S/PV.930 Security Council

In accordance with the decision taken previously 1shall, with the consent ofthe Council, invite the representatives of Mali, India, Yugoslavia, Indonesia, Belgium, Guinea, Ghana, Congo (Leopoldville), Morocco, Poland and Libya to take seats at the Council table. At the invitation of the President, Mr. Abdoulaye Maiga (Mali), Mr. C. S. Jha (India), Mr. Mi~o Pavi- ~evi6 (Yugoslavia), Mr. Sukardjo Wirjopranoto (Indonesia) Mr. Walter Loridan (Belgium), Mr. Marof Achkar (Guinea), Mr. Ii. Ii. S. Dadzie (Ghana), ~'\![r. Gervais Bahizi (Congo, Leopoldville), Mr. El Mehdi Ben Aboud (Morocco), Mr. Bohdan Lewandowski (Poland), and Mr. Mohieddine Fekini (Libya) took places at the Council table. '

The problem of the Congo has beenexamined on various occasions, and its basic aspects are now familial'. The Council's attention has recently been drawn to further developments; yesterday and today, additional information has been provided by the speakers who preceded me. 1 shaH therefore refrain from going over it again. 3. The seriousness of the situation in the Congo is now universally acknowledged. The surprises and unforeseen events which it undoubtedly has in store for us are feared by everyone. In view of the dangers Inherent in the latest turn of events in the Congo, it has become Imperative ta clarify positions without further delay. That is why the Conference of Independent African States was convened on an emergency basis and was held at Casablanca from 3 ta 7 January 1961. The situation in the Congo was examined with very great care. The steps to be taken ta correct the situation have been summarized in the resolution on the Congo, which was adopted unanimously, and which 1 shaH shol'tly read out in arder ta refresh your memories. The convening of the Security Council was one of the decisions taken at the Casablanca Conference. 4. The sharp turn taken by events in this African drama has been having a serious impact on Africa and the world, but what is most important of aIl, a new and totally unexpected phenomenon made its appearance. The way things were going, it looked as if the African troops of the United Nations were going to slaughter their African Congolese brothers while the Belgian military are living the good life in Katanga and elsewhere. The normal course of events was being reversed and was becoming absolutely abnormal and paradoxical. Instead of the departure of the Belgian military, the reopening of Parliament and the maintenance of the Congo's territorial integrity-in short, instead of a return to normal, to the status quo ante of the early days of Congolese independence-we are now witnessing the sanctifying of the evil. The Belgian aggression is an accepted facto Such tools of colonialism as Moise Tshombé and his partners are now regarded as valld spokesmen. Secession has become a "fait accompli" and a recognized reality. The prod 1 d ~oters of .ooe.s::n_areev~ invire to c~nc u :ecr.~;,:2:> 6. As a Member of the United Nations, wehave rights and duties. We were eager to carry out obligations at the request of the Secretary-General. We have done our best. When, however, the conduct of affairs and the course of events result in the opposite of the goal sought at the outset, our conscience compels us to caU a halt, and our position as aState Member of the United Nations authorizes us ta come here and denounce the mistakes made. Besides, any just struggle is in the interest of all countries. The future of peace in Africa and elsewhere is at stake in the Congo. 7. Rence, my country believes that this meeting of the Security Council must be viewed by us as very important. It is certainly not our intention to have the Security Council or the General Assembly meet again only ta have an inconclusive debate as usual. The problem is to dispel confusion in order to right the course of events in the Congo. 8. An impartial and disinterested observer cannot help asking the following two major questions, which wiU not change in essence so long as the issue has not been adequately resolved. The first is what is involved in a situation which is becoming increasingly complicated, but which is not complexe The second is to determine, as we have sought to do on several occasions, what the United Nations is seeking to accomplish. 9. The nature of the problem is clear. This is an issue which, while preserving its own local character, cornes within the general framework of the struggle between pure African nationalism which has not "sold out" and overt or disguised foreign domination. The picture is familial' to aH the countries of Africa, the Middle East and Asia. It cornes into sharper focus when seen as the popular patriotic will fighting against the return or the maintenance of that foreign domina- , tion under a new guise. 10. Developments can be summarized as follows, and this brief reminder is necessary despite the drawbacks of condensation. 11. Belgium could not oppose Congolese national aspirations without provoking a conflict like that in Algeria. That prospect, for Belgium, was fearsome and ruinous. It consented to grant a national independence in which it could take back with the left hand what it had given with the right, to use the words of Ml'. Lumumba when he spoke here. It was a pseudo- "Requests the Secretary-General to continue to take vigorous action in accordance with the terms of the aforesaid resolutions and to assist the Central Government of the Congo in the restor~tü:m and maintenance of law and order throughout the territory of the Republic of the Congo and to safeguard its unity, territorial integrity and political independence in the interests of international peace and security." 12. But what is the situation today? Ifwe are to judge deeds and actions by their effects, we are now confronted with a situation whoUy contrary to the desires and purposes pursued by the United Nations and to the will of the Congolese people. 13. The very day after the Congolese Chamber of Deputies, by a vote of 60 to 19, and the Senate, by a vote of 42 to 2, expressed their confidence in Prime Minister Lumumba of the Central Government, the ParUament was besieged by the armed forces. The Parliament ceased to function and with ft, the Central Government. The unity and integrity of the territory are stiU in jeopardy. 14.' In these manifestly abnormal circumstances, the most striking feature of the drama in the Congo is the reversaI of the normal order of things: the cause is taken for the effect, and the effect for the cause. The internaI crisis is the result of foreign intrigues which have been going on from the day of the pseudoindependence-which was planned as a spurious independence-until the arrivaI of Wteapons and military personnel which are stiU being brought in. Instead of these things being regarded as the cause of aU the trouble, the Congolese crisis ie now being given the blame. . 15. Instead of reaching an understanding with the popular will as expressed by the elected representatives of the people, the voice of the people is being stifled by the force ofbayonets. Instead ofco-operating 16. To complete this gloomy situation, already complicated by mistakes, "coups d'état" and foreign intrigues, a threat of civil war is compoundingwhat has become a chronic crisis. Since erraI' begets error, African soldiers are now being asked to train their weapons on their African brothers instead of working together to put an end to the intrigues and the flow of foreign weapons and military personnel to Katanga and elsewhere. Thus, in addition to the dilemma of sitting idly by and watchîng the situation deteriorate, we are also faced withthe agonizing dilemma of possible attacks by brother against brother. 17. The last act of the tragedy we are now witnessing is the rising tide of opinion and popular support for Prime Minister Lumumba and the steps taken or contemplated by his foreign enemies and their local instruments to oppose that growing influence. 18. At this stage of events, the African countries feel that the hour of decision has come and that some positions must be clearly defined. The following examples, taken at random, will better expIain the spirit and the aspirations of our continent as it stands united against injustice and against the backward and anachronistic nature of thé régimes of the past and their survival in the form of neo-colonialism. 19. The first position, which we regard as exceedingly important, is that no army under United Nations authority should intervene against the Congolese who are demonstrating their patriotism. 