S/PV.9345 Security Council

I would like to warmly welcome the distinguished Ministers and other high-level representatives. Their presence today underscores the importance of the subject matter under discussion. In accordance with rule 37 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representatives of Austria, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Belgium, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Croatia, Denmark, Egypt, Ethiopia, Georgia, Germany, Greece, Guatemala, Hungary, India, Indonesia, the Islamic Republic of Iran, Iraq, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Jordan, Kazakhstan, Kenya, Kuwait, Latvia, Lebanon, Liechtenstein, Luxembourg, the Marshall Islands, Mexico, the Federated States of Micronesia, Morocco, the Kingdom of the Netherlands, Nicaragua, Papua New Guinea, Poland, Portugal, Qatar, Republic of Korea, Romania, Saudi Arabia, Sierra Leone, Singapore, Slovenia, Spain, the Syrian Arab Republic, Thailand, Ukraine and Viet Nam to participate in this meeting. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the following briefers to participate in this meeting: Mr. Jean- Pierre Lacroix, Under-Secretary-General for Peace Operations; His Excellency Mr. Juan Manuel Santos Calderón, former President of Colombia, Nobel Peace Laureate and member of The Elders; and Ms. Salma Kadry, Climate, Peace and Security Expert at the Consortium of International Agricultural Research. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I also invite the following to participate in this meeting: His Excellency Mr. Olof Skoog, Head of the Delegation of the European Union to the United Nations; Her Excellency Ms. Fatima Kyari Mohammed, Permanent Observer of the African Union to the United Nations; Ms. Laura Olson, Permanent Observer and Head of the Delegation of the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies to the United Nations; and Ms. Laetitia Courtois, Permanent Observer and Head of the Delegation of the International Committee of the Red Cross to the United Nations. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I wish to draw the attention of Council members to document S/2023/408, which contains the text of a letter dated 5 June 2023 from the Permanent Representative of the United Arab Emirates to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General, transmitting a concept note on the item under consideration. I now give the floor to Mr. Lacroix. Mr. Lacroix: I would like to express my gratitude to the United Arab Emirates for bringing us here today to discuss climate, peace and security. I would also like to convey my thanks for the opportunity to provide a briefing. Within the past several years, most United Nations peace operations have faced a deteriorating security and political environment. Alongside other cross- border challenges, environmental degradation and extreme weather events amplified by climate change are increasingly challenging our ability to implement our mandates. Today the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) estimates that approximately 3.5 billion people live in “climate hotspots”, and climate-related peace and security risks are only set to heighten. As outlined in the Sixth Assessment Report of the IPCC, climatic and non-climatic risks, such as biodiversity loss and violent conflict, will increasingly interact. We already see a strong correlation between Member States facing fragility and those facing climate change. Of the 16 countries that are the most climate-vulnerable, 9 of them host a United Nations field mission, namely the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Sudan, South Sudan, Afghanistan, Somalia, Mali, Haiti and Yemen. It is also important to note that the majority of United Nations peace operations are deployed in contexts that are both highly climate exposed and characterized by high levels of gender inequality. United Nations field missions do not hold the ultimate solution to the global phenomenon of climate change, which must come in the form of adaptation, mitigation and financing. But United Nations peace operations are profoundly affected by the impact of climate change. Our missions witness first-hand the dual vulnerabilities posed by climate change and insecurity. In a number of our host nations, climate change is diminishing natural resources, affecting social cohesion and driving conflict. Over the past few years, we have, for example, seen how altered mobility routes for transhumance due to changes to seasonal weather patterns exacerbate tension and conflict between cattle herders and farmers. In Mali, this challenge negatively interacts with a high dependence on rain-fed agriculture that is diminished by climate change and a concurrent increased demand due to population growth. In South Sudan, 8 of 10 states are affected by flooding, driving temporary and protracted displacement. This is putting different communities in close proximity and intensifying competition over resources. Flooding reduces the mobility of United Nations peacekeepers, since they are then forced to use helicopters or boats that are in high demand and short supply. And of course, that is also the case for our humanitarian colleagues. Military engineers in South Sudan are diverted to deal with the floods and build dikes on a full-time basis so that they can safeguard critical infrastructure such as internally displaced person camps, the United Nations Mission in South Sudan’s own bases, major roads and the airstrip. In Somalia, years of conflict have ravaged the resilience of the State and communities. The current drought, the worst in four decades, compounds vulnerabilities and contributes to displacement, hunger and grievance. In Iraq, water scarcity, rising temperatures and dust storms put heightened pressure on intercommunal relations. In these and many other places, the cascading effects of climate change are reshaping the parameters for our work on conflict prevention, peacemaking, peacebuilding and peacekeeping. Considering climate change in all that we do, as also requested by this Council in a number of instances, is no longer a choice. The confluence of climate vulnerability and insecurity was also a recurring topic in global consultations on the New Agenda for Peace, reflecting the growing importance of this topic. In our efforts to address climate change we are seeking to mitigate security risks in tandem, so that we can generate co-benefits and create a more resilient future. Integrating a climate lens into peace and security efforts also means expanding and welcoming a more diverse set of decision makers. For instance, the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change highlights that women’s meaningful participation in decision-making around climate adaptation and natural resources leads to more sustainable and inclusive results. Across the board, the Departments of Peacebuilding and Political Affairs (DPPA) and the Department of Peace Operations (DPO) strive to integrate climate considerations into our work. This was the driving ambition behind the creation of the climate security mechanism, a joint initiative between DPPA, DPO, the United Nations Environment Programme and the United Nations Development Programme. Since 2018, the mechanism has provided multidisciplinary support to Member States, regional organizations and United Nations entities to better understand and address the linkages between climate, peace and security. In line with our mandates, we have identified a number of priority areas for action in United Nations field missions. First, we are investing in the capacity of our peace operations to anticipate and address the linkages between climate change, peace and security. The deployment of dedicated capacity on climate, peace and security in a growing number of field missions has been a game changer. Integrating climate considerations across their work has strengthened missions’ abilities to implement the mandates given by the Security Council. For example, in South Sudan, the Climate, Peace and Security Adviser of the United Nations Mission in South Sudan is providing training and enhancing information-sharing among the humanitarian, development and peace and security actors in South Sudan through the climate change working group. The Adviser also supports government counterparts at national, regional and community levels to address climate-related security risks. This includes, for example, working with the Intergovernmental Authority on Development and supporting intercommunal dialogues in flood-affected States. Innovation and data analytics represent key areas for capacity-building that can be brought forward by climate, peace and security advisers in our field missions. With the help of innovation partners, we are beginning to use satellite imagery and machine learning to better understand climate trends and boost early-warning capacity. Better capacity to collect, utilize and analyse data will also help us strengthen our understanding of the ways in which climate change has an impact on peace and security and on the good practices emerging to manage these risks. Secondly, we are reinforcing the mutual benefits of climate action and our work on peace and security. Peacemaking is an area that demands climate-sensitive approaches. Technical cooperation can open new entry points for dialogue and confidence-building among parties and help to ensure the longer-term viability of peace agreements. The