S/PV.928 Security Council

Before the Security Council takes up the work before it, 1 should like to express our thanks and appreciation to my predecessor in this Chair. 1 am confident that 1 speak for other members of the Council when Isayhowg1'eatlywe were indebted to the representative of the United Arab Republic for the wisdom, moderation and authority with whieh he conducted the Council's business during the last month. By the very nature of the questions we had to diseuss, it could not have been an easy task. We were therefore aIl the more fortunate in having so experienced and courteous a colleague to guide our proceedings. 2. On a personal note, 1 feel bound to congratulate the representative of the United Arab Republic on the admirable skUl with which he vacated this Chair just in time to put me tento it at this particular meeting.

My next and most pleasant duty Is to welcome Mr. Adlai Stevenson to the meetings of this COU:ll'!l. 5. We have to take care in this building not to reveal too pressing an interest in the domestic events of the country whose guests we are. But we can at least take note, and that with great pleasure, that certain recent avents have resulted in the arrivaI here of the new and dist!nguished representative of the United States. He is, happn-;, st' distinguished that it would he quite superfluous or me ta remind members of the Councn of the high qualities of intelligence and l"haracter and of the wide experience ofworld affaL's which he brings to his important post at the head of the United States Mission ta the United Nations. The United States has consistently been represented at this table byeminent men, but we are honoured and encouraged today to have a man cf Mr. StevenS0n's exceptional standing join us as Il co11eague. 6. 1 expect that a11 ; us read with interest the statesmanlike words which Mr. Stevenson used about the United Nations at a recent press conference, when he called for, among other things, a moratorium on propaganda and abuse. 1hope that it is this spirit which will guide a11 our discussions in this COUDCn from today on, and also the whole course of our debates in the United Nations in the months to come. 7. It only remains for me to offer to the distinguished representative of the United States my warmest congratulations on his appointment, to say how glad 1 am that he is here with us and to wish him very great success in the cause we a11 have in common: to ensure peace in the world and to increase goodwill among its nations.

1 in my turn should like to tell our new United States colleague, Mr. Adlai Stevenson, how pleased we are ta have him among us. 9. In appointfng so outstan,Ung a personality as its permanent representative in the Security Council, the United States Government h~s done our delegations, and our Organization, an honl'ur which we cannot but appreciate. Mr. Stevenson, who twice in succession has been nominated by his party as its candidate for the highest office in the 8tate, brings to us the reputation which won him such confidence,. He also brings the experience of a man who, since Ms youth, has trave11ed in foreign countries, visited every continent and fo11owed the amazing development of the modern world. The important offices which he has held in his country qualify him to be an exI-ert spokesman, heeded by his compatriote. The part which he HI. My compatriots and 1 have no doubt, Mr.Ambassador, that you will bi'ing to ymIr task the devotion to freedom and true democracy which is the common heritage of your country, of mine and of aIl nations subscribing to the same Ideals. Your past career is a pledge of this, as is the distinguished tradition which has come down to you, through the maternalline, from the Immediate "entourage" of President Lincoln. The sarne bracing wind will be directed towards this councn from your home in minois, at Libertyville-a town which, by a coincidence which Itrust is symbolic, bears the name of a principle of our revolution that ts no less treasured by your country.

Mr. President, 1 wish to echo the sentiments which you expressed in extending the welcome of the Security Council to Mr. Adlai Stevenson of the United States• 12. In 'ppointing Mr. Stevenso.. to represent the United :::itates in this Council. the Government of our host country indicates unmistakably the grtlat importance which that Government attaches to the United Nations. And 1 should add that in accepting this appointment Mr. Stevenson has likewise indicated his personal devotion to the principles and Ideals of the United Nations. 13. 1 should like to include in this welcome the two co11eagues of Mr. Stevenson, Mr. Francis Pltmpton and Mr. Charles Yost.

It is indeed with very great pleasure that the delegation of ChUe associates itself with those members of the Security Council who have extended their congratulations to Sir Patrick Dean upon his assuming the Presidency of the Council for the month of February. We are convinced that we sha11 derive the maximum benefit frem his great gifts, for the proper functioning of the Council. 15. It is also with great satisfaction thatwe see among us today the new representative of the United States, Mr. Adlai Stevenson. His attractive personality and his outstanding qualities as a politician, statesman and sclrolar are known far beyond the frontiers of his own country, and have earned him universal respect. We are sure that he will contribute some\.:!!Dg new to our debates, as the spokesman of a recently inaugurat~d Administration. 16. Because our two countries belong to the sarne continent, and because of the traditional ties which link them together so closely, 1 :ù-n happy to extend to him a cordial welcome, and to express the hope that we sha11 work jointly iB harmony for the defence of our common Ideals. 1 should like t<' add thatwe shared this sarne task with bis predecessor, Mr. Wadsworth, of whom we have the frfendliest memor!es.