20. It is no surprise to anybody that the Belgian paratroops and the mercenaries of the foreign legion reportedly being formed in Katanga are taking up arms against the patriotic upsurge of the Congolese people. It reminds us of our own past experiences, and it will be nothing more than a repetition of an old story-the conflict between freedom and the exploitation of man. However, for United Nations troops to stop a wave of patriotic demonstrators instead of eliminating Belgian military andparamilitarypersonnel and the mercenaries in Katanga and elsewhere is an absurdity and a contradiction. First of all, there is a danger that the ideal represented by the United Nations Force will be lost. The only reason why the United Nations went into the Congo was to defend the principles of freedom and the legality of institutions, to enforce respect for the popular will expressed by elected representatives and to give effect to the agreement between the representatives ofthe United Nations and the authorities of the legitimate Central Government. When the functioning of legal institutions is interrupted by an act of force and when the will of the people is to restore freedom and the rule of lawsince these two principles are the product ofthe populaI' will-is it understandable or admissible for the armies of the United Nations to intervene against patriotic demonstrators? What is more, such an attitude is likely to widen the circle of contradictions in which the United Nations is already trapped, for the 21. A second position must be clearly stated. It concerns the arrest and imprisonment of Prime Minister Lumumba and the inexcusable treatment to which he has been subjected. Prime Minister Lumumba embodies the ideal of his people. World opinion is thus coming to realize more and more why he is the special target of his foreign enemies and their local accompliees like Tshombé and his henchmen. Our own experience in Morocco and the experience of aIl African and Asian countries where nationalism ha"! come to the fore show ·that when thl3 colonialists are close to defeat, they faIl upon the patriots in the belief that prison, exile or brutality can change the course of history. silence national aspirations or break the courage of patriots. That is a mistaken judgement which brings about the contrary result. and mistakes. by their very nature. induce other mistakes and may produce an even more serious mistake which will end in a general uprising. 22. However. as injustice is blind. we cannot understand why the United Nations Force in the Congo remains passive and helpless in the face of these dangerous events. Thé inhuman treatment suffered by Prime Minister Lumumba stirs up the wrath of the people against the hangmen. Experience has shown that. in the end. the humiliations and brutalities inflicted upon the spokesmen of the people are almost always mercilessly revenged; and the chaos threatens to take on alarming proportions. 23. This is why it is impossible not to notice that under the eyes of the United Nations the representatives of the legal Government are beingtakenprisoner and ill-treated. whereas the persons who disobey the legal Govern~ent and the Constitution of the country are free, and àre even becoming hangmen. 24. This false viewpoint-which is common to an régimes ôf colonial domination and which consists in thinking that the arrest and manhandling of a leader will restore law and order-ls the original cause of the civil war now spreading in the Congo. If the United Nations, which is responsible for upholding law and order, does not fulfil its mission and use its influence to release Mr. Lumumba, it will share the responsibility for this false viewpoint, which is essentially a mistaken judgement fraught with dangerous' consequences, such as revoIt and civil war. Experience has shown that intrigue and disturbances are shortlived. However, the prestige and the moral force of the United Nations have an inestimable value in our 26. Wisdom therefore consists in drawing the right conclusions from the lessons of history andinkeeping abreast of the course of events. Naturally, this will not be easily understood by the agitators until the Eme comes when they are overwhelmed by events. The United Nations, however, must be far-sighted and perspicacious. 27. Furthermore, any problem centred in one African country is now regarded as a general problem affecting the whole African continent. Peoples are interdependente Unity and liberty are essential for the whole of Africa. It is a question oflife or death. Even if foreigll intrigue should allow the champions and puppets of neo-colonialism to triumph for a time, the other African peoples, conscious of their African solidarity with their brethren, will not l'est until exploitation and injustice have been finally overcome and true liberty triumphs. The existence of an awakened African people which is not concerned about the fate of its brethren in the same continent is becoming increasingly less acceptable and possible. 28. Finally, the new era, throughout the world, is distinguished from past eras by thetriumphofthe will of the p';:.ople. In former times the Governments guided the pe('pk and imposed régimes and allia.lces upon them. Tûday, the positions are reversed, for the people produce, guide and support the Governments. When in the Middle East and elsewhere the Governments accepted régimes, alliances and pacts against the wishes of their people, the will of the people always in the end supplanted the régimes and the representatives of the régimes. This is the natural course of history throughout the world. The Congo will undoubtedly be no exception. It is inhabited by men like you and me. In conclusion, logic and experience both prove that, without Prime Minister Lumumba, no decision regarding the present or the future of the Congolese nation can have any long-term value. 29. The fourth aspect of the problem must also be stressed. This is the behaviour of the Belgians in 30. The latest news concerning this Trust Territory is not calculated to reassure us.. We hope that an inquiry will be opened by the competent organ of the United Nations. The abuse of authority by Belgium in a Territory which it merely administers makes it culpable in the eyes of the United Nations and confronts our Organization with a further threat to its authority and prestige. Such an action on the part of the Belgian authorities cannot, moreover, pass unnoticed at the international level. 31. Belgium. must give an account of itself to the United Nations, once the inquiry has been completed. Belgium's intention to use the Trust Territory as a military base was suspected, and this led the General Assembly to adopt resolution 1579 (XV) of 20 December 1960. Because of aU these factors, the passive attitude of the UnitedNations is becoming increasingly serious. The irregular and unilateral behaviour of Belgium in Ruanda-Urundi merits a special study, which we hope will be made in the near future. We have repeated on several occasions that only energetic action under a definite mandate from the Security Council is likely to limit the dangers ofBelgian aggression inthe Congo, whatever the form and point of departure of this aggression. 32. The attitude of the Moroccan Government to the question of the Congo, regarded as anAfricanproblem, is the attitude of one brother country towards another. As far as the United Nations is concerned, we thought that the Belgian aggression, dangerous and inexcusable as it is, wou:J provide our Organization with an opportunity of proving its worth and effectiveness, of making progress in the task of strengthening internationallaw and order, of limiting acts ofaggression, interference, intrigue and dictatorship on foreign territory, and of accelerating the course of history in order to promote solidarity between nations for the creation of an international community living inpeace and security. We have tried to help the United Nations to prevent the extension of the cold war to Africa, to strengthen this constructive, conciliatory andpositive neutralism, and to make the idea of law and order triumph over the idea of zones of influence and the exploitation of the weak by the strong. Our moral guide has been the principle of unity and universality. 