DPPA practice note on climate-informed mediation, published last year, provides guidance in this area. Climate-informed peacebuilding also offers the potential for complementary benefits. Climate action and peacebuilding share many of the same objectives, namely, resilient, just and inclusive societies. Coordinated engagement in both areas can advance multiple objectives simultaneously. This was confirmed by the Sixth Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, which highlighted that climate-sensitive peacebuilding and gender-sensitive approaches offer potential new avenues to building peace. Yet the capacities of women to address climate impacts and drive peacebuilding are still underexplored, even though their roles in water and food provision uniquely position them as agents of change. The Secretary-General’s Peacebuilding Fund plays an important catalytic role in that regard. In Yemen, for instance, where water scarcity worsened by climate change is a destabilizing factor, the Fund has helped strengthen local water-governance structures in the valley of Wadi Rima. By taking an innovative approach to women’s inclusion in local water management and dispute resolution, the project was able to increase natural-resource access and reduce intercommunal tensions. Overall, since 2017, the Fund has invested in more than 70 climate-informed peacebuilding projects implemented by 21 different entities around the world, particularly in West Africa and the Sahel. Over the past five years, 7 out of the 10 countries most vulnerable to climate change have been the beneficiaries of Peacebuilding Fund projects. A recently concluded review of climate-related projects, which was supported by the Fund, has helped us to identify areas for further strengthening. One of its key findings was the importance of flexible, cross- border approaches that invest in peacebuilding and conflict-sensitive climate action. Not only is greater coherence between climate action, peace and security a policy imperative, but it also makes economic sense. Aligning peacebuilding and climate-financing mechanisms  — both United Nations and non-United Nations — would allow us to optimize systems to utilize limited resources in more efficient and impactful ways. Thirdly, as the United Nations works to more proactively mitigate climate change, it is increasingly imperative that we not be another cause of it. We are therefore working to reduce our environmental footprint, including through improved transitions to energy efficiency and a greater reliance on renewable energy. Today the largest United Nations peacekeeping operations rely almost exclusively on generators that use expensive, imported diesel that requires transportation under often very dangerous conditions. In certain settings these missions are among the largest single sources of energy consumption and greenhouse-gas emissions in their host countries. On the other hand, many of the host countries are among the least electrified in the world, with communities having some of the highest energy costs in the world. Even though renewable energy is often a cheaper power source under these circumstances, host States and host communities rarely benefit from climate and renewable energy investments. In 2021–2022, six per cent of the electricity used by United Nations peace operations was generated from renewable energy sources. Guided by the Environmental Strategy for Peace Operations, the United Nations is progressively introducing renewable energy solutions, reducing our environmental footprint while also minimizing the security risk for fuel convoys. In that regard, we welcome the very promising partnership between the United States and Nepal to deploy a large-scale solar hybrid system in Rumbek, South Sudan. With support from the Department of Operational Support, peace operations are now considering ways in which their own energy needs, their footprint and infrastructure investments can positively contribute to the efforts of host States to improve access to clean energy. United Nations peace operations in Mali and Somalia are also utilizing innovative renewable-energy- sourcing approaches through partnerships with our host nations and the private sector. To secure similar opportunities across other mission sites, it is critical to get support from the host State Governments, private sector companies and development actors. We thank the United Arab Emirates and Norway for launching the Compact on renewal energy in peace operations, which is an important vehicle for bringing the right partners together. The Compact aims to reduce operational costs, security risks and greenhouse-gas emissions for peacekeeping missions, while leaving a positive infrastructure legacy for host communities. The 2023 United Nations peacekeeping Ministerial meeting on peacekeeping, to take place in Ghana in December this year, will provide additional opportunities to strengthen United Nations peacekeeping through the generation of pledges that meet United Nations needs, whether they be for specialized capabilities or new or expanded capacity-building and training, and equipping partnerships in key areas, including that of the environment. Given the growing linkages between climate change, peace and security as well as the broader changes to the conflict dynamics in the areas in which we work, we must continue to adapt to climate change. Together we can build a future where our efforts in conflict prevention, peacebuilding, peacemaking and peacekeeping will reinforce and are complemented by our commitment to addressing the climate crisis.

I thank Mr. Lacroix for his briefing. I now give the floor to Mr. Santos Calderón. Mr. Santos Calderón: It is an honour to be back at the Security Council. I want to thank the Permanent Mission of the United Arab Emirates for the invitation. Allow me to start with an anecdote. The day I was going to be sworn in as President of Colombia, I went to the Sierra Nevada, one of the most biodiverse and beautiful mountain ranges in the world — and birthplace of our Permanent Representative — to ask for permission from our elder brothers, the Koguis and the Arhuacos, the indigenous peoples who live there and who are known to best preserve pre-Hispanic civilization. They gave me their blessing, with a baton and a mandate: “Make peace with the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC), but also make peace with nature. Peace among humans will not be successful unless you makes peace with Mother Nature too”, they warned me. And they asked me to come back when I had completed my mission. As the Council very well knows, after six years of negotiations, we ended 50 years of war with the FARC, and that guerrilla no longer exists. I want to take this opportunity to express my deep gratitude for the great support the Council has provided over many years to the Colombian peace process. That support remains instrumental, and it shows that when the Council is united, it can make a significant contribution to peace and security around the world. The Final Agreement for Ending the Conflict and Building a Stable and Lasting Peace, the Colombian peace agreement, is unique in many ways. It includes a gender and an ethnic chapter, and the victims and their rights became the centre of the negotiations. In addition, since nature was also a victim, the protection of the environment is present in all sections of the agreement. Repairing nature is actually one of the sanctions specifically mentioned for those most responsible for war crimes and crimes against humanity. Because the agreement has not been effectively implemented, violence and deforestation in some areas left by the FARC has increased. On the other hand, in many places, former combatants and communities have come together to preserve our forests and rivers and to promote ecotourism, a good example of reconciliation  — not only among humans but also of humans with nature. In 2018, a couple of months before leaving office, I returned to the Sierra Nevada to give back the baton. And, as proof of mission accomplished, I gave the leaders of the Koguis and the Arhuacos three things: a copy of the peace agreement, information on our very aggressive environmental policies and the text of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), approved here in this building in 2015, where Colombia played a key role in its conception. To my surprise, they told me to keep the baton because my mission was not finished. They claimed that in the SDGs the most important dimension was lacking — the spiritual dimension, which means that humans have to accept and understand that life is nature; that rivers, oceans and trees all have life, all have rights and should be treated as equals. And they are right. I came back from the Vatican yesterday, where Pope Francis invited 30 Nobel Peace Laureates to the first World Meeting on Human Fraternity. In our declaration we made a call to build environmental fraternity, to make peace with nature, because “everything is in relation to everything”. And that call should be embraced by the Council. We have for too long ignored nature and its critical role in sustaining humankind and the planet. The science is now clear that if we are to reverse the destabilizing impacts of climate change, we must stabilize our relationship with nature. Biodiversity loss and climate change cannot be addressed separately. In countries like mine, preserving the forests turns out to be more