1 would ask the President to forgive me if 1 depart somewhat from custom and go a l1ttle 18. It is not our purpose. in saying this. to dispense compliments. We wlsh J;Ilerely to point out the great responaibility Involved, for thoughtful men like Mr. Stevenson, by the measuring of Ideals against realities, the measuring of ideas with action, especiaUy when the destiny of mankind 1s at stake. 19. To say that today the fate of mankind is being played out on the stage of history is to indulge in no mere phrase-making, no mere repetition of platitude. We believe that we are living in a period of change, of transition between historieai epochs. and hence of crisis. The only source of hope is that a few thoughtful . men should be aware of this change and of what lt implies. • 20. Mr. Stevenson i8 one of those men endowed with what one might calI historieal awareness-a quality rarely to be found among statesmen. whose vision of the future is so often clouded by matters of Immediate concern. In his book Putting First Things First. Mr. Stevenson has poillted out that our century is witnessing three revolutions-first an economic revolution, secondly a revolution which he calls biological benause of the explosive growth of population and thirdly a technolog·.cal revolution. AU that Is clear. But it is also clear that economic and technologieal revolutions involve a change in human relat~ons. and that such a change caUs for new ideas. new standards of value. and new patterns of action. In our time. something is dying and something is being born. It 18 important to understand what is coming to birth and what is disappearing. That is why 1 am venturing to address these few introductory words to Mr. Stevenson on the basis of mutual understanding and frankness. 21. Th~ new events, and the new situations deriving from them. are crowding in upon us day by day. They clamour for attention from our Organization, and we believe that they cannot be dealt with unless there is that historieal awareness to which 1 have referred and which we find, to so high a degree. in Mr. Stevenson. We therefore count on his powertodiscussmatters on a high level and with absolute integrUy. 22. There is one reason that leads my delegation to speak at rather greater length than is usual on these occasions; it is that we have here. to a certain extent. a 0ase ofregional representation. Mr. Stevensonknows what his name signifies to the countries of Latin America. He is a mal). of our coûtinent. and has displayed a noble understanding of eur problems and aspirations. For this reason, it is not out of place to describe the sense of \lur co-operation in the United Nations. 23. Our co-operation is rooted in a polltieal philosophy common to aU the peoples of the American continent-respect for the freedom and dignity of the human person as an indivldual. and true observance of man's fundamental rights. Such i8 the aspiration of 1 1 24. There are, however, other factors whfch, while less positive, are no less important. It is being increasingly realized that conditions of under-development can create situations which, politically, socially and internationally, are dangerous. There is growing doubt that freedom and dignity can really existwithout economic stability. Where we have conditions of under-development, we have the not infrequentparadox of advanced Latin American régimes based on semifeudal social structures-whicn facilitates on the one hand the formation of small revolutior,ary groups and, on the other. the appeal'ance of dictatorships with a Faustian readiness to sell thelr souls, for whose purchase a number of interests stand constantly prepared to enter into the nacessary transaction. 25. My delegation considered ft to be its duty to speak thus openly and frankly to Ml'. Stevensonbecanse it has faith in a solution, on both a long-term and a short-term basis, of the problems exercising the world-a solution which will enable us to prove the truth of what he himself saià recently before the Foreign Relations Committue of the United States Senate, that peoples unite more through hope than through fear. In t:..~.:; connexion, 1 recaH the words of a great North American, T'lom',,, Jefferson-a man of the future, and therefore il grea, politician-who said that he steered his ship with hope in the bow and fear in the stern. Our hope lies in a world govel'lled by justice, truth and understanding-for all of which Ml'. Stevenson has fought, in his very full Ufe of service, as a man of ideas. 26. In -conclusion, 1 should like to make a cordial reference to the outgoing United States representatives, Ml'. Wadsworth and Ml'. Barco. whose friendIiness, understanding and intelligence so greatly facilitated the work of this Council. 27. Ml'. ZORIN (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) (translated from Russian): First ofall, Ml'. President, 1 should like to endorse your remarks con,cerning your predecessor, Ml'. Loutfi, who, on behalf of the United Arab Republic, so ably carried out his duties as President of the Security Council for the month of Jant,Jary. 1 should also 11ke to welcome you personally, now that you are assuming your functions as President of the Security Council for the month of February and will be presiding over the Council, from the first day of your term of office, while it is discussing one of the most important questions with which the United Nations has had to deal for a long time. 1 hope that, under your guidance, progress will be made towards a solution of this question. 28. At the sarne time the Soviet delegation would like to associate itself with your words of welcome for the appointment of Ml'. Stevenson as representative of the United States of America in the Security Council and in the United Nations. We, and the representatives of many other countries, venture to hope that the inauguration of the new U!iited States Administration, which Ml'. Stevenson represents, willhelptheSecurity 29. We aIl know that the prerequisite for successful action by the Security Councn is unanimity among its permanent members, amOi.g whom both the Soviet DIlion and the United States are. included. That, in its tur~. il1volves a patient search ~or mutually acceptable solutions, fully in line with the interests of the maintenance of peace throughout the world• 30. From his past activities Mr. Stevenson is known to an of us as an advocate of international co-operation, based on tne lofty principles ofthe United Nations Charter, which rule out the possibility of one group of States imposing their will on other States andpeoples. In congratulating Ml'. Stcven!:lon at the beginningofhis work in the Security Council, we, like many other members of the Council, hope and expect that his cutstanding Rbilities andwide international experience, combined with the efforts of the other Council members. will be directed towards making this important organ of the Unit.,d Nations satisfy, in aIl Us work, the fe-rvent desire of aIl States and peoples for the strengtnening of peace and co-operation, based en the equ2.l rights ofStates and on respect for the sovereig!'ty and national independence of aIl countries, large and small. 31. Ml'. PADMORE (Liberia): 1 wish personally to congratulate you, Ml'. President, upon being our guide for the month of February. The United Kingdom has contributed both in theory anr ) in a practical way to law and order hi our world of today, and with thi~ background we are somewhat hopeful for a solution of sorne ot the problems which will be included on the agenda of the Security Conncil. 32. With the advent of African representation on the Security Council, we relied to a certain extent for guidance in the procedures of the Security Councii on the past President, Ml'. Loutfi of the United Arab Republic, to whom we are deeply grateful. Now that he has returned to the l'ole which he probably prefe,:s, we are also sympathetic. 33. With his wide experience and his travels in Africa, 1 am sure that the presence here of Ml'. Stevenson as the United States representative is refreshing and more reassuring. On behali of my delegation and of the African countries which we represent, 1 wish to extend our congratulations and a warm welcome to him. In aIl the discussion of the past few months on problems relating to African affairs, there has never been so much hope for settlement of the complex issues as the African peoples now repose in you, Ml'. Stevenson.

1 should like to af"sociate myself with the words of welcome which have been addressed to Mr. Stevenson on the occasion of his appointment as 36. 1 extend my congratulations to Ml'. Stevenson, and wish him every success in his new office. 37. Ml'. WIJEGOONAWARDENA (Ceylon): Permit me to participate in the very pleasant duty of welcoming to our table the representative of the United States, Ml'. Stevenson, whom the Ceylon delegation finds seated here as a neighbour. As is meet and proper to a neighbour and to a distinguished son of L'le country which he represents, the Ceylon delegl!tion extends to him a very warm &nd sincere welcome and wishes him all succes.. iu the many responsibilities that necessarily will devolve upon him in his participation in this international forum of the United Nations, to which he is no stran/:;: _. We are happy indeed to see him here again. 38. To Ml'. Wads\\'orth, with whom we have had the pleaBure of working on this Council Bince he returned from Geneva and who has now left us, we wish to say goodbye and good luck. 39. Ml'. MENEMENCIOGLU (Turkey): On behalfofmy delegation, as well as personaIly, it gives me great pleasure to sthte that we share wholeheartedly all those words which were so eloquently c.sed by you, Ml'. President, as well as by the other members of the CouDcil, in welcoming Ml'. Stevenson and ta t"xpress our common satisfaction on the occa:sion of his appointment as representative of the United States in our Organization. We w1sh him an success in hh:i future endeavours within the United NaHons onthe path of peace and international understanding, which is our common aim. We are confident that his wisdom and experience, which are well known to aIl, offer ample guarantees for this success.