33. What, however, can a sman countrylikeMorocco do when faced with the bitter disappointment of the 34. Morocco's attitude in this regard was clearly defined in the speech of its Head of State, H. M. King Mohammed V, inaugurating the Conference of Independent African States, which was held at Casablanca from 3 to 7 January 1961. I should like to quote from this speech: "The people of the Congo, thanks to their struggle, their political maturity and the support of other African peoples, succeeded in recoveringtheir independence on 1 July last year. "The African peoples welcomed the Congo's entry into the community of free nations with tremendous enthusiasm, and they had high hopes for the speedy liberation of those countries and peoples which still remain under colonial domination. "Unfortunately a few days were to elapse before dark clouds began to appear on the horizon. The Government of the Congo found itself face to face with multiple and serious difficulties, which were the direct result of the vacuum created deliberately and in every field of activity by colonialism. Further, the Government had to face intrigues andplots which seriously threatened the Congo's newly born independence and to undermine the country's very existence. "The truth is that even today the traditional form of colonialism-the colonial system which we ourselves experienced-based on direct rule and absolute domination, has refused to acknowledge defeat or to recognize the changed situation. This oldform of colonial domination is now obstinately persisting in its attempts to make the Congo an experiment in a new and even worse form of colonialism. In this attempt the colonial Power concerned resorted to the most treacherous devices in order to restore its former power, that is, the deliberate attempt to divide the country and weaken national solidarity by encouragement of separatist movements and by the creation of puppet governments that have opened the way for the colonialists to obtain control and, behind a façade of freedom and independence, to profit even more than in the past, from political, economic and military privileges. "The Government of the Congo acted wisely in launching its appeal to the United Nations on 12 July last. We approved this policy because we firmly believe that the United Nations is the organization which is competent to solve the present conflict between the Congo and its former colonial rulers. "We further hoped that the type ofsolutionadopted for this problem would serve as an encouragingprecedent for the solution of other outstanding colonial conflicts. "We expected the United Nations to play a leading role in the liberation of the remaining colonized peoples in Africa-a role whichwould justify humanity's high hopes in the United Nations for its important mission to put an end to turmoil and conflict in the world. "The mission for which we assumed responsibility and as a result of which we dispatched our troops and our technicians to the Congo had but a single aim-that of consolidating the independence of the Congo, safeguarding its territorial integrity and assisting the legal Government to solve those problems common to every newly independent nation and to ovel'come a number of difficulties deliberately created by the colonial Power. "In faet, the Congo question offered tlle United Nations an opportunity to free the world peacefuIly and effectively from the evils of the old colonial system and of such vestiges now being exploited by neo-colonialism. It was an occasion to put an end to the disastrous exploitation of man by man. "We have faith in the mission ofthe United Nations and in the benefits of international co-operation. We are bent on the liquidation of the colonial régime in aU its forms and the easing of international tension through the United Nations. We therefore placed ourselves spontaneously and unreservedly at the disposaI of the United Nations. "We did this in good faith with the intention of putting an end to the entire colonial system and to régimes of racial segregation. We desired to support the United Nations in fulfilling its all-embracing mission in order that justice and democracy may prevail and that aIl peoples may stand equal and side by side, so that the more riehly endowed might assist those in need and the more advanced may come to the aid of the less developed nations. "We desire that the nations should not form blocs, except in the service of peace, welfare and genuine co-operation. These principles are not ours alone; they are shared by aIl other peoples living under similar economic and social conditions, nations which together represent the overwhelmingmajority of the peoples of the world. "When the military task forces as weU as the technical .and administrative missions arrived in the Congo to serve under the United Nations flag, they found on the spot a legal Government, representative institutions already working and a people absolutely determined to complete its sovereignty and consequently to join the ever lengtheningcaravan of African liberation. "The one conflict confronting them was that between the Congolese people on the one side and imperialism on the other. "It was generaIly believed at the time that those countries whicn for many centuries had dominated "Unfortunately the situation deteriorated very rapidly, and a new form of colonialism reared its head, in various disguises and adopting new methods. It then became clear that the old colonial régime had abandoned its barefaced administrative and political domination only as a means of preserving its economic privileges, retaining Hs strategie raw materials, maintaining its militaI'Y bases and increasing the number of its puppets throughout the country. r'Yaturally, the colonial Powers banded together against the newly-born nation, and theworldsawwith pain and bitterness the territorial unity of the Congo being disrupted and puppet governments set up in a number of provinces, while encouragementwas given to separatist and dissident movements against a national government having the full confidence of the Parliament and the people. Then fol1owed the arrest of the nationalist Prime Minister, Ml'. Lumumba, who was subjected to brutal and humiliating treatment; a civil war broke out which left the people at the mercy of famine. "It was expected that the United Nations would react strongly when faced with tIlis blatant aggression against the Congolese people and their independence. In effect, the United Nations nad the authority to carry out its decisions and had at its disposaI the means to carry them into effect on the spot. The United Nations furthermore was appealed to by the Government of the Congo and the Congolese had placed their trust and hope in United Nations action. United Nations soldiers and civilian personnel were received with open arms as saviours when they arrived in the Congo. "It is to be deeply regretted that the United Nations did not deal with this situation in a manner befitting its obligations, and, what is more, failed to implement its own resolutions. "As a result the legal Government of the Congo was deprived of its right to maintain contacts with the l'est of the world and of the means of addressing Congolese public opinion, while, on the other hand, the colonialists were in a position to broadcast propaganda against the legal Government and to fIy in money, arms and instructors to airports occupied by separatist forces. AlI these eventsoccurred under the observation ofthe United Nations representatives. "This attitude in turn encouraged the colonialists to continue their activities, and so colonial rule returned to the Congo and assumed power once again. The United Nations had thus deviated from the terms of reference laid down in the mission with which it had been entrusted. In doing so the United Nations has exposed itselfto a criticaltrial which will weaken its authority, shatter the confidence placed in ft and may even threaten its very existénce. "On this occasion, we send out a solemn appeal to the conscience of the people of the world and in "We are also inspired by our fervent desire to see the United Nations remain a forum for aU nations and a factor making for understanding and co-operation between aU peoples, for the defence of right and justice and a mechanism for organizing resistance to domination and repression in aU forms. We are convinced that the failure of the United Nations would constitute a most serious danger for the world. Warnings of the danger were manifested foUowing the recent debates hefore the General Assembly and the Security Council, which produced no positive decision despite the aggravation of the crisis and the general deterioration of the situation in the Congo. "Faced with such a situation, the gravity of which becomes .only too evident from day to day by the disintegration of the Congo, the paralysis of its constitutional life and representative bodies, the expulsion of the legitimate Government and the forceful detention of its Prime Minister, the extension of civil war and famine-in view of aU these most serious developments-we decided on 12 December 1960 to withdraw from the Congo aU Moroccan troops which had been previously placed at the disposaI of the United Nations. \Ve took this decision in order to avoid becoming implicated in policies contrary to the interests of the Congolese people, policies in contradiction with African liberation, in flagrant violation of the United Nations resolutions and diametricaUy opposed to our conscience and our ideals. "Refusing to remain passive witness in the events in the Congo and with the object of preventing independent African territories from falling prey to neocolonialism, it appeared to us necessary, in view of our common desire, to meet together to examine the situation in the Congo, to define a common line of action to remedy this situation and to try to bring the United Nations to fulfil faithfuUy the mission which it undertook in response to the appeal from the legal Government of the Congo. "The first aim should be, above aU, the restoration of the legal authority, the proper working of representative institutions and organizations. This would enable the Parliament to fulfil its mission and the legal Government to exercise its power once again. AIl political prisoners should be released, particularly the members ofParliamentwhoenjoy immunity and above aU, Prime