net effective and as important as cutting emissions from fossil fuels. This year’s Climate Change Conference, in Dubai, is of the utmost importance because we cannot keep postponing decisions that are crucial to the survival of humankind. One great achievement for the upcoming twenty- eighth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP28) would be to explicitly link the Convention on Biological Diversity with the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and identify shared commitments and actions under both. Even better, we could merge them into one convention. I know that in the current circumstances that is an impossible ideal. The point is that both should act together to recognize and adequately funds the protection of nature so as to ensure its role as a fundamental solution to our climate and biodiversity crises and as a necessary condition to achieving and maintaining peace. I am a member of The Elders, the group of independent leaders founded by Nelson Mandela, whose former Chair was Kofi Annan and today’s Deputy Chair is Ban Ki-moon. The Elders are united in our commitment to peace, human rights, justice and a sustainable planet. It is our mission to call on world leaders to step up and respond to the existential threats facing humankind: the climate crisis, pandemics, nuclear weapons and now also artificial intelligence, which should be urgently regulated. We are worried that people are losing faith in the multilateral system. Deepening divisions are continuing to undermine the Council’s ability to deliver on its core mandate. In that regard, I commend the wise decision by the United Arab Emirates — as COP28 host — to put climate, peace and security on the agenda. Despite the desire by some members of the Council to treat climate change and security as separate issues, in the real world the consequences of climate change and conflict very clearly converge. Climate change exacerbates threats to human security and war damages nature and the environment in numerous ways, from the destruction of dams — just look at Ukraine  — to attacks on oil pipelines and agricultural land that sustains rural communities. Look at my country. Even though conflict and displacement driven by climate change have a disproportionate effect on women, women have shown great leadership in finding solutions  — from resolving local water disputes in Yemen to resisting environmental crimes in Colombia. The Council must step up and play its part in addressing the unprecedented challenge of climate insecurity, working with other United Nations entities and other international institutions to find sustainable and just solutions. There is much that the Council could do to integrate climate more effectively into United Nations operations on the ground, building on the work of the Informal Expert Group on Climate and Security. That includes having more climate and security advisers attached to peacekeeping missions and using climate forecasting as part of the Organization’s prevention toolkits to anticipate and mitigate risk in fragile contexts. There cannot be peace without sustainable development, and there cannot be sustainable development without peace. It is as simple as that. Peace can be maintained only if the very forests, soils and rivers that communities depend on are protected and managed sustainably. Ahead of COP28, the international community must help the most vulnerable to strengthen their resilience. That starts with developed countries delivering on their climate financing promises, including a doubling of adaptation financing by 2025, and multilateral institutions dramatically increasing their financial capacity. We need bold policy action. We must redouble our efforts not only in mitigation and adaptation but in nature-positive solutions, including conserving high-integrity forests, peatlands, coral reefs and other ecosystems that provide humankind with clean air and clean water. I would like to end by calling on the members of the Council for unity, constructive dialogue and cooperation, not only on climate, peace and security but also on the Council’s mandate as a whole. We are at a moment in history in which the world is at risk of dividing into blocs that compete for power and supremacy over each other, rather than cooperating to address the unprecedented challenges and existential threats that we all face. We must unite to cooperate, or we will perish.

I thank Mr. Santos Calderón for his briefing. I now give the floor to Ms. Kadry. Ms. Kadry: I would like to thank the Permanent Mission of the United Arab Emirates to the United Nations for kindly inviting me here today and giving me the opportunity to speak to the Security Council about climate change and peace and security and what it means for the Arab region. Throughout history, the Arab region has been a land of great civilizations and major contributions and breakthroughs for the advancement of humankind. It is now home to one of the youngest populations in the world  — one that I would confidently say is also the most resilient, despite the concurrent challenges and hardships that it has been facing over the past decades. It is a region that has endured  — and in some parts continues to endure  — conflict, political instability, economic hardships, mounting debts, a shrinking fiscal space and ever-harsher climate impacts, which has made it harder and harder for people to secure the basics of a decent life and has pushed people to use every mean and tool to adapt and survive. What I am afraid of is that, if we do not step up to the magnitude of the climate crisis, a warming climate will put my generation and future ones right in the face of multiplying dangers and insecurity. The scientific evidence for climate impacts in the region is clear and strong, and we are by no means on an equal footing with the forces of nature. I take this opportunity to bring to the Council’s attention three issues that are of importance to the Arab region when talking about the climate change and peace and security agenda. First, in many countries in the region, the social contract is anchored in the provision of affordable goods and commodities and basic services, and there are multiple instances in which price spikes have been a driver for popular unrest and instability. It is important to be mindful that, in a context in which climate change destabilizes food, land and water systems, the prospect of securing food, water and energy needs is undermined, and that can act as a major destabilizing factor, particularly given the fact that the region is one of the most water-scarce in the world and is heavily dependent on food imports. Secondly, conflict and fragility weaken governance, cause political friction and damage the social fabric of societies. They also destroy physical infrastructure, water infrastructure, housing, education and health-care facilities. They simply destabilize every resilience tool and drives societies into a very dangerous and uncertain pathway. In simple words, conflicts multiply risks and challenges and take away the tools that can be used to face the climate crisis. Thirdly, there are global forces and processes, including the energy transition that, if by design they do not serve human development or bring benefits to local development, we run the risk of reinforcing the same inequalities and leaving the root causes of conflict and fragility unaddressed. I invite the Council to think about the intended and the unintended consequences of the energy transition on the Arab region and what it means for sustaining peace. What needs to be done? I will put forward four recommendations. But first I want to echo a core idea from former Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali’s An Agenda for Peace, a report that has shaped my thinking on many of these issues — it is the idea that preventive diplomacy, peacemaking, peacekeeping and peacebuilding at their core should address the deepest causes of conflict. The climate and peace and security agenda should therefore be anchored in prevention, resilience, risk mitigation, justice and equity. I will move on to my four recommendations. First, people are the ones who bear the brunt of conflicts, the climate crisis and any vacuums created by dysfunctional systems. However, they are at the centre of adaptation, creation and innovation. I invite the Council to revisit how effective peace and security tools are in supporting people’s innovations and building their resilience, particularly those of women and youth. Secondly, evidence-based, timely and accurate knowledge has always been key for sound decisions and interventions. I advise the Council to broaden the spectrum of research that informs its decisions. One way to do that is through leveraging local Arab networks, researchers and thinkers who are skilful, speak the language and have cultural appropriateness to generate a bottom-up understanding of climate-resilient peace. Another way is through utilizing innovative, state-of- the-art science on food, land and water systems, which are central to the climate security nexus, such as through the newly launched CGIAR Climate Security Observatory, a decision-support tool helping stakeholders understand how climate is exacerbating the root causes of conflicts, where that is happening and to whom and what can be done to mitigate the vicious cycle of climate and conflict. Thirdly, over the past few years, there has been growing attention to this