Ml'. President, first let me say that 1 am very happy to come to this table for the first time in many years under your presldency. Under the rulea, 1 understand that 1must succeed you al3 President the first of next month, and 1wish that 1did not suspect that you would relinquish that honour with the same enthusiasm wUh which Ml'. Loutfi has rellnquished it today. 41. Listening to such kind expressions and flattery as 1 have heard here today, 1 have begun to wonder if you have C10nfused me with Thomas Jefferson, whom Ml'. Benites Vinueza was good enough to mention, and whose name is always agreeable ta a Democrat. 1deeply appreciate, Ml'. President, the kind words and gooa wishes of you and of my colleague!:o. 42. 1 must apologize for my voice: 1 wish 1 could say that it was a casualty of the battle for peace instead ,..<, a casualty of the New York weather. 44. As som/) of you know, 1 had a part in the birth of the United Nations in San Francisco in 1945 and in its early walks as an infant in London and then in New York in 1946 and 1947. And now it is fifteen years old and 1 am pleased to be s:àhring in the problems of its adolescence. The problsmt3 of adolescence ue largely those of young love, a.nd 1 believe that this is true in aU countries. Would l"\lat all of our problems in this Councn were aa amiable. Although sorne of our problems may not be amiable, 1 hope that we may deal with even the thorniest of them in an atmosphere of tolerance and good will. We are, ta use a French phrase, the Nations United. Let us 00 united, united in a patient and persevering attempt to ffnd the things that we can agree upon and to build upon them li structure of understanding and co-operation against which whatever storms may be ahead shaH beat in vain. 45. To one who has been long absent from these councils, it is striking and heartening that the United Nations has not only survived the turmoil and the conflict of these fifteen years, but has grown to nearly twice its original membership and has becorne an ever more potent factor in the shaping of world events. 46. We of the United States wish the United Nations to be stiU more potent, for the grave dangers of the new nuclear age rlemand much more unity among the nations. The common concern of aIl men, expressed in the Charter, is to achieve freedom from war and poverty, disease, ignorance and oppression. That is what binds us aU together. Our security and our salvation is the ability of the nations and the Governments to see through the cloude ofconflict and discern the truth about our common interests, and then boldly and in concert to act. Only the actions of States, both large and small, can impartvigour to this Organization and can redeem the pledges of the Charter. 47. We in the United States believe that the times are too dangerous for anything except the truth. The United Nations is a sensitive measure of the tremors which shake the community of nations, tremors which have huilt up to dangerous levels. Butwe are not helpless spectators. The tremors are man made, and man can still them. To help the Organization to meet that task, we of tbe United States will he guided by certain principes, and 1 hope that 1 may be indulged for a moment while 1mention some of them. 49. :\s the oldest anti-colonial P ... ·"lr. the United States ia in favour of freedom and of l:lelf-determination fol' aU peoples. We rejoice in the rapid and peaceful revolution which has brought into being and into our midst at the United Nations so many new sovereignties. Our great dasire is that this transition should proceed peacefully and in good order. with the least possible suffering. bitterness and new conflict. We applaud what has been done to bring about this orderly transition both by the emerging nations and by their former rulera. And we applaud the efforts of this Couneil to assist the orderly transition in the Congo through the Secretary-General. 50. Equally important. if not more so. is the work which this Organization cao do to further economic development. without which political independence cannot long be sustained. The United States attaches the highest importance to improvtng the conditions of !ife and of the peoples in the newly developing countries. In that work the United Nations has already proved its ~ffectiveness as a source of technical assistance. of expert knowledg~ on potential capital investment. and of administrative personnel. to help those who are determined to help themselves, and without any political condition or any ulterior motive. So we shaU support the work of the United Nations in the whole field of economic betterment. 51. We shaH also do aIl in our power to use the United NaUons as a centre for harmonizingthe actions of nations. We believe the United Nations i8 an opportunity for preventive diplomacy which can ident1fy and solve potential disputes befoi'e they reach the acute stage sometimes induced by the glare of publicity. 52. The United States Government is giving its m~;;t earnest attentitlD to the impasse over disarmament. We know, as President Kennedy said the other day, that the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace. We know that progress towards disarmament becomes daily more Imperative, and we are ceaselessly aware of the vital interest in this problem which 1s feIt by aIl of the Members of the United Nations. 53. May 1 say also that if the United Nations Is to continue to function two things are essentia1,. It mUEt be properly financed, and the integrity of the office of the Secretary-General and of the Secretariat must he preserved. We hope aU Members, from every 54. Fir'llly. with sllch a fateful agenda it is more than ever important that in these councils we avoid useless recrimlnation. Free debate is an essential part of the United Nations process. but let us not demean free debate. as you have so eloquently said. Ml'. President. In his address to Congress the other day the new President of the United States '3aid that he regards the United Nations as an instL-ument to end the cold war instead of an arena in which to fight it. We devoutly hope that aIl of the Governments here represented will share his view, and that our deliberations in this Council may be uniformly directedtowards the calm and constructive solution of the problems that confront us. May peace among the United Nations begin with peace among the membe~s of this Council. We are the Security Council. my colleagues. and it should be to us that the peoples of the world look for the security they so desperately long for. They are looking to us. 1 believe. for leadership-for strong. sober. constructive leadership. If they do not look to this body with confidence lt is our fauIt, so 1 wholeheartedly pledge myself to the high and challenging task of co-operatlng withyou inourcommonendeavour to provide the leadership that the world is asking of UR. 1 devoutly hope and pray that we may fulfil this solemn obligation. Adoption of the agenda 55. The PRESIDENT. In connexion with the first sub-ltem of Fam 2 ofthe p;:ovisional agenda[S/Agendal 928/Rev.1]. 1 wish to draw the attention of members of the CouDcil to a communication [S/4650], dated 29 January 1961. from the representative of Libya, in which he has requested that his name should be included as a cosignatory of the letter [S/4641]. datad 26 January 1961. from the representatives of Ceylon. Ghana. Guinea. Mali. Morocco, the United Arab Republic and Yugoslavia. Letter doted 13 July 1960 from the Secretary.General ad. dressed tothe President of the SecurityCouncil (S/4381): Letter dated 26 January 1961 from the Pennanent Repra. sentativesofCeylor.,Ghana,Guinea,Libya,Mall, Morocco, UniteJ Arah Republic and Yugoslavia addressed to th. Sec:urlty Councl! (5/4641); relegram dated 24 January 1961 from the President of the Republlc of the Congo (Leopold'IIIle) and the Presidentof the ColI.ge af Commlsslon.rs.General and Commissloner. General for Foreign Affalrs addressed ta th. President of the Security Councll (S/4639);