Minister Lumumba. "We further propose the disarming of aU armed bands at present threatening public order and security. As a guarantee of the success of these measures and in order to enable the United Nations to fulfil its mission to the Congo, aU countries should cease 35. In the course of its deliberations the Conference at Casablanca adopted the following resolution on the Congo: "The Conference at Casablanca convened by H.M. King Mohammed V of the Kingdom of Morocco, and constituted by the following Heads ofStates, namely: "H.M. King Mohammed V of the Kingdom of Morocco, "H.E. GamaI Abdel Nasser, President ofthe United Arab Republic, "Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, President of the RepubUc of Ghana, "H.E. Sékou Touré, President of the Republic of Guinea, "H.E. Modibo Keita, President of the Republic of Mali; "R.E. Ferhat Abbas, Prime Minister of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Aigeria representing the provisional Government ofAigeria, "H.E. Abdelkader Al Allam, Minister of Foreign Affairs, representing His Majesty King Idriss 1 of the United Kingdom of Libya, and "H.E. Alwin B. Perera, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary representingthe Prime Minister of Ceylon, "Having considered the situation in the Congo: Ill. Declares the intention and determination of the respective Governments represented to withdraw their troops and other military personnel placed under the United Nations Operational Command in the Congo; "2. Reaffirms their recognition of the elected Parliament and legally constituted Government of the Republic of the Congo which came into being on 30 June 1960j "3. Convinced that the only justification for the presence of the United Nat.ions troops in the Congo is: "(a) To answer the appeals of the legitimate Govermnent of the Republic of the Congo at whose request the United Nations decided to Cl'eate its Operational Commandj "(b) To implement the decisions of the Security CouDcil in respect of the situation in the Congo; "(c) To safeguard the unity and independence of the Republic of the Congo and preserve its territorial integrityj "(Q) Reconvene the Parliament of the Republic of the Congo; "(d) Eliminate from the Congo all Belgian and other forelgn military and paramilitary personnel not belonging to the United Nations Operational Command whether operating as such or in disguise; "(e) Release to the legitimate Government of the Congo all civil and military ail'ports, radio stations and other establishments, now unlawfully withheld from that Government; "(f) Prevent the Belgians from using the United NatiOns Trust Territory of Ruanda-Urundi as a base to commit aggression, direct or indirect, against the Gongolese Republic; "5. Decides that, if the pUl'poses and principles which justified the presence of the United Nations Operationai Command in the Republic of the Congo are not realized and respected, then the States here represented reserve the right to take appropriate action." [S/4626 and Corr.l.] 36. All this shows thatthe purposes which the Security Council had set for the United Nations action have been completely abandoned in practice. Morocco had supported those purposes and had contributed to the United Nations action by sending Moroccan troops, but it could no longer let its troops carry out a policy diametrically opposed to that which had been agreed on. Is it not, after aH, our duty to oppose any dangerous deviation from the letter and the spirit of the resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly? 37. The present situation is that, contrary to the principles of territorial unity and integrity, the country is more and more divided. The Belgian authorities are still acting as they please, before the eyes of the United Nations, and only today we heard of the bombardment of the town of Manono, which Brigadier Rikhye has called a "hideous crime". The agents of colonialism are more and more heavily armed, and the elected representatives of the people are being humiliated and ill-treated as prisoners. Any sign of patriotism is suppressed, while foreigners and their puppets are completely free to make any show of force. AH parliamentary discussion is forbidden, but armed force can be freely used before the eyes of the United Nations. There is no opposition to the recruitment of a foreign legion in Katanga, yet our troops are called upon to act on behalf of Katanga and other provinces. Belgian officers carry on their activities openly, while the resolutions of the Security CI)uncil andthe General Assembly have becorne a dead letter. The decisions of the General Assembly are ignored, and any consideration of the Congolese problem is indefinitelyadjourned, in order to allow a conciliation commission to try to bring about a better atmosphere; yet such incompre- 14 38. We are not in the confidence of the Powers which are more or less directly and openly concerned and active, either alone or through their local instruments, in bringing the Congo tragedy to an end. One thing, however, that is certain is that any policy which is not the result and expression of the people's will must fail sooner or later, whatever form of government the people may want. What is essential is that the people should want it. Any dictated or imported policy designed to break up the Congo or to create an assembly of puppets will be a waste of time. 39. Morocco, as an African State, will continue to face its responsibilities as a member of the African and African-Asian community. It is directly concerned in the Congo problem, the solutions to which are clear and are opposed only by those who have caused the tragic situation in the Congo. As a Member of the international community of the United Nations, Morocco shares with aIl other Member States the responsibility for international peace. 40. Ml'. ZORIN (Union of Soviet Socialist Bepublics) (translated from Russian): For several months the situation in the Republic of the Congo has been one of the central problems, if not the central problem, in the work of the United Nations. Itwas discussed during the first part of the General Assembly's fifteenth session, and it remains on the agenda of the second part. It was the subject ofthe fourth emergency special session, and this is the ninth time. that the Security Council has dealt with it. 41. In the course of this period, every country's attitude to the question has been made perfectly clear, and those attitudes can now be judged not only from official statements but also from actual deeds. 42. As we all know, there are considerable differences of view, amongmembers ofthe Security Council, as to the causes of the present extremely alarming position in the Congo; yet there now seems to be some agreement as to the general nature of the situation. Having heard statements both from members of the Security Council, the representatives of the United Arab Republic and Ceylon, and from representatives of the African-Asian countries which are not members of the Council the representatives of Mali and India, and the representative of Morocco who has just spoken, we see that there is a considerable area of agreement on many of the main aspects of the present position in the Congo. 43. First, 1 do not think anyone can deny that the internaI political situation in that country is becoming ever more tense, and that prospects for a peaceful solution of the Congo problem are becoming less and less promising. After external interference had suppressed the activity of the lawful Parliament and of the Government established by it, and authority over a considerable part of the territory had been usurped by a small group of irresponsible pro-Belgian personalities relying on armed bands organized with that 44. Secondly, there are still Belgian military, paramilitary and civilian personnel in the territory of the Republic of the Congo-nationals, that is, of the very country which attacked that young AfricanState during the very first days of the Congolese independence and, by its actions, brought about the present crisis internationally and within the Congo. 45. The return of the former Belgian administration to the Congo and the de facto occupation of the province of Katanga by Belgiumwere acknowledg'9d in the second progress report of the Secretary-GeI.eral's Special Representative in the Congo, Ml'. Dayal [S/4557]; and now, early in 1961, it was virtually been admitted, both in the Secretary-General's statement in the Security Council of 1 February [928th meeting] and in the statements of the other representatives who have spoken in the Council, that the Belgians have a predominant position in the Congo and particularly in Katanga. 46. The So-Viet Government is profoundly convinced that Belgian activities in the Congo have, from their outset, constituted clear aggression-sometimes unconcealed, sometimes thinly disguised. Butthe Belgian colonialists' feverish efforts to change the current of history in Africa are doomed to failure. Belgium may be able to do itfor a short time, with the aid of certain militarily and economically more powerful countries, and with the services ofthe small group of pro-Belgian leaders which it created during its eighty years of domination in the Congo and in Ruanda-Urundi; but this, in the end, will only make the inevitable and final defeat of the colonialists aIl the greater. 