agenda at the Arab regional level. Most noticeably, the President of the twenty- seventh session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP27) launched the Climate Responses for Sustaining Peace initiative. The Arab Water Council and the League of Arab States have created mechanisms to advance this agenda at a regional level. The COP28 presidency is dedicating for the first time a thematic day for relief, recovery and resilience. In my capacity, I am contributing to CGIAR’s global agenda on climate-security, with a regional focus on the Arab world, based in Cairo and aimed at generating local and context-specific knowledge on the topic. It is important to leverage those regional processes as a bridge between the local level up to the Council. Fourthly, climate financing needs to reach those most deserving of it. The climate financing issue is a big one, but there are few points I want to emphasize. Reparations need to be paid to the countries that contributed the least to this problem to enable them to adapt and deal with loss and damage. There is a need for simplified climate-financing tools that are tailored to conflict countries and reach those most in need, as well as serve climate adaptation, which is a top priority for the region. I will conclude by mentioning the most important piece of the puzzle: political will. That will is the very characteristic that sets us apart as human beings. It is the will that can make us move mountains or stay where we are. I acknowledge the difficulty of the task at hand, but I urge the Council to innovate and recreate multilateral tools that will live up to the challenge and ensure that struggles and hardships are not passed on to my generation and those of the future.

I thank Ms. Kadry for her briefing. I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the Minister of Climate Change and Environment of the United Arab Emirates. I would like to express my gratitude to President Santos Calderón, Under-Secretary-General Lacroix and Ms. Kadry for their invaluable insights. In 2007, the Security Council convened for the first time to discuss the potential implications of climate change for international peace and security (see S/PV.5663). During that meeting, speakers raised concerns about the potential for climate hazards, such as a loss of natural resources, rising sea levels and extreme weather events, to act as catalysts for conflict. However, the correlation between climate change and threats to peace and security was challenged by some, who questioned whether the Security Council was an appropriate venue for fostering and expediting climate action. The contours of the debate were established, and despite the fact that 16 years have now passed, it has seen little evolution. Nevertheless, the threat of climate change as a risk multiplier is no longer a hypothetical scenario. It is a daily lived reality in various conflict settings around the world. Scientific studies have delineated the complex relationship between vulnerability, climate change and armed conflict, and how those elements can form a destructive cycle. For example, in Somalia, the terrorist group Al-Shabaab capitalizes on the persistent drought in the Horn of Africa, driving recruitment among displaced communities and imposing taxes on desperate farmers and herders. The resulting growth in Al-Shabaab’s numbers and resources is increasingly reflected in its enhanced ability to attack Government and international targets. Just last month, the repercussions of that dynamic were manifest when members of the group killed 54 Ugandan peacekeepers serving as part of the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia. Moreover, the Middle East — home to 14 of the 33 most water- stressed countries globally  — has been increasingly plagued by climate change, escalating tensions within and across national borders. For example, Iraq’s acute vulnerability to climate change and water shortages has endangered its post-conflict recovery through the risk of increased rates of displacement and the deterioration of agricultural livelihoods, as well as increased stress on relationships with neighbouring countries over water resources. In South Sudan, persistent flooding has worsened an already severe humanitarian crisis, hindering the ability of the United Nations Mission in South Sudan to implement its Security Council mandate to protect civilians. At the same time, the adverse effects of climate change have inflamed existing tensions between pastoral and farming communities, contributing to outbreaks of violent conflict. In conflicts around the world, climate change has further entrenched the epidemic of gender-based violence and inequality, as women and girls are exposed to more precarious situations when natural resources and agricultural production are undermined. The ramifications of climate change will only increase in intensity and strength over time, and there is a risk that their cumulative effects will snowball. Despite those realities, the Security Council’s response has remained insufficient for two primary reasons. First, the unparalleled scale and complexity of climate change pose a unique challenge to our multilateral system’s response capacity. We stand before a global crisis in which a myriad economic, political, security and historical factors intertwine, making reaching international consensus extremely daunting. Secondly, while the impacts of climate change on peace and security are highly variable and context- specific, they should not be overlooked. As recent research by the Institute for International Peace Studies has demonstrated, our inability to easily isolate and quantify climate effects should not deter us from acknowledging and addressing the larger issue, which is that climate change and conflict are mutually reinforcing. Going forward, it will be crucial for the multilateral system, including the Security Council, to adapt to the systemic, slow-paced and dispersed nature of climate change. While the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change serves as the primary intergovernmental forum for negotiating the global response to climate change, its role was never intended to be exclusive. It is clear that addressing the climate crisis requires the specific expertise of other forums, as demonstrated by ongoing discussions on enhancing the role of international financial institutions in the climate response. For the Security Council, that implies embracing innovative attempts to better understand and address the interplay between climate change, peace and security. The Council must approach conflict through a climate-sensitive lens. We must strengthen the capacity and mandates of relevant peacekeeping operations to incorporate climate change into their risk mitigation and adaptation strategies, as well as their efforts in conflict prevention and resolution. That could be achieved by leveraging the work of the Climate Security Mechanism and the deployment of climate security advisers to United Nations missions, as well as making greater use of the Council’s Informal Expert Group on Climate and Security. It should also be complemented with systematic data collection and reporting by the Secretary-General across relevant files. And we must avoid polarization around the Council’s consideration of the issue. The stakes are too high to dismiss or vilify those with legitimate concerns about the Council’s jurisdiction. We should provide opportunities to hear from and engage with local representatives from front- line communities, particularly women and young people, as well as regional organizations driving climate-related initiatives, enabling them to propose solutions specific to their contexts. That would not only enrich the Council’s response by including local nuance and gender-responsive approaches to discussions of climate change and conflict, but it would strengthen its engagement with various stakeholders and develop sustainable solutions. Across different but complementary forums, we must foster holistic solutions to this multidimensional challenge. At the twenty-eighth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP28), to be held in Dubai later this year, the incoming United Arab Emirates presidency plans to introduce a relief, recovery and peace day. That will be the first of its kind at any COP, and its purpose is to highlight the intersection of climate change, peace and security and propose practical solutions to prevent and address the climate burden on stability. We are therefore promoting an ambitious agenda at COP28 in response to the critical lack of accessible, affordable and sufficient climate financing, particularly for countries and communities experiencing humanitarian and security crises. In some cases they receive 80 times less per capita than other developing countries that are already receiving inadequate flows. The nexus of climate change, peace and security may be an underdeveloped issue for the Council. However, if we choose to overlook it in our deliberations, we risk jeopardizing the possibility of long-term peace and security for people worldwide. Now is the time to fully expose and better comprehend how such phenomena interact, what role the international community can play and how we can collaborate to build more prosperous, climate-resilient and peaceful societies. I now resume my functions as President of the Council. I call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Gabon.