Before the Councn begins its consideration of the question before ft, 1 wish to draw members' attention to the requests from tho representatives of Mali [S/4646], India [S/4852], Yu~oslavia [S/4654], Incionesia [S/4655], Belgium [S/4657], Guinea [S/4659], Ghana [8/4660J. Congo (Leopoldville) [S/4661], Morocco [S14664] and Poland [S/4665] to be permitted to participate in the discussion of the item now befOl'e the Council. 57. With the consent of the Council, 1 now propose to invite the representatives of Mali, India, Yugoslavia, Indonesia, Belgium, Guinea, Ghana, the Congo (Leopoldville), Morocco and Poland to participate without vote in the consideration of this item. On the invitation of the President, Mr. Abdoulaye Maiga (Mali), Mr. C. S. Jha (India), Mr. Miso Paviéevié (Yugoslavia), Mr. Sukardjo Wirjopranoto (Indonesia), Mr. Walter Loridan (Belgium), 11fr. Diallo Telli (Guinea), Mr. K. K. S. Dadzie (Ghana), Mr. Gervais Bahizi (Congo, Leopoldville), Mr. El Mehdi Ben Aboud (Morocco), and Mr. Bohdan Lewandowski (Poland), took places at the Council table.

Like my colleagues, 1 raiosed no objection to the seating at this table of representatives ofStates which had asked, or mlght asJ<, to take part ln our debate. 1 will even say that 1 myself am delighted to welcome them here. 59. 1 would, how€Jver, repeat what 1 said on 21 August last-that my delegation does not think it would be a healthy practice to complicate the Council's discussions by opening them to States whose interests would not appear to be particularly involved• 60. It might rightly be said that the Congo question i8 such as to ~e of concern to many delegations. But in that respect every Member of our Organization might ask to be seated at this table, and if that happened the Council would become, in effect, an Assembly. This was obviously not what the authors of rule 37 ~f our provisional rules of procedure contemplated or intended, and 1 think !t would be weIl if requests to take part in Councn debates were governed by the spirit in which that rule was drafted•

Ontheagendaofthe Security Council figures a telegram from President Kasa-Vubu with a complaint against the Lnited Arab Republic [S/4639], a letter from seven Member Governments, now eight, about the treatment of Mr. Lumumba and related matters [S/4641], and finaHy a letter from the USSR delegation [S/4644]. However, there are before the Council also other documents regarding which no debate at th~ present stage has been requeste1, but wàich aH "ue same require the most serious attention of the Council. 1 have in mind 62. 1 bel1eve that the CounciI may wish to have some comments on important elements in the present situation, as reflected in the various documents mentioned, before embarking upon a debate on the specifie aspects put before the Councn fro its consideration at this meeting. In fact, as all the various elements in the Congo situation naturally are linked together, it is difficult to discuss any one of them without fitting it into the total picture. 63. In presenting my observations on the present situation, ï wouid iike tu ùeal, unst uf aIl, with the domestic political development in order to turn Iater to the problem of interference from outside and, finally, to the problem of the various units of the Armée nationale congolaise (ANC) and their l'ole both in relation to the domestic political development and as an element in the interplay between foreign Powers and groups within the country. 64. On the political front, the rift between the authorities in Leopoldville and groups in control in the Oriental and Kivu provinces geems to ha,ve been widened through the transfer of Ml'. Lumumba to Katanga regarding whlch 1 have presented my objections in two letters to President Kasa-Vubu. To what extent thts development is counterbalancedor-in other respects-reinforced by a realignment between Leopoldville, Elisabethville and Bakwanga, or between Stanleyville and groups in the adjoining provinces, is at present difficult to say. At the preparatory round table conference, which is at present meeting in Leopoldville, not one of the three provinces, Oriental, Kivu and Katanga, is represented by spokesmenfor the responsible authorities. How far the Congo is from reconciliation in the Interest of national unity is clearly illustrated by the threatening possibility of civil war, were present trends to continue, fanned by new 1ncidents and unrestra1ned by the presence of the United Nations Force. 65. This is the setting in which the Conciliation Commission has had to pursue its efforts. Sofar no report from them has been received, huttheir work continues, and 1 am certain that the Commission will wish ta report on its work through the Advisory Committee to the General Assembly in time for the opening of the resumed session. What 1 say is stated with reservatian for the views which may later be expressed by the Conciliation Commission. It would, however, surprise me if my assessment of the political situation and theirs would prove to be far apart. 1:11 66. With the continued divisions of the Congo and the splits which, as indicated, may recently even have 67. Let it first be stated again that it is not the task of the United Nations ta act for the Congolese people and ta take political or constitutional initiatives aiming at the establishment of such a government. This i8 true not only in the sense that the Unitee: Nations has no right ta try ta impose on the Congo any special régime but aisa in the sense that the Organization cannat support the effort of any faction ta impose such a régime. No, the duty of the United Nations is only the one which has just been recalled. It has ta deal only with Interference from outside the country and with the maintenance of law and order within the country. It cannat go beyond any one of these points. And even in its efforts ta insulate the country from outside Interference and to maintain law and order, the Organization must stay strictly within the limits established by the Charter just as the Secretary- General and the Force must, in their turu, stay 8trictly within the limits of the mandate established by the Security Council and the General Assembly. 68. It is my conviction that if an effective insulation from outside Interference had been achieved, and if, likewise, the internaI problems of law and 'order had been more completely resolved, the way would have been paved to a reconciliation of various factions and leaders, and the COitgo would today have been much closer to the establishment of a constitutional government with sufficient authority to function effet.:ltively aIl over the country. 