47. Thirdly, the Security Council resolutions of14 and 22 July and of 9 August 1960 have been virtually swept aslde by the executive organs of the United Nations, and we are now faced with the fact that the United Nations is incapable of securing a peaceful solution for the serious international crisis caused by Belgian aggression in the Congo. 48. The representative of Ceylon, when he spoke at the last meeting, described in detail the history of aIl the United Nations "operations" in the Congo, and gave a convincing picture of' ~he failure to fulfil the principal tasks which had been specified in the Security Counci! resolutions. 49. As a result of aIl this, the Security Council has already several times proved unable, when discussing the situation in the Congo, to take any effective decision-despite the fact that in July and August of last year, although there were fairly wide differences of approach to the Congo question among the Security Counci! members, sorne basis for concerted action was found. But this basis disl.,'peared when a number of the Council's members,;))sequently adopted an attitude of unreserved support for the aggressor in 50. AlI this led to a great decrease in the international prestige of the United Nations-as has been cogently pointed out by the representative of Morocco-and to a growing mistrust of aIl actions undertaken in the Congo in its name, as is eloquently shown by the fact that a number of countries have been compelled to decide to withdraw their military contingents from United Nations commando This clearly constitutes, in effect, a vote of no-confidence both in the command of the "United Nations Force" in the Congo and in the Secretary-General of the United Nations himself, as the person bearing full responsibility for the activity of that Command. 51. As we know, the Governments of the United Arab Bepublic, Morocco, Indonesia and a number of other States which sent their troops to the Congo at the request of the Security Council have frequently drawn attention to violations of the Security Council's resolutions on the part of the command of the "United Nations Force", and have stressed that those troops were sent to the Congo at the request of the Congolese Republic's lawful Government in ordertohelpitmaintain that Republic's political independence and territorial integrity. But, by aIlowing that same Government and the Congolese Parliament to be driven out, by tolerating the Belgian occupation of Katanga and the establishment of the régime of Mobutu's armed bands, the command of the "United Nations Force" and the Secretary-General clearly showed that they were unwilling to heed those warnings, and thus created a situation in which the Governments ofmanycountries, quite justifiably, no longer wished to assume or share responsibility for the further development of events in the Congo. 52. The Secretary-General's statement at the Security Counci! meeting of 1 February is merely fresh evidence that the non-implementation of the well-known Security Council resolutions and the continuing interference of Belgium in the affairs of the Congo constitute the chief reasons for the sharp and continuing deterioration of the situation in that territory. But, to judge from what the Secretary-General says, it is reaIly the Security Council itself which is the culprit and, above aIl, "responsibility should properly be bori.Cl by member Governments and by leaders within the Congo". The only one who is guiltless, has made no mistakes and has distorted no directives given to him is the Secretary-General himself. Nor does he see that any sins have been committed by the command of the "United Nations troops" which is subordinate to him. AlI these are saints. Is it not clear that, with this approach to the matter, we can hardly count on him for any remedy for the situation in the Congo? 53. Tt has been, and it remains, the Soviet Government's view that the main requirement for a peaceful solution of the Congo problem is. the ending, once and for aIl, of Belgian aggression in whatever guise it may appear, for the policy of aIlowing the aggressor to go unpunished reaIly means the policy of encourag- 54. It was only two weeks ago that the Security Council considered the question of systematic acts of aggression by Belgium against the Bepublic of the Congo, and Belgium's violation of the international status of the Trust Ter1'itory ofBuanda-Urundi through the use of that Territory, by the Belgian Government, for aggressive pu1'poses. The threat to peace involved in Belgium's acts was so obvious that even its immediate allies were unable either to refute those facts or to vote against the resolution which contained a decisive condemnation of Belgiuin. 55. One would have thought that, after such a severe defeat, the Belgian Government would have listened to the voice of reason and to the further clear warning addressed to it by the Secu1'ity Council; but this, once again, did not happen. The Belgian Government continued, as it is continuing today, in its colonialist policy towards the Bepublic of the Congo. After the statements which have already been made at the current meetings of the Security Council, there is no need to adduce much additional proof in support of this assertion. The fact has been admitted even by the United Nations Secretary-General, who can scarcely be suspected of playing into the hands of the Soviet representatives. There is obviously no reason to charge him with exaggeration when he says that in the Congo "outside interference has recurred in new and subtler but not less dangerous forms". 56. It is true that the Secretary-General, strange as it may seem, did not mention Belgium at aIl in his statement; but it is not difficult to read between the lines. Belgian aircraft at the disposaI of Tshombé and Mobutu, and flown by Belgian pilots, have been bombing areas controlled by the lawful Government. Belgian aircraft recently transported units of Mobutu's paratroops to the no1'th of Oriental province, where they carried out military operations in the areas of Basoko and Buta. Evidence of direct Belgian participation in these flights is supplied by the fact that during one of them a Belgian pilot, Bené Vandamme, who was in the service of Tshombé, was killed. Mobutu stated bluntly on 31 January, at a Press conference in Leopoldville, that he obtained aU his armaments "only from Belgium". 57. But why did the command of the "United Nations Force", and the Secretary-General, allow this? Was it not their duty to put a stop to these illegal actions by Belgium and by Mobutu, taken in contravention of the Security Counci! and General Assembly resolutions? As may be seen from Ml'. Hammarskjold's statement of 1 February, he attempts to justify himself by saying that he has "not so far found a sufficient legal basis in the resolutions for effective countermeasures". Yet we know that, when the command of the "United Nations Force" occupied aIl the airfields and radio stations in Leopoldville province in the face of protests from the lawful Central Government of the Congo, the Secretary-General did find some socalled legal basis for these unjustifiable and inequitable measures. Butnow, whenMobutu's and Tshombé's 58. That is why the Belgian Government is unrestrainedly increasing the numbers of its military personnel in the territory of the Congo who, in the guise of advisers and instructors of various types, are serving in Tshombé's puppetarmy and in Mobutu's armed bands. It is also taking energetic steps to establish a "foreign legion" for punitive operations in the territory of the Republic of the Congo, and in this connexion it has recently been considerably intensifying the activity of the special centre in Belgium for the recruitment of "volunteers" to take part in the armed intervention against the Congolese people. Reporting on the arrivaI at Elisabethville of "volunteers" in a regular aireraft, a correspondent of the British newspaper The Daily Telegraph, James O'Driscoll, wrote on 23 January 1961 that "theycame, like more than 1,000 in the past week, from Brussels, the recruiting centre". 59. On 1 February we learnt of an official acknowledgement by the Secretary-General's militaryadviser in the Congo, Brigadier Rikhye, that Tshombé's army and. air force inC'.luded a "foreign legion" comprising 200 to 300 white "volunteers", not counting at least 140 Belgian officers and non-commissioned officers. According to the French newspaper Le Monde of 30 January, the representative of the United Nations had stated that "500 'gendarmes' from Katanga, led by twenty-five Belgian officers, had been rushed by air to the extreme north of Katanga, on the frontier of Kivu". Brigadier Rikhye described a11 this as an extremely undesirable development. But the question then arises: Why did the command of the "United Nations Force", and the Secretary-General, allowthis highly undesirable development, throughout the course of events as a whole? Were they not ca11ed upon to ensure, in the Congo, developments that, from the standpoint of peace, were desirable? 