarrels between the Latin Ameriean countries on the basis of fi prior request by any StateR involved in a conflict or dispute. Cuba did not request the good offices of this commis- sion and, therefore. no reproaches ean be levelled ngainst Cuba. HO. Nor do 1 intend now to give an aceount of the whole process of machinations, intrigues and con- spiracies on the part of the United States Governme.lt aimed ut creating an iron l'ing around Cuba, first by the collective and now by the graduai breaking off of relations between the Latin American countries and Cuba. Hl. In other words. we ean say that-because we have not resigned ou roelves to dying, living in subjec- tian and once more I>lleoming satellites of the State Department-the GpVl'l'lImetlt of President Eisenhower wishes to kill us; I)ut it does not wish to kill us by itself and is theref"l'l~ recruiting accomplices. The crime must be justified in the eyes of America and the world, so that th0 United States Govel'nment will not be stnined with the blood of the Cuban people. 142. 1 shall nu\\' l'efe l' ta the breaking off of diplomatie relations. The arguments used in this connexion could not be more despic,lble; they are completely unfounded. The United Statco Guvernment has broken off diplo- matie relations with Cuba because this breach repre- sented the culminating point of a plan which had been carefully worked out beforehand. 1 had already warned the United Nations of this manœuvre. The excuse given could not be more puerile, false or inadmissible. In additiù!1. there are draft articles approved by the Sixth Committee, which refer to diplomatie intercourse and immunities. These draft articles \Vere then sub- mitted to the General Assembly, which agreed to refer them to a special conference to be held sometime this year-if 1 remember correctly, in March. Article 10 reads as follows: "1. In the absence of specifie agreement as to the size of the mission, the receiving State may refuse to accept a 3ize exceeding what is reasonable and normal, having regard to circumstances and condi- tions in the receiving State, and to the needs oÏ the particular mission. "2. The receiving State may equally , within similar bounds and on a non-discriminatory basis, refuse to accept officiais of a particular category." 143. Naturally, Article 10 was not the result of a metaphysical trance Gxperieneed by its authors. It is the legal expression of a series of norms, practical rules and international eustoms . And accordingly, the Cuban Government had a !'~rfect right, by vil'tue /Jf its sovereignty, to request tne United States Government to observe, with regard to the size of its Embassy in Cuba, parity with our Embassy in Washington which numbered only eleven officiais. The number of United 23 143. arbitraire de en parfaitement raineté, le le que 144. However, l know that we are fighting here for a great caus~. The great merit of the Cuban Revolution i8 precisely that it is the work of a small country struggling against a colossus whichhas beenjoined, as is logical and natural, by all the most reactionary, primitive and obscul'antist forces in history. This 1 know and this is the greatness of my country at this time. And this is what 1 want to put before the repre- sentatives of the colonial Powers, who do not even listen with due seriousness to a statement ofthis kind. When the Secul'ity Council or the General Assembly disCllsses questions which fundamentally affect the needs and aspirations of peoples, the colonial Powers are always opposed to those needs and aspirations. either explicitly or implicitly. 145. 1 must also refer to certain other interventions made here. In particular, 1 wish to refer to the state- ments of the representatives of Ecuador and Chile, in which they decisively stressed that they are opposed to any means, procedures, methods or techniques in- volving the use of force or Interference in the internaI affairs of our countries. 1 must also refer to the United Arab Republic and to other countries which have spoken along the same 11nes. 1also wish to refer to the drait resolution of Chile and Ecuaèor [S/4612], which was truly a noble effort, probably frustrated by the great Powers, as is usually the case. 146. We have aIl heard the accusations levelled by the Soviet Union against the policy of harassment, aggression and intervention pursued by the United States against Cuba. My country is grateful for this assistance and help, and is not afraid to say so here or anywhere else . The r:"'ht of peoples to survival is an unlimited right. Nobody can oppose this. 147. Furthermore, 1 must also express my satisfac- tion at having generally sensed in the Security Council a desire to arrive at peaceful formulae and methods in this controversy between Cuba and the United States. As 1 have accused the United States of aggression against Cuba, 1 am deeply gratified to have found this spirit so widespread in the Security Council, because it clearly shows that many of the representatives here present agree that only peaceful means should be used to solve international conflicts of aIl types and, in particular. of the nature of the one which we are now discussing. Naturally, 1 wish ta take advantage of this opportunity to reiterate the request of Cuba. My Gov- ernment requests that the reactionary and imperialist Eisenhower Government be condemned as an aggres- sor. 148. 