69. From what 1 have said it may seern that, to a certain degree, 1 agree with those who wish to put the blame for the lack of progress on the inefficiency of the United Nations operation. That is, as we know, a very popular line, and for those working for the United Nations it sometimes seems that the Organizatian is appreciated by many especially as a conveniellt scapegoat for shortcomings for which the responsibility should properly be borne by member Governments and by leaders within the Congo. However, in my view the Organization cannot be blamed for an attitude in the past which has been clearly dictated by its wish to avoid any interference in domestic affairs and which would have been of sufficient E1trength ta cape with a situation with greater initial cohesion among leaders and factions. 70. On the other hand, the Organization could weIl be blarned if, at the present jl: 'cture, it did not reassess its pol1cy in the light experience and consider whether, in theinterestofpeaceandsecurity, for which it cardes primary responsibility, more far-reaching measures are not now called for in arder ta overcome this continued and increasing lack of cohesion, even if such measures by sorne might be feIt as coming close ta a kinci of Interference. 72. Volunteers or sales of arms from private companies are time-honoured forms for military assistance maintaining a seeming neutrallty for the Governments most directly concerned. It is my firm conviction that such interference must be stopped, but 1 have not sa far found a sufficient legal basis in the resolutions for effective counter-measures by the United Nations. Such counter-measures would not have been, or be, necessary if the Organization had been or were now able to count on the loyal co-operation and assistance from aU its member Governments. Such co-operation has not always been forthcoming. Is it too much to hope that at the present serious phase of the development the United Nations will be able to count on aU its Members so that they would not only avoid givlng any military assistance themselves but, furthermore, take the necessary steps, which undoubtedly are within their power, to stop any such assistance in other forms, less accessible for counter-action through the United Nations and its Ol'gans? 73. However, outside Interference need not take the form of military assistance, or merely omission of measures against such assistance on a non-governmental Lasis. The radio is a powerful weapon and sa is the Press. Comments made from various sources, attitudes maintained in various quarters have had and continue to have a strong influence on the domestic political situation in the Congo. Heroes are made of sorne. Others are maligned. Solutions are imposed. The motives of other approaches are discredited. 1 wonder if any other country and its political leaders have ever to the same degree found themselves converted by others into aetors in an international drama with very little respect for thei1' true positions and the t1"'".1e interests of the country conoerned. 74. la It too muoh to expect that Governmentl!l ln thls respect will try to exercise and ask for restraint, thus providing the leaders of the Congo with a setting in which their true ambitions and ideais can be tested in democratic debate with other leaders without having the outcome prejudged by outsiders who are only pa'.tIy 14 75. This br:lngs me to &9 internaI situation as regards law and order. 1 have already on a previous occasion characterized the present conditions and the role of. the Armée nationale congolaise. 1 have drawn attention to the fact that the old "Force publique" has broken up into factions claiming allegiance to this or that leader and thus, in fact, providing val":lous political groups with small private armies. However, the disintegration has gone even further. Recent examples can be given both from the Leopoldville area and from St.... l1eyville or Kivu of groups of the military force having acted in a way clearly indicating that they were not under the control of the leader to whom they were supposed to owe allegiance. Thus even the loyalties of the various private armies must be put in question. At aIl events they may be assumed to included groups which can scarcely be regarded as elements 01 an organized military force under a responsible commando 76. What 1 have said should be enough to indicate why military assistance in men or "matériel". on a governmental or non-governmental basis, given to any one of the various factions of the army at present is a dangerous and negative element leading not. in the direction of a solution of the Congo problem in any lasting terms but away from conciliation and the creation of national unity. When it must be said that, in this way, the army itself has been and continues to be the main threat to law and order, it is obviously the last thing that can be justified to strengthen the hands of that same army by military supplies or men. 77. The United Nations Force is now threatened by serious reductions of ltsstrength through repatriation. 1 have pointed out that a further reduction ma~T lead us to a point where 1 would have to put before the Security Council, or the General Assembly, the question whether the Force should continue or should be liquidated as no longer being able to tackle its tasks due to its reduced strength. We may not be there yet. But we are in my view so close as to render ft necessary to see under what conditions the Force with its reduced strength can continue to function. Were outside support to the various factions of the ANC to continue-indeed, even without such support, were the present development to continue-withvarious factions of the army functioning as private armies in actual or potential conflict amongthemselves, breaking loose from their own command and threatening the population, ft can be seriously questioned whether the situation any longer would permit a useful United Nations contribution unless the Force were to be strengthened. 79. In the circumstances, and for these reasons, 1 feel that the Council should giv'e serious consideration especially to what the United Nations line should be regarding the ANC, in all its factions. It seems to me that the time has come when the Councilmust provide a basis for arrangements which would eliminate the present threat from the army, or units thereof, against efforts to re-estaNish normal political life and against law and order. 80. The members of the Council ",~11 _em...mber that at an early stage of the operation the appr( ,ach that 1 outlined to the problem of the ANC, was as ·ollows: The army, which was the instrument of the Go\ ernment both for the protection of the integrity of the country and for the maintenance of law andorder, had lost its cadre of officers and become disorganized. It had to be rebuilt from the bottom by adequate training and by the schooling of officers. Naturally, during this phase of reorg~ization, up to the stage when it would be able to function in a satisfactory way, the army should be unburdened from its tasks both as regards the protection of the integrity of the country and as regards the maIntenance of law and order. In the reorganization operation the United Nations should be instrumental in giving the necessary technical assistance and, for that purpose, obviously would have to be in a position to check that the assistance given be not put to uses contrary to the very aims of the Organization. 81. What was thus said in July and August is, if 1 understand the situation correctly, still the accepted position of the United Nations. IbeUeve that it is more vaUd today than when it was first presented. 82. The United Nations did what it could along the line thus indicated, but its efforts came to nothing when early in September the army broke int..