I commend the United Arab Emirates for taking the initiative to convene this important debate. I thank Under-Secretary-General Jean-Pierre Lacroix and former President of Colombia and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Mr. Juan Manuel Santos Calderón for their informative briefings. I also followed with great interest the very informative briefing by Ms. Salma Kadry. Focusing debate on climate change within the Security Council underscores once again the critical importance of taking into account the nexus between climate and security and of reacting to their effects on international peace and security. It is our responsibility. In addition to its environmental dimension, the current climate crisis poses a clear threat to the stability of several regions in the world, in particular on the African continent, on which 17 of the 20 countries most affected by climate disruption are located and where the majority face inextricable security challenges. That reality is one of the driving forces behind Gabon’s plea for recognition of the link between climate vulnerability and security. Despite its marginal contribution to global warming, Africa is particularly vulnerable to the increasing, severe and irreversible effects of extreme weather events, which, undoubtedly, affect the way in which local populations function, undermine livelihoods, cause mass internal displacement and, consequently, exacerbate community tensions. Without a doubt, constraints linked to access to water, drought, desertification and recurrent flooding are all scourges that weaken the economic and social fabric of the Horn of Africa and the Sahel and affect community cohesion as much as they modify their natural habitat. They therefore encourage the resurgence of violence and armed conflict, in particular in countries in conflict or post-conflict situations, due to the very limited capacity of political systems and institutions and their weakness in adapting to socioeconomic challenges. In addition, the multiple impacts of climate change reduce people’s ability to implement survival and resilience strategies to climate shocks and fuel illicit activities. The 2022 joint report by the United Nations Regional Office for Central Africa (UNOCA), the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) and the Climate Security Mechanism identified the increase in organized crime and the activities of armed groups, maritime piracy and the growing threat to the Congo basin rainforest as the main impacts of climate change on peace and security in the subregion. Due to climate disruption and its harmful effects, there could be several million internal climate migrants in Africa by 2050. Those mass movements go hand in hand with destabilization and the increase in tensions, crises and conflicts in the regions affected. Regrettably, there is a real risk that those population movements will create tensions that could develop into cross-border conflicts. The shrinking of Lake Chad, for example, fuels conflict and migration in the region, with herders and fishers regularly clashing over natural resources. I believe that it would be a good idea to incorporate climate risk into conflict modelling, with reference to conflict prevention and lasting solutions to conflict. Climate mobility therefore requires support and planning, as well as building the capacity of local communities to adapt to the changes it brings. The many political, security, socioeconomic and ecological challenges faced by humankind today are increasingly complex, interdependent and interconnected. That interdependence therefore requires effective and urgent action, which could begin by broadening the debate on climate change beyond the environmental sphere. The climate and security nexus must be systematically incorporated into all geopolitical strategies for international peace and security. The most recent synthesis report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, published 0n 20 March, confirms the gravity of the climate threat and indicates that global warming shows no sign of slowing down. To confront that challenge, being aware of it is a matter of urgency in order to protect populations and territories, build resilience to climate disruption, develop decarbonized economies, strengthen mitigation and adaptation measures and prevent and manage climate-security conflicts, with a view to supporting peacekeeping and peacebuilding processes. To that end, it is imperative to establish a dialogue that is based on a holistic and inclusive approach, by strengthening cooperation and partnership on climate security between subregional and regional organizations and the United Nations, following the example of the trilateral cooperation that exists between UNOCA, ECCAS and the Climate Security Mechanism. We must also take advantage of existing strategies and best practices at the national, regional and international levels. However, providing relevant climate responses also implies predictable, adequate climate financing, based on the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities, in order to develop adaptation and mitigation strategies and measures to strengthen the resilience of local communities. To that end, international financial institutions and donors have a key role to play. That is the basis for the participation of the President of the Gabonese Republic and Head of State, His Excellency Mr. Ali Bongo Ondimba, in the summit for a new global financing pact to be held in Paris on 22 and 23 June. The dynamic of action will certainly be one of the challenges of the twenty-eighth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, organized under the presidency of the United Arab Emirates, whose commitment I welcome. The Conference will be held in Dubai from 30 November to 12 December. In conclusion, I would like to reiterate Gabon’s constant commitment and the clear determination of President Ondimba in the fight against climate change. The fight against climate change is much more than a question of sustainable development. It is a question of survival for the populations that are affected — a question on which the peace and security of many peoples of the world depend. It is a collective responsibility. We must act and unite our efforts without delay in a coordinated manner. Failure to act will be fatal to us all and irreversible for the security and survival of present and future generations.

I now call on the Minister for Environment, Science, Technology and Innovation of Ghana.