1 do not wish to conclude without reading the declaration published last night by the Council of Ministers concerning the breaking off of diplomatie pe~ted protests of the Cuban Government at the con- tinued interference in the internaI affairs of our country. It was only logical that the long series of aggressions against Cuba by the present Adminis- tration of the United States should culminate in this act and threaten other much worse and more serious acts before the m.andate expires. But we are resolved to withstand aU such acts. The Cuban people con- siders that relations have been broken off with the United States Government, but not with the people of the United States; and we hope that these relations will be officially re-established when the United States leaders finally understand that it is possible to maintain sincere and friendly relations with the people of Cuba on the basis of mutual respect for sovereign rights, legitimate interests and national dlgnities." 149. 1 should like to conclude by simply restating our position. We have come to the Security Council under a clear threat of military intervention in Cuba. The threat still hangs over us. The United States may deny this, 1 The existence of this threat and its imminence may have been dismissed as absurdo We al.\ know ~ull weIl that the great Powers always disguise and conceal their true aims. The history ofthe last few centuries clearly shows this. We aIl know this, and the historyof America also bears witness to it. ! 150. 1 shall not refer to the events of the last century; 1 shaH only mention what happened in Mexico in 1930, when it was the object of the same insults, the same allegations, the same acrimony, the same aggression alld the same intrigues as the Cuban Government is today suffering at the hands of the United States im- perialist Government. Today Ambassador Hill, the most meddling of aIl the United States Ambassadors in any country in the Americas, boasts that the Mexican revolution was a good revolution and the Cuban revolu- tion is a bad one, 151. Cuba knows aIl this perfectly weIl, as does Bolivia. The Bolivian revolution endured the same harassment, the same intrigues, and the same aggres- sions. Guatemala also knew al! this in 1954, when it was invaded by an army of mercenaries commanded by Castillo Armas, an army sponsored and supported by the United States Government. The Guatemalans know this; they are today suffering under the puppet régime 151. Elle l'objet, intrigues, mala par Castillo vernement 152. Ml'. ZORIN (Union·of Soviet Socialist Republics) (translnted from Russian): At our meetings yesterday and today we have heard the representatives of aIl States which participate as membet·s of the Council. Many arguments and facts have been put forward and many itûerences have been made from these facts so that we are now in Il position to corne to some definite conclusions and to close our discussion of this item which was placed on our agenda at the request of the Revolutionary Government of Cuba. 1 shall therefore confine myself to a few remarks dealing mainly with the opinion we have formed at the end of our discussion of this item. 153. In the first place, 1 should like to say that, as is evident from the whole discussion, the majority of members of the Council and particularly the repre- sentatives of the small countries participating in its work, have expressed their concern and alarm at the situation which has developed in the relations between the United States and Cuba and at the danger of aggres- sive acts against Cuba ta peace in this area and in the world as li whole. A study of the statements by a large number of representatives Wlquestionably leads to this conclusion. 154. In the second place, the representatives of sorne cOWltries, mainly allies ofthe United States, have tried ta minimize the danger of the situation that has arisen in the relations between the United States and Cuba, and sorne of them have openly stated, for example, that there is no evidence of aggressive acts by the United States. 155. 1 do not think there is any need to recall the many facts that were given to the Council both yester- day and today. It is enough to point to one single fact which is, in our opinion, of cardinal significance in the present situation. 156. Even if no other facts existed and if we were concerned only with the rupture of relations between the United States and Cuba, this fact alone would he sufficient to cause alarm regarding the future course of events and to l'aise the issue of a threat to peace. 157. Does the rupture of relations between two States in fact signify a desire for a peaceful settlement of an issue. for an improvement in relations between States? 1 think that there can be only one answer to this question. The rupture of relations always has been and is evidence of a deierioratiuH in relations; it indicates that events and relations between the States concerned may take li dangerous course. 