> the political field and, at the same time, split up in factions going beyond the division already caused by the claim of Katanga to secession. What thus happened in the beginning of the faU stands as a main cause of the continued deterioration of the internaI situation in the Congo. 83. 1 beUeve, therefore. that a most important contribution in the direction of conciliation in the interest of national unity would be ta revert to the initial stand of the United Nations and get it enforced with the co-operation of the leaders concerned. This would mean to return the army to its proper l'ole and to give it as quickly and effectively as possible a chance to fulfil it. If the effort proved successful, it would mean that the army had stepped out of the present political conflicts and had devoted itself to its own reorganization in order to become, again, an effective, integrated, discipUned and weIl organized national in" .'ument of a government, accepted in constitutional 85. As a cla:-ification of the basis and aim of the palicy which l thus find strongly indicated. 1 would welcome a decision by the Council requesting the Secretary-General to take urgently appropriate measures for assistance in the reorganization of the national army. preventing it, or units thereof, from intervening in the present political conflicts in the Congo• 86. As 1s weH known, the mandate of the United Nations Force does not permit ft to take military initiative. This limitation has repeatedly been challenged and demands have been raised for a revision -of the mandate to include such military initiative. In a couple of the documents now before the Security Council. demands are made that the United Nations resort to the use of force for certain specific purposes. Thus, President Kasa-Vubu wants the United Nations to use force against the units of the ANC which are serving Mr. Gizenga. and he threatens to ask for military assistance from other countries if the request is not met. thus neglecting the stand of the General Assembly at its fourth emergency special session in its resolution of 20 September [1474 (ES-IV)] which should excluàe other countries from granting such assistance. Further. the BelgianGovernment requests the use of force for protection of its nationals in Oriental and Kivu. including obviously eight Belgian soldiers detained in Stanleyville. 87. The Security Council will remember that similar requests for the use of force have previously been made for other purposes. Thus, the question was raised by members of the Organization with a view to the liberation of Mr. Lumumba. and. at a still earlier stage, the Central Government asked for the use of force against the units of the army which were loyal to Mr. Tshombé. 88. 1 believe that a look at the four cases of requests for armed intervention which 1have recalled, and their different purposes, wiH bring out clearlyto everybody " what problems would arise were the mandate to be widened as proposed. Certainly such a widening of the mandate could not be considered without a much clearer and fuller definition of the objectives to be pursued by the United Nations. Nor. of course. could the mandate be changed in relation to earlier decisions 89. 1 have tried to outline in this intervention a few problems which seem to me to he ofspecial importance in the consideration of the United Nations operation in the Congo. 1 have not deaIt at any lengtl> with the background. It should be weIl known. But, all the same, 1 may in concluding sum ft up again. 90. The serious divisions of the Congo continue and have in some respects bean widened and reinforced. The army remains broken up in factions with varying loyalties and partly outside the control of any responsible authority. Foreign backing and supporthave led to a strengthening of the military potentials. Offensive steps are taken and alliances betweengroups discussed. In these circumstances the risk of a civil war, tearing the country to pieces and bri: Jing civilian life to a standstill, has come closer. It could easily b~ ,triggered through such incidents as those to which recent miUtary initiatives have led. 91. Civil war would indeed in my viewbeunavoidable if the United Nations Force were withdrawn under present circu.mstances. Were it to break out in spite of the restraining influence of the presence of the United Nations, 1 consider that the right thing to do would be for the United Nations Force towithdraw, as it cannot interpose itself effectively and permit itself to become a thil'd party between contending forces. 92. In a situatic...I of this gravity several member countries have with,drawn, or have stated their intention to withdraw. their contingents in the Force. NaturalIy, such withdrawals bring us closer to the stage where the United Nations Forcewouldbeclearly insufficient. That also would be a reason for withdrawal unless a fundamental change could be brought about in the situation whi<lh would permit us to continue. Such a changewould resuIt ifthe various factions of the ANC were brought back to their normal role as parts of a unified, disciplined army, outside po1itics and under the uItimate control of Il functioning constitutional government. This would also be an effective step in support of national reconciliation. It may also be a necessary step if new withdrawals are to be prevented. 93. Certainly nobody overlooks the difficulties ahead of the United Nations along the lines which circumstances now seern to point out, but the alternative is forbidding, as a breakdown would open the door to a wider conflict and might weIl threaten aIl with the dangers against which this Organization and its Members have mo::-ilized their best efforts since 14 July 1960, when this Councn unanimously decided to step in in order to aven the developing threat to peacs and security.

Before 1 calI upon the next speaker on my list, Ishould Uke to draw the attention of members of the Security Councn to a request ~hièh has been received from the representative of Libya putting forward a request from his Government that At the invitation of the President, Mr. Mohieddine Fekini (Libya) took a place at the Council table.

May 1 at this moment ask the members of the CouncillÎow they would like to order their business for the l'est oftoday? 1have h~o further speakers on my list, the representatives of the United Arab Republic and of Ceylon. 1 would suggest that a convenient proceàure might be to hear the statement of the representative of the United Arab Republic and its interpretation, and to defer the statement of the representative of Ceylon until tomorrow morning. That, 1 understand, would meet his convenience. It was so decided. 96. Ml'. LOUTFI (United Arab Republic) (translated from French): During the debate on the Congo, my delegation has, on several occasions, defined Us position. 97. In the United Nations General Assembly. Ml'. Fawzi stated. on 16 December 1960: "l have already referred to the belief of the Government of the United Arab Republic that there can be no independent Congo. and that there will continue to be a serious crisis there and a danger to world peace. as long as law and order have )lot been established and liberties safeguarded and as long as foreign. particularly Belgian. intervention continues. and thatthefirst step to betaken therefore is obviously the prompt elimination of that foreign intervention. Il y 98. It can he seenfrom this quotation that the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the United Arab Republic stressed the factor of foreign intervention in the Congo, its consequences and the serious repercussions which it might have on the international siv..1ation and on respect for freedoms and the maintenance of law and order. This point of view is still valid today. 