I thank the United Arab Emirates for convening today’s high-level debate on climate change, peace and security. We welcome the briefings by His Excellency Mr. Jean-Pierre Lacroix, Under-Secretary-General for Peace Operations, and His Excellency Mr. Juan Manuel Santos Calderón, former President of Colombia, Nobel Peace Laureate and member of The Elders. We equally thank Ms. Salma Kadry, climate and peace and security specialist, for her additional perspective. As a member of the Group of Friends on Climate and Security, we associate ourselves with the statement to be read out by the representative of Germany on behalf of the Group. Climate change is not only an existential threat to humankind; it is driving and exacerbating threats to international peace and security in several regions of the world, especially the Sahel. The strong link between climate change and international peace and security can no longer be denied or, indeed, ignored, as the adverse impact of climate change on the stability of countries manifests itself in conflict, terrorism and violent extremism and the further shrinking or displacement of State presence. In Africa, for instance, from the Lake Chad region to the Sahel and other parts of the continent, we are witnessing the multiplier effect of climate change on peace and security, including food and water insecurity and climate-induced displacements. In the Lake Chad region, the lake has contracted by some 90 per cent from its 1960 size, due to drought in that region and has contributed to incidents of violence between farmers and cattle herders. The accompanying loss of livelihoods and weakening of community resilience has been exploited by terrorist groups to recruit and radicalize vulnerable people in the affected communities in their bid to displace States. As we confront the unprecedented and worsening ecological threat to the stability of regions and its resultant socioeconomic and political impacts, we must harness available global and regional instruments. They include the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and the African Union Climate Change and Resilient Development Strategy and Action Plan 2022–2032 to reverse climate change and its impact on security. The twenty-seventh Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, held in Sharm El-Sheikh, reaffirmed the reality of the climate menace by recognizing that it not only exacerbates the causes and effects of conflict but also affects the ability of communities and institutions to help make and build peace in specific contexts. In that regard, it is pertinent that we work to see our views converge on the notion that when we seek to resolve conflicts, climate risks  — where relevant — must be tackled as part of peace efforts. It is against that backdrop that I would like to highlight the following points, which we deem critical to addressing climate change and its adverse impacts on global peace and security. First, the unprecedented security risks associated with climate change underpin our belief that the Security Council, as the primary body responsible for the maintenance of international peace and security, has a role to play and should continue to find space on its agenda to discuss the issue and complement efforts to tackle it. Secondly, the Security Council can better integrate climate change into its peace efforts by encouraging special political missions to integrate and mainstream a climate perspective into mediation and peace negotiations. It will also be useful to enhance the capacity of United Nations peacekeeping missions to enable them to continually assess climate-related risks and opportunities across United Nations early-warning and planning processes and other prevention measures. The inclusion of climate-specific language in a number of peace operations’ mandates, including that of the United Nations Office for West Africa and the Sahel, is an example that should be encouraged and replicated in other missions, where the challenge exists, during mandate renewals. That should include utilizing the findings of risk assessments undertaken by the United Nations in order to make the efforts of missions to sustain peace more robust. It is also important to continue leveraging the work of the Group of Friends on Climate and Security and the Climate Security Mechanism in dealing with the issue. As a troop-contributing country to United Nations peace operations, Ghana encourages the United Nations and donor partners, including the Council, to support peace operations that leverage innovative tools to reduce their carbon footprint in areas that are seriously affected by climate change. Thirdly, we can further consolidate the gains made in tackling the issue by encouraging the inclusion of climate fragility issues in the reports of the Secretary- General. That would give visibility and enhance the adoption of innovative and robust measures to enable United Nations missions to adapt to climate situations and respond effectively. Fourthly, adequate funding remains critical to addressing climate-related security risks. We underscore the importance of continually engaging with United Nations bodies such as the Peacebuilding Commission and welcome the fact that since 2017 the Peacebuilding Fund has allocated funds for climate-security-related projects in countries on the Council’s agenda. As reports have indicated, returns on investment in climate adaptation range between $2 and $10 for every dollar invested. In that regard, multilateral and bilateral support to finance climate activities, including resilience-building and risk assessments, is critical. We note and welcome the commitments and aspirations of developed countries to jointly mobilize $100 billion annually in climate financing between 2020 and 2025, and encourage more to be done in that regard. Fifthly, deepening cooperation between the United Nations and regional and subregional mechanisms in the crusade against climate change and insecurity is crucial. We therefore encourage strengthening the capacity of regional and national actors to enhance their early-warning systems and data analysis capacities, which are critical for regional preventive action. In that regard, we note the international support for the Africa Multi-Hazard Early-Warning and Early Action System situation room for disaster risk reduction and the Economic Community of West African States regional climate strategy, to mention only a few examples. Leveraging partnerships with such regional arrangements will further strengthen and build resilience as well as effective responses to climate-related security risks. Lastly, in dealing with the climate and security issue, we must not forget to include women, girls and young people in targeted policies that recognize the agency of those groups in building climate resilience. In conclusion, Ghana believes that climate-related security risks are evident and require serious national, regional and, indeed, international commitment to build resilience and protect the well-being of our societies.

I now call on the Minister of State Administration and Public Service of Mozambique.

Mozambique has the honour to thank you, Madam President, for the invitation to participate in this important debate on the climate and peace and security nexus. That thematic area is a priority for Mozambique in its mandate as a non-permanent member of the Security Council. On behalf of His Excellency Mr. Filipe Jacinto Nyusi, President of the Republic of Mozambique, I would like to convey our greetings to the members of the Security Council and all representatives of States and organizations at this high-level open debate, organized under the presidency of the United Arab Emirates. We would also like to take this opportunity to congratulate the countries newly elected to the Council for the term 2024–2025. Today’s debate represents an important opportunity for the Security Council and the entire United Nations system to reaffirm their commitment and show their sense of solidarity with all victims of the negative effects of extreme events associated with climate change. As a non-permanent member of the Security Council, Mozambique advocates for an interventionist multilateralism in all thematic issues with the potential to contribute to promoting the welfare of humankind. That includes the global agenda to combat climate change and mitigate its effects, especially taking into account the increasingly inescapable link between climate and international peace and security. In our current circumstances, climate change, along with global terrorism, constitutes a threat and a scourge across every latitude and longitude of planet Earth. No country is immune to that evil, and no country is individually capable of combating climate change and mitigating its effects. That justifies the relevance of strengthening international cooperation on the issue. Furthermore, as has been confirmed, the frequency of extreme climate events has been increasing at catastrophic rates, creating challenges for Governments that require that they systematize their approaches to disaster risk management. By way of illustration, several countries have been facing prolonged droughts owing to irregular rainfall. This situation generates food insecurity and the degradation of the quality of life of the population in the face of the destruction of essential infrastructure, following floods and cyclones. The systematic and predominant occurrence of extreme weather events, namely, droughts, floods and cyclones, precipitate large displacements of the population from risk areas to those considered safe, causing great pressure in the accommodation areas on the already scarce resources for sustenance. Those factors tend to contribute