60. The Belgian Government learnt nO lessons from the recent debate in the Security Council on the question of Ruanda-Urundi. Despite the Belgian Government's official statement that it did not intend to a110w a repetition of the use of Ruanda-Urundi against the Republic of the Congo, that Government is hurriedly throwing new contingents of its troops, includingparatroop units, into Ruanda-Urundi. Some da:ys ago two battalions of Belgian troops were hastily flown to that Territory for the ostensible purpose of "protecting" its frontiers with the Congo. The Press reported that a Belgian unit, equipped with ten jeeps and armed with rocket weapons, would cross the Ruanda-Urundi frontier into the Kivu and Oriental provinces in the Republie of the Congo ifthe "United Nations proved incapable of protecting the w~ite people in that area". 61. During the Security Council meetings wh';cil were held to consider the question of. the misuse by Belgium of the rights of an Administering Authority, the representative of Belgium to the United Nations, Ml'. Loridan, assured the Security Council in a "note 62. Yet we learnt quite recently that a group of Belgian soldiers had again appeared on Congolese territory. This time MI'. Loridan is trying to persuade us that the group of soldiers in question merely lost their way. 63. In document si4656 of 31 January it is stated that the Belgian Government requested information with regard to "the lot of eight Belgian soldiers normally stationed in Ruanda-Urundi and captured after they had merely strayed into the territory of the Republic of the Congo". They were, you see, going for a walk intheterritoryoftheRepublic of the Congo. They were doing this, apparently. just two days after MI'. Loridan had given to the Security Council the assurance which I have quoted. 64. Lastly, no one can doubt the true part played by Belgium in the planning of new criminal acts against the principal national leaders of the Republic of the Congo. We know that the PrimeMinisterofthe Republic of the Congo, Patrice Lumumba, and two other prominent Congolese statesmen-the President of the Senate. J9seph Okito, and the Minister, Maurice Mpolo-were arbitrarily seized by Mobutu's armed bands and transferred from the Leopoldville area, where they had been under illegai arrest, to a prison in the territory of Katanga, and that the Head of the lawful Government of the Congo and his two advisers were mercilessly beaten and subjected to various kinds of indignity. 65. The whole world realized that the transfer of Lumumba, Okito and :M:polo to the territoryofKatanga really meant handing them over directly to the Belgian colonialists; for Katanga is under a régime ofBelgian occupation, and aIl its affairs are in fact conducted by the Belgian colonial administration and its creature Tshombé. The representative of Mali at the last meeting put it strikingly when he said that Lumumba had really been sold to Tshombé and his Belgianmasters. 66. This new crime against the national leaders of the Congolese people, which is yet one more open challenge to the United Nations, clearly reveals the true purposes of the Belgian colonialists, their NATO allies and their puppets, and strikingly demonstrates the nature of the present system in the Congo and the identity of its supporters. 67. It is now obvious to aIl that so long as a "colonialist fifth column" remains on Congolese soil, so long as that "fifth column" has not been completely eliminated, the independence of the young republic cannot be guaranteed against Belgian encroachments. 68. What are the prospects for peace in the Congo if this situation continues? There is no doubt that then the situation in the Congo will become even worse, armed conflict in various areas of the country will be intensified, and the threat to peace involved in the existing Congo crisis will become still greater. 70. In these circumstances is anything to be gained from attempting to reach a solution of the Congo problem on the basis of maintaining the present Kasa- Vubu-Mobutu-Tshombé régime in that country? That question can only be answered in the negative. 71. The Kasa-Vubu-Mobutu régime was established by the Belgians and their allies; it was established illegally, without the Congolese people or the lawful Parliament being consulted, and it was imposed on them in defiance of their wishes. And matters are not helped by the attempts of the representatives of certain States to proceed on the assumption that, because Mr. Kasa-Vubu is now the official Head of State, everything done with his blessing is good. Such a view can be taken only by those who are deliberately closing their eyes to everything that is actually happening in the Congo. 72. There is no escaping the fact that the present régime in the Congo is based on the armed detachments controlled by Mobutu. The Secretary-General and his representatives in the Congo, who, as we know, in adequate measure enjoy the confidence ofthe Western Powers, have admitted that these forces were armed and organized, and are maintained in being, by tlie Belgian and other colonialists. For this reason, the Kasa-Vubu-Mobutu régime has no support from the broad masses of the Congolese people, and has dissolved the country's constitutional representative bodies. 73. The attempts of Kasa-Vubu and Mobutu to estab- Hsh a eommon front with Tshombé, whose poliey has always been obvious to all, are extremely significanto From the outset, everyone has reeognized that Tshombé is a Belgianpuppet, serving only the interests of Belgium and its supporters. Teday a Tshombé- Kasa-Vubu-Mobutu eommon front is being set up, on the platform of Tshombê's politieal principles-the 74. The actions of official Heads of State are ordinarily, of course, the domestic concern of each State, and as such are not matters for appraisal by the Security Council. But circumstances in the Congo are of a special and more complex nature. There are stationed in the Congo "United Nations troops" whose task ls to ensure the country's territorial integrity and political independence and to maintain peace and security there, until the Congolese security forces are in a position to discharge that task themselves. The actions of a man who breaks the laws of his own land, contributes to the establishment of a régime of terror there and thus pushes matters to an armed struggle within the country, to the country's disintegration and the loss of its political independence, and to a sharp deterioration in the Congo's relations with other African States as well as with the United Nations-aB such actions constitute a crime against peace and security not only in Africa but throughout the world, and the Security Counci! cannot pass over them. 75. In this connexion, it must be remembered that the present régime in the Congo started by declaring the so-called neutralization both of Prime Minister Lumumba and of Ml'. Kasa-Vubu himseif, and only after MI'. Kasa-Vubu had ratified with his signature aU the illegal actions of the Mobutu gang was the Kasa-Vubu-Mobutu duumvirate borne 76. The whole course of events in the Congo proves conclusively that the Kasa-Vubu-Mobutu régime has no chance of securing itself in power without direct assistance from the Belgians or from other Powers, and even with this assistance it is becoming increasingly shaky and unstable. This explains why Kasa-Vubu and Mobutu handed over Patrice Lumumba, the Prime Minister of the lawful Government, to the Belgians. They thought that he would be safe there. They could not rely on their military defence-the armed detachments of Mobutu-to protect them against attack by the national forces. The unrest among the soldiers in the Thysville region, where Ml'. Lumumba was under arrest almost resulted in his release. 77. Not without reason is this régime now seeking support from the "United Nations troops", and even attempting to blackmail the United Nations. In his letter of 28 January 1961 [S/4643, sect. Il, addressed to the Secretary-General, Ml'. Kasa-Vubu wrote that, if the "United Nations Force" did notprotect him from inevitable retribution at the hands of the Congolese people, he would "seek such assistance outside the United Nations, despite the manifest danger that would entail of the conflict becoming international". This is indeed a paradoxical situation. The régime which has trampled under foot everything which should have been preserved by the efforts of the "United Nations FOl'ce" is now seeking support from these same troops in order to prevent the restoration of genuine law and order in the Congo. We can only express surprise at the fact that, in his discussions with Ml'. Kasa- 78. However, in his statement of 1 February to the Security Council, the Secretary-General did to a certain extent reveal his position on this question, when he placed on the same level those who are the direct tools of the colonialists and those who represent the patriotic national forces of the Congolese people. 