158. Who broke off relations? It was the United States of America, a great Power, which broke off relations with a small country. Does this faet alone not justify the statement that a small cOWltry is faced with a serious threat from a great Power? This is a tangible fact which the Council cannot disregard. Anyone who attempts to minimize the significance of aIl the facts referred to in the Council is plainly deviating from the truth. 160. But, as the representatives of sorne States have said here in the Council, the United States categorically denies the chal'ges of aggressive intentions against the Republic of Cuba In other words, it has not denied the faets; it has said that it has no aggressive intentions. Unfortunately, however. facts and deeds have so far provided no grounds for reassurance on this score. Facts and deeds, as weknow, speaklouderthan words, Can the United States representative' s verbal denials be regarded as evidence of that country's genuinely peaceful intentions towards Cuba? Do these verbal statements pl'ovide evidence of the renuncialion ofthe use of aggressive and coercive measures in the settlement of controversial issues arising hetween the Governments of the United states and Cuba? Can we place any trust in these verbal assertions? 161. A number of representatives who have spoken here, including sorne of today's speakers, have said that they wish to believe them. Sorne have even said that they are convinced of their truth. If this is so, such words should be followed by the appropriate deeds, which should lead, not to the exacerbation, but to the normalization of relations, to the peaceful settlement of contt'oversial issues on the basis of the complete equality of the two parties and without any attempt by the stronger party to impose its terms upon the other. If words are not followed by deeds, they are utterly worthless. 162. In the fourth place, a draft resolution designed precisely with a view to the peaceful settlement of controversial issues has been submitted by the repre- sentatives of Ecuador and ChUe. This proposai recom- mends action in accordance with the basic principles of the Charter. in other words, renunciation of mili- tary measures as a method of settling differences and adoption of the policy of resolvingdisputes by peaceful means, We now, however, seem to be faced with the fmct that this drait resolution, which proposes such a simple and sound method of solving the problem, can- nat be adopted on account of the objections of the United States and ottèr countries-allies of the United States-who for some reason find sueh a proposaI unacceptable. 163, We appreciate that the representatives ofEcua- dol' and Chile do not feel able to press for a vote on their proposaI at the present time. They have said today that they regret the Council's inability to recommend measures based on the principles of the Charter. And such is in fact the case. It is matter for serious regret, for if the Security Council ClllUlot recommend rr :~a­ sures based on the pl'Înciples of the Chal'ter owing to the objections raised by a few great Powers, things have indeed come ta a sorl'y pass. 1 need hardly say that this state of affairs hardly testifies to good intentions on the pal't of the Powers in question. 164. The representative of Ceylon has pointed out. however, that the Council can assist those countries which appeal to it by an expression of its collective opinion. This is, of course, true. 166. Let us hope that the new United States Govern- ment will adopt the policy of settling the dispute which has arisen by peaceful means, of solvingcontroversial issues pea':?efully on the basis of the complete equality of the parties and of recognition ofthe sovereign right of the Cuban people to establish its own system of gov- ernment and ita own economy and culture, in accord- ance with its own wishes, without external interference. 167. The Soviet delegation accordingly expresses the hope that the discussion which has taken place in the Council will serve to strengthen peace and improve relations between the States which are parties to the dispute the Council has been considering at the present meeting. We also express our confidence that the Cuban people, firmly convinced of the justice of its cause, will continue to fight for its independenee and freedom, and will obtain the full support of all freedom-loving states, of aIl peoples. 168. Ml'. BARCa (United States ofAmerica): Iwishto make one or two comments on sorne ofthe very inter- esting speeches that we have heard this afternoon. 1 say "interesting" because at least two of them expressed a lack of content and atone which, in view of the way in which this debate began, 1 find somewhat extra- ordinary and something to be noted well by the Security Council. 1 am referring in particular to the statements of the Minister for External Relations of Cuba and the representative of the Soviet Union. 169. 1 feel that it is desirable and necessary that members of the Council remember what this meeting began with. The Minister for External Relations of Cuba alleged, as the reason for these meetings, that the United States was preparing to lnvade Cuba "within a few hours". Today he has made a general attack on the United states. He has submitted no evidence whatsoever of his previous allegation that the United States was going to invade Cuba within a few hours. As members of the Council will recall, thi::> i::; not the first time that the Minister for External Relations of Cuba has made this kind of charge. On the basis of such charges he has obtained meetings of the Security Couneil and has taken up the time of the General Assembly. 