to the occurrence or increase in the number of conflicts. Mozambique is an example of that. Our country has been cyclically suffering from the adverse effects of climate change, with the occurrence in 2019 of Cyclones Idai and Kenneth, which caused approximately 500,000 internal displacements in the provinces of Sofala, Zambézia, Manica, Tete, Nampula and Cabo Delgado and, more recently, Tropical Cyclone Freddy which devastated the central region of Mozambique and affected around 1.3 million people. There is no doubt that climate change has a negative impact on the project of building international peace and security, if we take as a reference its negative impact and its action as one of the driving factors of conflicts caused by both the need to control territories and by the scarcity of natural resources. As members of the United Nations, we are called upon to reiterate and reinforce our collective commitment, including by increasingly mobilizing non-State actors, as well as the private sector and civil society organizations, in each of our countries to strengthen a sense of responsibility, a sharing of experiences, as well as information and strategies with a view to jointly addressing the devastating effects of climate change and its negative impact on international peace and security. In that regard, in peace support operations it should be noted that the impact of climate change is substantial, considering that in many geographic realities, the implementation of the objectives of the mandate of peacekeeping missions has been significantly challenged by adverse weather phenomena. Such are the cases recently registered in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, where heavy rains caused constraints for the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and in Syria, where an earthquake followed by heavy rains constrained the United Nations humanitarian operations there. Similarly, the United Nations peacekeeping missions are confronted by the growth in the number of armed groups, some of which are terrorist groups. Those groups have exploited the vulnerabilities generated by the effects of climate change, namely, the shortages of food and water resources, as well as the changing geographical configuration of population density to settle themselves in semi-abandoned areas and design recruitment strategies under the promise of providing increasingly scarce resources. Those events are intrinsically associated with the exploitation of pre-existing vulnerabilities, with emphasis on essential infrastructure for agriculture, transport and basic sanitation. While it is a fact that climate change is a global phenomenon, it is also a fact that its effects and impact are not felt with the same intensity across countries. Without leaving any other region behind, African countries, owing to their socioeconomic situation, have been the most affected, with disastrous consequences for the economy, food security and the network of infrastructure and essential services. The modifications and redefinitions of the hydrological cycle, the deterioration of water quality under conditions of higher temperature and lower flows, are factors that, together with armed conflicts, tend to place the African population, especially women and children, in a situation of increasing vulnerability. In this sad and unavoidable reality, Mozambique, my country, has also been affected, owing to its geographical position along the coastal and tropical zone. It is one of the countries cyclically affected by extreme climatological phenomena, causing the loss of lives of people and animals, the destruction of public and private infrastructure, among other consequences, as recently witnessed with the passage of Cyclone Freddy in February, as mentioned before. Given that geographic vulnerability and its sense of shared responsibility, Mozambique has been proactive in building collective solutions, materialized by the approval and implementation of important governance instruments related to the fight against climate change; ready participation in all climate conferences at the United Nations, the African Union and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). The setup, in the city of Nacala in northern Mozambique, of the SADC Humanitarian and Emergency Operations Centre, is proof of our country’s commitment to the issue of managing the risk of disasters resulting from severe weather events. I will conclude by reiterating the gratitude of Mozambique for the inclusion of the topic of the climate, peace and security nexus at the level of the Security Council, which demonstrates our collective commitment and engagement with respect to the nexus between climate change and global peace and security.

I now call on the Special Presidential Envoy for Climate of the United States of America.

Let me begin by thanking, as others have, Under-Secretary- General Lacroix and my friend His Excellency President Santos Calderón. I also thank Ms. Salma Kadry very much for setting the stage for this important discussion. And I thank you, Madam President, for the leadership of the United Arab Emirates in calling this really critical meeting on the security implications of the climate crisis. I particularly take note of the comments of the representative from Mozambique, who really described the unfairness of the impacts and in effect defined one of the threats that will come out of this crisis that we all face as a consequence of the unfair distribution of the impacts and the unfair distribution of the causes. And I will say more about that in a moment. Let me just begin by saying to everybody that it is now indisputable that the climate crisis is one of the top security threats, not just to the developed world but to the entire planet, to life on the planet itself. And it is a crisis that already today costs countries billions of dollars each year, which we spend not even to prevent at this point, but just to clean up the mess. And most important, it costs the world millions of lives. It is an active threat against the livelihoods and the peace of people everywhere on this planet. We see with our naked eyes and the observations that are now coming more rapidly in larger amounts than were predicted by the scientists and at a greater speed than was predicted by the scientists that there is really very little security against the most severe consequences of the crisis of extreme temperatures. Millions of people actually die every year now from extreme heat. We see the impacts of the spread of disease and the infestations of insects that live longer and attack the trees and forests of countries that depend on them more than ever before, bringing with it the loss of food. We see the chaos of mass migration, which has hardly reached the levels that it is predicted it will reach if we continue to have the biodestruction that is taking place on a global basis. I do not think there is a single country that now lives sustainably, and not necessarily because that is what countries have actively chosen, since certain processes have been forced on them by virtue of the global economy. There is no finding peace solutions for the 7 million people a year around the world who die from the impact of greenhouse-gas pollution. We fail to call it pollution as frequently as we should, I think, because that is what it is. Without action, the costs of climate-crisis destruction will go up, and the spread of its impacts will grow. It is fair to say that the world we experienced last year will be a better world than the one we are going to experience this year or the ones we will see in the foreseeable future unless we do a better job of attacking the crisis itself. The cost will rival the cost of many wars, even of those being fought today. Last year, as we heard from the Minister of Mozambique, double cyclones hit from Mozambique to Vanuatu. In the United States, we saw death and destruction in the wake of intensive tornadoes. In the United States alone, three storms several years ago were responsible for approximately $265 billion worth of damage. Yet we manage not to find the $100 billion we need. This year, we will find the $100 billion. This year we will have the $100 billion. But think how long that has taken. Obviously, we had a president who regrettably pulled us out of the Paris Agreement and set us back for the four years of his term by not putting any money in the budget for the issue. Today the Horn of Africa has experienced the worst droughts on record, driving crop failures and food shortages that make keeping peace difficult, as we heard from the Under-Secretary-General. Last October, United Nations peacekeepers in South Sudan had to deal with some of the worst floods the area had ever experienced, worsening an already terrible period of conflict. Everyone who was in New York last week had the unfortunate experience of dealing with the air quality, as we all inhaled smoke and could literally taste the impact of the fires in Canada, fuelled significantly by drought and heat. I am not saying exclusively created by drought and heat but fuelled very significantly to a certainty by them. There is no legitimate debate. There is no space for procrastination. How many issues on the Security Coun­ cil’s agenda can one say that of? There is no room for debate on the science in that regard. The crisis is grow­ ing. It is undermining our collective peace and security. Without concerted action from this body and every sin­ gle governmental entity that deals with these issues, the impact of the crisis on the world is going to get worse, and it will continue to threaten our peace, our lives and our security in greater fashion, every day and every year that we do not do what we know we need to