1 1 1 79. In this connexion, it should be remembered that 1 during the period when none of the protégés of the 1 Belgian aggressors-neither Tshombé nor Mobutu- 1 had any real milita1'Y importance, the command of, the "United Nations Force" refused to furnish the 1 lawful Central Government with any military aid against them, although it was quite clear that such ' aid could have been quickly supplied at that time and 1 would have undoubtedly prevented the subsequent dangerous turn of events. 80. Although it was quite obvious that the weapons, supplies and 111ol1ey for the armed bands in Leopoldville and Elisabethville came from foreign soui'ces, no support was g'iven to the lawful Central Government by the United Nations armed forces, which had been sent to the country precisely in order to help that Government. 81. Now, when with the connivance of the Secretary- General and the command of the "United Nations Force" the Belgian colonialists and their agents are heaping up ever greater military resources, an attempt is made, in the Secretary-General's speech of 1 Februa1'Y, to place on the same level, and judge by the same standards, on the one hand the Belgian colonialists and their agents, and on the other the leaders and supporters of the lawful Central Government of the Republic of the Congo who are continuing, under the most difficult conditions, to head the patriotic national forces of the Congolese people fightingfor the freedom and true independence of their country. forces 82. if this is the revelation of the position which the Secretary-General reserved in his letter of29 Janual'Y, it does no credit to the author. 83. One other circumstance needs mention. Under the régime of illegality and terror established in the Congo by the colonialists and with the complicityofthe command of the "United Nations Force", is there any positive sense and usefulness in the activities of the so-called Conciliation Commission which is at present in the Congo and of which the Secretary-General also spoke on 1 February? At the time, as you lmow, the Soviet Union openly supported the proposaI for the dispatch of such a Commission to the Congo, considering that this would constitute one step towards the peaceful solution of the Congolese problem. 84. We then said, in the General Assembly, that it was impossible to recognize the credentials of the delegation appointed by Kasa-Vubu, impossible to impose this régime on the Congolese people, until the Conciliation Commission had gone to the country and attempted, by peaceful discussions and peaceful efforts, to unify the national forces of the Congolese 85. However, under present conditions, it is clear that this Commission is in fact unable to fulfil its task, because it is isolated from the leaders of the lawful Government of the Congo and can neg'otiate only \Vith those pers0nalities who support the Kasa- Vubu-Mobutu group. 86. In these circumstances, the question naturally arises: Which parties are to be reconciled by the so-called Conciliation Commission? If it is a question of reconciliation between Kas"a-Vubu and Mobutu, Mobutu and Tshombé, Tshombé and Kasa-Vubu, it is weIl known that on the whole there has always been a touching unity between these leaders: they are aIl ready to negotiate complete peace. But with whom? With the Belgian aggressors, on the basis of the de facto liquidation of the Congo's independence. 87. The representative of Mali rightly said, today, that the Secretary-General was spending money in order to reconcile Tshombé with the Belgians, when they were alreaqy close confederates. He was perfectly correct, and l fully support his observation. 88. But the majority ofthe Congolese people is against this; and that is why the Kasa-Vubu-Mobutu group has tried to l'id itself of Parliament, which reflects the interests of the different sectors of the Congolese population. 89. According to available information, on 25 January a preliminary meeting was held, in Leopoldville, of the so-called national political conference. By general admission, however, not only did this conference lack any "national" character, but it was in fact a gathering merely of the myrmidons of Kasa-Vubu and Mobutu, of subordinate representatives of the puppet régimes of Tshombé and Kalonji, and of a few tribal chiefs enjoying the protection of Kasa-Vubu's and Mobutu's present Illegal régime. The representatives of Oriental province, Kivu province and other regions of the country, supporting the lawful Government of Lumumba, refused to take part in the meeting. 90. The political significance of the "preliminary meeting" lies in the attempt on the part of the Kasa- Vubu-Mobutu régime-which has lost the entire confidence of the people and is in point of fact completely isolated-to enlist the support of Belgian henchmen sueh as Tshombé and Kalonji, in order to establish a united front of aU forces in the struggle against the lawful Government of the Congo. It is not without reason that the next so-called round table conference is to be held at Elisabethville, the headquarters of Mr. Tshombé. This is the place to which the centre of aIl Government authority in the Congo is being transferred. The whole thing, in fact, is a plot on the part of the colonialists and their puppets, aimed at the final liquidation of the Congolese people's achievements, the dismemberment of the country and its re-subjection to colonialist domination. 91. Thus, we are confronted with a choice: either to permit events in the Congo to continue as they have done during the past few months and allow the United 92. In what direction lies the possibility of solving the Congolese problem peacefully? Inthe strict implementation, by the United Nations executive organs, of the Security Council's decisions on the Congo; in the resolute suppression of Belgian intervention in the internaI affairs of that country; in the re-establishment of its democratic institutions; and in the immediate release of the Prime Minister of the Republic's lawful Government, Ml'. Patrice Lumumba, and of other Congolese national leaders. 93. The Soviet Government fully endorses the views expressed first by the Governments of Ghana, Guinea, Mali, Morocco, the United Arab Republic, Ceylon and Yugoslavia (now joined by Libya) [S/4650] inthe letter of 26 January to the President of the Security Council on this subject [S/4641], and secondly in the statements made at these meetings of the Council by the representatives of the United Arab Republic and Ceylon and by a number of representatives not belonging to the Council. 94. Much has already been lost from the standpoint of a peaceful solution of the Congolese problem, the Congolese people has already made many useless sacrifices, and peace has been, and still is being, seriously threatened in an irresponsible way. But we wish to believe that aIl is not yet lost. We still have a chance of bringing the situation in the Congo back to normal and of finding a basis for concerted action to that effect, if we decisively abandon the wrong road along which we have.been continually pushed during the past few months. 95. From the statements made by the President ofthe United States, Ml'. Kennedy, and by the United States representative to the United Nations, Ml'. Stevenson, we have learnt that the new United States Government is now engaged in a critical review ofthe Congo situation and in a fresh appraisal of its implications for world peace. It is to be hoped that these statements reflect a sincere desire on the part ofthe new leaders of the United States to look the facts soberly in the face and to advocate strict implementation of the Security Council resolutions on the Congo for which the United States and the Soviet Union both voted. 96. If we consider the facts as they are, and have the courage to face the truth, there is no chance of 98. We must also prevent any possibility ofthe Trust Territory of Ruanda-Urundi being used as a Belgian military base against the people of the Congo and against the peoples of Africa. 99. We can see, from the statements of the representatives of a number of Asian and African countries in the Council andfrom the decisions ofthe Casablanca Conference, that this is what the African and Asian peoples expect from the Security Council. 100. The Soviet Union, for its part, is ready to do everything necessary for the adoption of measures which will really make it possible to establish peace and order in 'the Congo, to bring about the complete and immediate abolition of colonial domination there, to ensure the country's unity, territorial integrity and true independence, and to allow the Congolese people to solve their internaI problems by free democratic means, in accordance with their own will and not the will of others, as imposed on them by the colonialists. 101. Above aIl, we await a reply from the new United States representative as to whether or not he is ready to accompany us along this road.