1 think that this ls of very serious eoncern to all those who are interested in truth, in the purposes of the United Nations and in the obligations of all members of the Security Counei!. 171. The representative of the Soviet Union made one allegation, in an otherWÎse rather extraordinary statement, when he said that the breaking off of diplomatic relations by the United states was in itself a threat to Cuba of aggres8ion from the United states. 1find this in itself rather extraordinary, cominp; from the representative of the Soviet Union who knows what aggression is; he knows it as the representative of the Soviet Union. 1 find it rather extraordinary that he and the representative of Cuba have sought to make the breaking of diplomatic rela- tions by the United States with Cuba, something which is unconnected with the fact that the Cuban Government limited diplomatic representation of the United States to eleven, and that this occurred before the rupture of diplomatie relations by the United States, and that they have further sought to imply that we in the United States have in some way restricted Cuba to eleven members of its diplomatic mission inthe United states -which, of course, is not true. But it is typical of the type of statement that we hear from these representa- tives, trying to distort the facts and the sequence of events. 172. 1 have one further thing to say about the state- ment of the representative of the Soviet Union. He expressed a viewpoint which, 1submit, is not the view- point of other members of this Counci!. He can speak for himself and his Government; li that is his view- point, very weIl. But 1 hope that he will not expect that others here accept as a summation of this debate and as a concluding note to it his renditi.on of the facts. 1 think that it is noteworthy that the representative of the Soviet Union ended his statement with a quite mild approach, in view of the way in which this aIl began, to the new United States Administration. 1found this quite significant, but 1would remind the representative of the Soviet Union that the American people are united and that our policy is consistent. 173. 1 should like to make one comment on the state- ment made by you, Ml'. President, as the representa- tive of the United Arab Republic whenyouquoted from The New York Times editorial of 3 January 1961. The statement that you read i8 qufte true. a part of that editorial; 1 take no exception to it. It is an editorial in which The New York Times expresses its own incredulity that the Cubans can believe we are about to invade their islaud. Then, after sorne further comment, it says that, as you said, Ml'. President, "This is the simple fact that the Cuban revolutionary leaders do sincerely believe in the danger of an armed attack sorne dây or other from the United States." 174. 1 can accept that there exist fantasies in the minds of the revolutionary leaders in Cuba and the fact that they exist is something that needs to be dealt with. 1 think that The New York Times editorial put it in the right perspective when it went on to say that: 175. 1 submit that the best thing this Council can do is to treat this utterly fantastic allegation, with which the Minister for External Relations of Cuba came, in that spirit, and to convincethe representatives of Cuba that they are wrong. It is in this spirit that 1 express our sympathetic understanding of the efforts of the representatives of ChUe and Ecuador, efforts which feel wisely have not been pressed. 176. 1 should HIre to conclude by saying that, as is always the case, 1 think the representative of China, Mr. Tsiang, put the question inproper perspective when he said this afternoon that the best thing the Security Council candowhenallegationsofthiskindare made is to adopt a resolution which concludes, as is the case here, that they have not been substantiated. This is certainly the point of view of the United States, and 1 feel that the Security Council would do weIl to ponder this question for the future if the Council is 10 remain an effectiveorganforpeace. It shouldnot allow the type of allegation that we have heard here to faU to the ground by the very presentation of those who have alleged it without pointing this out. This, as 1 say, would be the viewpoint of the United States. We are not pressing tbis view on the Council. We think that it is clear to an,

understand that the representatives of Chile and Ecuador do not ask for a vote ontheir draft resolution. 178. At the conclusion o{this debate, 1 should Uke to make a short statement as President of the Security Council. 1 am confident that this debate will help in reducing the tension between the Republic of Cuba and the United States, whose relations should be governed by the Charter of the United Nations; and that, therefore, nothing will be done to aggravatethetension now existing. The meeting rose at 7.30 p.m.