99. At the 926th meeting ofthe Council, on 13 January 1961. 1 read out the resolutions adopted at the Casablanca Conference with regard to the Congo. There is no need to read them again. 1 should like to say that those decisions are clear and self-explanatory. They reflect the standpoints of my Government and of the other States represented at the Conference. and certainly that of many other States in .I\frica and Asia. 100. If these decisions were ahpted-and we very much hope that they will be-they would lead to a constructive solution for the question of the Congo and would help the Congolese to solve their diificuIties themselves. They would make it possible to end the existing state of illegalfty, to summonParliament. to free the political leaders and to terminate colonial intervention. 101. The present situation in the Congo i8 very far removed from these objectives, and the colonialists 103. The brutal and inhuman treatment meted out to MI'. Lumumba, Prime Minister of the Republic of the Congo, and his companions MI'. Okito and MI'. Mpolo, has shocked world opinion and has been denounced by many Governments, as weIl as by the Press. It would have been surprising had it been otherwise. MI'. Lumumba and his companions were transferred from Thysville illegally and were taken to Katanga by air. They were beaten in the aireraft, and when it arrived at the airport of Elisabethville they received the same treatment. This brutal behaviour on the part of the undisciplined troops of MI'. Mobutu and MI'. Tshombé is certainly contrary to the principles of the United Nations and to the aims it had in view wben it entered the Congo. 104. The denials of MI'. Kasa-Vubu and MI'. Bomboko are given the lie by the statements of the United Nations personnel who were on the spot and were eye-witnesses ofthe incident. Inhis latter to MI'. Kasa- Vubu of 20 January 1961, the 8ecretary-Generalwrote: "... l wish at the same time to mention that l have received confirmed and incontradictable reports regarding the brutal manhandHng of MI'. Lumumba and bis companions on the occasion of their transfer." [8/4637 and Add.1" sect. m.] We wish that the United Nations staff could have intervened; owing to their small numbers, however, they were unable to prevent these barbarities. 105. Nevertheless, whatever the treatment inflicted upon MI'. Lumumba, he still represents African nationalisme Even in prison he is more powerful than his opponents, and remains the most respected and the most representative leader of the Congolese people. 106. What shocks us p&rtic111arly is that this treatment was inf1icted on a man who enjoys parliamentary immunity. Articl~ 66 of the "Loi fondamentale Il of the Congo, to which MI'. Kasa-Vubu, MI'. Bomboko and MI'. Mobutu often refer, states this: liNo member of either of the two Chambers may be prosecuted or arrested for penal offences, as long ~s the session goes on, unless the Chamber to which he belongs has given its authorization or he has been surprised in flagrante delicto." Another paragraph reads: 'When the session is over, a member of eithe!' of the Chambers may be arrested only with the authorization of the 'bureau' of the Chamber of which he was a member, exceptincases of flagrante delicto. authorized prosecution or Irrevocable condemnation." 107. These passages clearly show that the arrest of MI'. Lumumba. whose membership of Parliament 108. But not onlyis the Incarceration ofMr. Lumumba illegal, and hence repugnant to world opinion; ft also has extremely serious' political repercuaslons. As stressed in the letter of whlch my delegation Is a co-signatory. the detention of Mr. Lumumba cannot fail to intensify dlsunlon among the Congolese and make ft extremely difficult to maintain the Congo's territorial integrity and public order. 109. Furthermore, if Mr. Lumumba and the members of Parliament remain in illegal detention and BUffer inhuman and brutal treatment, cmy fruitful negotiations between the different political factions in the Congo-and 1 am sure that the reconciliation of these factions is our principal objective-will be prevented. The prisoners would be unable to express their views and participate freely in any negotiations or deliberations between the Congo'a politicalparties. , , 110. Snch are the lamentable consequences of the behaviour of Mr. Mobutu's unauthorizedbanda, and the threats which they involve to peace and stability in this part of the world. 111. Not only are Mr. Lumumba and his companions arrested and manhandled; they are illegally tr.ansferred to Katanga and handed over to their worst enemies. This transfer is not legal either. Ffi'st, as you know, Mr. Tshombê claims and continues to claim that the province of Katanga is independent; he none the less incarcerates Mr. Lumumba and his companions and subjects them to brutal treatment. This is contrary to the principles ofinternationallaw, always sUlJPosing that Mr. Tshombê wishes to be consistent in his attitude. 112. Furthermore, even if Katanga is regarded as a province dependent upon the Central Government-as we claim that ft is-Katanga is not competent to judge Mr. Lumumba, who is a minister and member of Pariiament. !ts competence with regard to 'Jdminal offences is strictly limited, as the principles of the Congolese Fundamental Law show. 113. Also, it must be remembered that the Advisory Committee on the Congo has examineè the question, In his letter of 20 January 1961 to Mr. Kasa-Vubu, the Secretary-General wrote: "They [the Advisory Committee] 'lre of the strong conviction that negotiations cannot be conducted, among pol1ticalleaders as long"as someofthem are detained and thus unable in freedc.lll to express their views or to take part in deliherations ••• "The Cammittee con81ders lt approprlate to draw to your urgent attention the serious bearing on the efforts towards reconcilitl.tion and national unification which the continued imprisonment of Mr. Lu- 114. From this 1 conclude that the liberation of Ml'. Lumumba and the members of the Congolese Parliament is essential, especially if w~ wish to find an adequate solution for thf.s Congolese crisis which is jeopardizing international peace and security. 115. We calI for the release of Mc. Lumumba. We also consider that Parliament should meet as soon as possible. 116. In a latter sent to Ml'. Kasa-Vubu on21 December 1960, Ml'. Hammarskjold said in this connexion that it was a matter of extreme urgency tl' convene Parliament and resume democratic practices. He wrote: 'This, as you weIl know, is a view which 1 have held for a long time. Although this view may not have found the formaI endoll"sement of the General Assembly, it should nevertheless be regarded by you as the strong conviction of almost aIl Member States.' [S/4606 and Add.l, sect. 1.) 1 think that this view also renects the position of the Advisory Committee and, so far as 1remember, of the Conciliation C"mmission. 