l have no other speakers on my list, and the members of the Council will now, l think, wish to consider howwe should proceed further with the item at present under consideration. It seems to me that we have heard a statement of considerable importance and substance from the Secretary-General, and l am sure that this is being studied in various capitals. Sorne other observations which have been made in the course of our discussion-for example, by the representative of India at the last meetingwill no doubt also be taken into account. In these circumstances, in the absence of any indication from members of the Council that they wish to speak tomorrow, and if there is no objection to this course, l shaU take it that the Council agrees that the next meeting should take place on Tuesday 7 February. l hope that by that time members will be ready to proceed with the debate, so that we may reach a conclusion without too much delay. On that assumption, l believe that this-among other advantages-would prove to be the most expeditious way of dealing with our business. It was 50 decided.

With the permission of the Council, l shaH now caU on the representative of Belgium, who wishes to make a short statementbefore this meeting is adjourned. 105. Ml'. Zorin began by maintaining once again that Belgian troop reinforcements were sent to Ruanda- Urundi. The Soviet delegation has revealed its source; this time it is no longer a petitioner, but information which appeared in the western Press. l do not imagine that Ml'. Zorin b.elieves all the information published in bourgeois journals, but it suits his purpose to give credence to a news item regarding the dispatch to Ruanda-Urundi of two Belgian battalions, which were allegedly sent there with a view to subsequent intervention in the Congo to protect the whites. l can formally deny such information. The facts are completely different. Far from having sent new formations of paratroops and far from having reinforced its troops in Ruanda-Urundi, the Belgian Governmenthas undertaken a troop relief operation which has resulted in a reduction of the strength from tlu'ee battalions to two battalions and two companies. These contingents are the minimum needed to ensure order in a territory with a population of nearly 5 million inhabitants. Even taking the word in its broadest sense, there can be no question here of a troop concentration. On 24 January of this year the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Belgium solemnly repeated in the Senate the assurance which l had been authorized to give the Secretary- General and the Security Council, namely, thatBelgium had no intention of taking advantage of its position in Ruanda-Urundi to interfere in the politics ofthe Congo. l would point out that a United Nations mission established by virtue of General Assembly resolution 1579 (XV) dated 20 December 1960, is in the Trust Territory of Ruanda-Urundi at this moment. 106. The representative of the Soviet Union is not satisfied with repeating these false allegations. He is endeavouring ta exploit in scandalous fashion the misfortune of eight soldiers who, as has been established, crossed the Congolese frontier by mistake on 12 January and are still illegally detained at Stanleyville, to where they were taken. To describe the crossing of these eight men as aggression is really the limit. How is it possible to doubt the good faith of this little group and to imagine that the presence of these eight men, who carried out no acts ofbelligerence and made not the slightest attempt to defend themselves when arrested on the frontier, constitutes an act of aggression of the part of Belgium? On the contrary, it is the Belgian Government which protests, and protests most energetically, against the continued detention of its eight nationals and the treatment meted out to them. A photograph was published recently in the Press. This was not a news item but a document, a document which certainly calmot have failed to shock international opinion. These eight men are foreign citizens who are arbitrarily being detained, and my Government considers it the urgent duty of the United Nations Force to obtain their immediate release. If, as has been the case so far, the United Nations Force does not use aIl the means in its power, first, to see ISRAEL Blumstein's Bookstores, and 48 Nachlat ITALY·ITALIE Libreria Commissioneria Gino Capponi 26, Azuni 15/A, Roma. JAPAN·JAPON Maruzen Company, Nihonbashi, Tokyo. JORDAN·JORDANIE Joseph 1. Bahous Box 66, Amman. KOREA..COREE Eul·Yoo Publishing Changno, Seoul. LEBANON·tIBAN Khayat's College 92-94, rue Bliss, LUXEMBOURG Librairie J. Trausch·Schummer, Théâtre, Luxembourg. MEXICO·MEXIQUE Editorial Hermes, 41, México, D.F. MOROCCO·MAROC Centre de diffusion B.E.P.I., 8, rue Michaux·Beliaire, NETHERLANDS.PAYS·BAS N.V. Martinus Niihoff, 9, 's·Gravenhage. NEW ZEALAND.NOUVELLE·ZELANDE United Nations Association land, c.P.O. 1011, NORWAY.NORVEGE Johan Grundt Tanum gustsgt. 7A. Osla. GERMANY·ALLEMAGNE R. Eisenschmidt, Schwanthaler Str. 59, Frankfurt/Main. Elwert und Meurer, Hauptstrasse lOI, Berlin.Schaneberg. Orders and inquiries From countr;es not Iisted above mey be sent ta: Sales Section, Publishing Sevice, United Nations, New York, U.S.A.; or Sales Section, United Nations, Palais des Nations, Geneva, SwÏtzer/ancl. Litho in V.N. Priee: $V.5. 0.50; 3/6 stg.; (or equivalent in other eurrencies)