117. It should !:le remember~d that this suspension of Parliament hua cons!derably exceeded the period allowed ùy the "Loi fondamentale". Article 70 of this LllW state3: 'An adjournment of the Chambers, ordered by the Chief of State whUe the session is in progress, may not exceed a period of one month, nor may it be renewed during the same session without the consent of the Chambers." Yet the Chambers have now been adjourned for a long time; and tbis is illegal. We feel that it is essential to rehabilitate the legal institutions; a solution of the Congolese crisis might thereby be facilitated. Moreover, article 69 of the "Loi fondamentale" states: 'Without prejudice to the provisions of article 102, the Chambers shaH meet as of right every year on the first Monday of March and September, unless they have been convoked earlier by thEl Chief of State.~ According to thls article. therefore. the Chambers may meet as of right. 118. Furthermore. 1 should like to stress that the United Nations should. In our opinion, proteet the members of Parliament and allow them to go to Leopoldville. without being attaeked. arrested or manhandled by Ml'. Mobutu's bands; and the Parliament's place of meeting should also be protected. This procedure can be justified and facilitated because. as stated ln article 103 of the 'Loi fondamentale": 'The locality where the Chambers or the Constituent Assembly are to convene shall have the status of a neutral zone." The United Nations could itself ensure that this article was applied. and thus protect Parliament. The 119. Another question on which 1 shoulli l1ke to make sorne comment is that of Belgian intel .ltlon in the Congo's internaI affairs. During the discussions in the Councn two weeks ago, we maàe special reference to this intervention, which is still continuing. We emphasized the situation in Katanga, on the basis of the report by Mr. Dayal, which said: WSignificantly. within the security forces, there are, according w the latest available data, 114 Belgian offjçers and 117 Belgians of other ranks in the 'gendarmerie', and 58 Belgian officers in the poUce." [S/4557, para. 49.) And in the conclusion of this chapter of his report, Ml'. Dayal wrote: wBelgian activities in recent weeks have increased the intransigence of the ANC Command as weH as of the Katangese authorities, inhibited peaceful political activity and, therefore, the possibillty of an eventual return to constitutional government and the re-estabUshment of the unity and integrity of the country." [Ibid., para. 55.] As you know, this report was dated 2 November 1960 and the situation, instead of improving, has only deteriorated. 120. We have read very alarming news in the Pressfor example in The New York Times of 31 January 1961, wh,ich said that mercenaries and adventurers were arriving dafly to join the security forces in Katanga and would constitute a foreign legion. In a dispatch from Johannesburg of 26 January, reported in Le Mon~ of27 January, itwas stated that according to the evening newspaper Star, many Rhodesians and South Africans-mainly ex-serviceme.1-were enrolling in the Katangese foreign legion. In The New York Tll!les of today, 1 February 1961, Brigadier Rikhye is reported as stattng that Ml'. Tshombé had a legion of 200 to 300 white volunteers in his armed forces, in addition to 140 Belgian officers and noncommissioned officers serving in Katanga. 121. Other reports have described the bombing of the town of Manono in Katanga, which may resuU in the Nigerian contingent of the United Nations Force withdrawing from the region. 122. Even in the Belgian ParUament. the socialist opposition is critfcizing the activities of Belgian offlcers in the Congo. In Le Monde of 26 January 1961, we read: ---- "A spokesman of the soclalist opposition had stated that the presence of Belgian officers in the Katangesa armed forces was unjustifiabis. There is l.. vast difference betveen the protection of Belgian nationals and 'the organization of punitive expeditions led by Belgian officers'-the speaker stated, adding: 'It cannot be said that these officers 123. In addition, the 8ecretary-General has sent on 21 January to the representative of Belgium a letter [8/4651], drawing his attention to the fact that negotiations are proceeding with a view to altering the present status of the former Belgian bases in the Congo, which are now under the custodianship of the United Nations Force; in this letter the 8ecretary- General points out that these installations are of considerable military value and naturally comprise stores of arms and munitions. Their transfer to the forces of Mr. Mobutu wouldbecontrarytothe 8ecurity Council and General Assembly resolutions. 124. We also learn from Le ~onde, of 27 January, that Colonel Trinquier is making a reconnaissance visit to Katanga, in a personal capacity: "Colonel Trinquier is to leave for Elisabp'thville, where he is making a reconnaissance visit in a personal capacity. Mr. Tshombé, Presideüt of the Republic of Katanga. has offered him the command of Katanga's armed forces.- Le Monde adds: -Colonel Trinquier, a parachutist specializing in subversive warfare, played a prominent role in the battle of Algiers in 1957 and helped to organize the dispositions for urbanprotection around the Casbah." 125. All this certainly constitutes alarming information and will have serious repercussions on peace and security in the Congo. It shows that the colonialists do not recognize that their system is outdated, and wish to remain in the Congo, phtting and dividing the country. 126. Belgian and foreign military and paramilitary unite must immediately witbdraw from the Congo, if peace is to he restored in this country which bas already suffered so much. 127. In conclusion, lor the time œing, we consider that Ml. Lumumba and his companions should be at once released, that Parliament should be convened and that Belgian and foreign military and paramilttary units should leave the Congo as speedily as possible. Thilf i8 the solution which we recommend for the Congolese crisis which has lasted so long. A draft resolution to this effect and comprising these main points will he submitted to the Council. 128. The status quo ante must be restored in the Congo, and legality re-established, if we wish to make progress and find an objective solution for the Congolese question. 129. 1 reserve my right to speak again, ifnecessary, and to comment on the important statemant by the 8ecretary-General, which requires careful study. The meeting rose at 6.25 p.m. ISRAEL Blum,tein's Bookstores, and 48 Nachlat ITALY·ITALlE Libreria Commissionaria Gino Capponi Azuni 151A, Rama. JAPAN·JAPON Maruzen Company. Nihonbashi, Tokyo. JORDAN-JORDANIE Jo,eph 1. Bahau, Box 66, Amman. KOREA·-COREE Eul·Yoo Publi,hing Changno, Seoul. LEBANON·L1BAN Khayat', College 92·94, rue BIi LUXEMBOURG Librairie J. Trou,ch-Schummer, Théâtre, Luxembourg. MEXICO-MEXIQUE Editorial Herme,. 41, México, D.F. ETHIOPIA·~HIOPIE Inlernational Pre.. Agency. P.O. Box 120, Addi, Abob... MOROCCo-MAROC Centre de diffusian B.E.P.I., 8, .ue FINLAND·FINLANUE Akateeminen Kirjakauppa, 2 Ke,ku,katu, Hel,inki. NETHERLAND5-PAYS·BAS N.V. Martinu, 9, 'I-Gravenhage. FRANCE Editjonl A. Pédone, 13. rue Soufllot, Paril (VO). NEW ZEALAND.NOUVELLE·ZELANDE United Nation, land, C.P.O. 1011, NORWAY.NORVEGE Johan Grundt gu'''gt. 7A. 0,10. GERMANY.ALLEMAGNE R. Eil.n.chmidt, Schwanthal.r Str. 59, Fronkfurt/Main. Elw.rt und M.urer, Houp"tra"e 101. B.rlin.Schen.b.rg. Ord.,. and inquiri•• 'rom counlri•• not /i.,.d alla•• moy ••nl ta: So/.. S.ction, Pullli.hing S••ic., Unit.d Nolion., N.w York, U.S.....; or Sol•• S.ction, Unit.d Notion., Poloi. d•• Notion., Genevo, Sw;,z.r/ancl. Litho in VoN. Priee: $V.S. 0.35: 2/6 stg.: (or equivalent in other