do. Furthermore, one should not minimize the degree to which the droughts, the floods and the fires that we are experiencing are driving mass economic, social, political and environmental disruptions and the displacement of human beings around the world, which in its own way creates chaos. No one in this Chamber can deny the way the politics of certain countries have changed dramatically, and not for the better, as a consequence of the movement of people, the conflicts we face and the disruptions to our economies. Last year, in Pakistan, we saw 30 million people displaced by just one event. Without action, therefore, the instability produced by climate disruptions is only going to grow, and climate-driven events will increasingly stress our peacekeepers and our countries’ militaries. A number of years ago, our military at the highest level, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, came to the conclusion that the climate crisis is a threat multiplier. All of the other forces that create wars or conflict are multiplied as a consequence of what happens with this struggle. That is why we welcome the peace and security issue, and the twenty-eighth session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP28), which was announced in this Chamber by the President of the Council in her capacity as Minister of Climate Change and Environment of the United Arab Emirates. Obviously, if we are going to resolve this, the Security Council and the United Nations will have to step up and be heard from even more than they have been heard from to date. We certainly understand the Secretary-General’s frustration at the lack of action about which he has been constantly reminding us. We need to pledge our resources to the Secretary-General’s Early Warnings for All initiative, and we need to make sure that it takes into account the needs of the most vulnerable people. We have to integrate those threats into the New Agenda for Peace and reimagine how the United Nations system itself can best address the growing impact of this crisis on world security. Specifically, we have to ensure that the climate crisis is included in the conflict-prevention and mediation efforts of United Nations peacekeeping missions worldwide. We all need to help make that happen. I would remind Council members that, here, in the United States, after we finally got the Inflation Reduction Act — the most important legislation we have ever passed and which is already having a dramatic impact on choices — signed into law, President Biden created the President’s Emergency Plan for Adaptation and Resilience plan, which is now helping half a billion people in developing countries adapt to and manage the impacts of the climate crisis by 2030. It has been mentioned by several speakers that, in approximately six months, many of us are going to gather in Dubai for COP28. There are already three mandated outcomes. The first is winning the challenge of adaptation. An adaptation report will be delivered. Secondly, we will address loss and damage, whose dynamic we changed successfully, but not completely, in Sharm El-Sheikh. Thirdly, there will be a global stock-taking, which will be a stark assessment of where we are. Nobody will be particularly pleased. But it also must be more than that: it will have to show what the road map is going forward. That is the best stock-taking we could deliver to the world. We need to make sure we try to do that. We must respond to reality. This is the way we see the reality: 48 countries in sub-Saharan Africa account for 0.55 per cent of all emissions. The challenge we face is therefore not coming externally from some threat. It is not a nation that is trying to grab more territory. It is not the politics or even the drive of one authoritarian leader or another to dominate. The challenge we face is us. It is everybody. It is the way we choose to heat our homes, light our factories, propel our vehicles. It is the unabated burning of fossil fuels that is creating the problem. The issue is therefore whether or not we — all of us — are going to move to do enough about it. Forty-eight countries account for 0.55 per cent of emissions. Twenty countries account for 76 per cent of all the emissions. We all pledged in Paris and in Glasgow and in Sharm El-Sheikh to get on a glide path to 1.5°C, but we are not all doing it. I am not here to point fingers. Every one of our countries need to work together. We have technologies; we can do things; we have great universities; we have great laboratories. We can do more to be able to bring ourselves together to deal with this crisis. In the end, only one thing is going to save us from ourselves — meeting the target the scientists are giving us with respect to the reduction of emissions. And even if we get to net zero by 2050, we still have to suck 1.6 trillion tons or so of carbon dioxide out of the atmosphere. That means that we have to have some carbon capture in order to do that. The goal ahead of us is absolutely clear — we need to end the permitting of new, unabated coal plants now. Unabated means that we would not be capturing any emissions. And we need to pool the financing together — and that is in the trillions. I am glad to say that next week, in Paris, President Macron’s Climate Finance Summit will take place and, hopefully, we will expand the ideas for blended financing and for the terms we need in order to achieve this goal. Knowing what we know about this crisis, no country should be bringing online new sources of pollution from anywhere. We therefore have to recommit to our 2030 Goals and not only to those, because if we do not do enough by 2030, then there will be no net zero by 2050. That goal will be unachievable. There will be no keeping the 1.5°C. It will be gone. The decisive decade is now, and we need to step up with better plans and real plans with respect to 2050. Those are the things that we have to do in order to ensure the safety of our citizens and — no small objective — to ensure the security of the planet worldwide. I emphasize one observation  — that, obviously, the time for talk is well behind us. We have the tools and technology we need in order to achieve a 45 per cent reduction by 2030, but not all of us are applying it. We can avoid the worst effects of the climate crisis, according to what the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change said in 2018 in its warning to us, but the time and clock are ticking. This is not a matter of building capacity; it is a matter of living up to the promises that we made. We made promises in Paris; we made promises in Glasgow; we reiterated those promises in Sharm El-Sheikh; and we cannot just go to Dubai and reiterate them yet again. Every member of the Security Council, permanent and otherwise, has to renew ambition and resolve what is necessary to win this fight. That is in all of our security interests, spread evenly among us, and it is only by working together that we can repair the planet and defend all nations against one of the greatest threats the world has ever known. We still can win this fight, and I hope that the Security Council is going to be given plenty of opportunities in the next months in order to help do that.

I now call on the State Secretary of Switzerland.

The most systemic threat to humankind remains climate change, as the Secretary-General of the United Nations has stated. In a world that is heating up, climate security and sustainable peace are inseparable. That is why Switzerland has made climate security a priority at the Security Council. I would therefore like to thank the United Arab Emirates for organizing this important debate and for their continued commitment through the presidency of the twenty-eighth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. The work of the Security Council and the implementation of the Paris Agreement on climate change are complementary in addressing those immense challenges. President Santos Calderón, Under-Secretary-General Lacroix and Ms. Kadry, whom I would like to thank for their testimonies, have illustrated that clearly: climate change fuels the risk of conflict. Recognizing the undeniable link between climate change and security is therefore imperative. For that reason, too, Switzerland supports the declaration of the Group of Friends on Climate and Security. Climate change, the loss of biodiversity and pollution are compounding global tensions and conflicts. Many felt that here in New York last week. It is a triple global crisis. Heat and drought, storms and floods are destabilizing numerous regions of the world. The vicious circle of tension, fragility and conflict is often reinforced by climate change. In the Sahel for example, as Ms. Diouf, a representative of civil society, pointed out to the Council last month (see S/PV.9322). Or in South Sudan, where persistent flooding is preventing the Mission mandated by the Council from fully accomplishing its task of protecting civilians. The impact of climate change is unprecedented. Our response must therefore be innovative. First, we need to put science and new technologies at the service of conflict prevention. For example, the Climate Risk and Early Warning System initiative, of which the World Meteorological Organization is a key partner, implements early-warning systems. That triggers rapid action ahead of extreme events in vulnerable countries and, thus, represents a concrete contribution to conflict prevention. Another example is the International Organization for Migration’s Displacement Tracking Matrix, which analyses data on displaced populations. Integrating scientific and diplomatic expertise is a strategic approach for Switzerland. In recent years, we have created a centre of expertise in Geneva on the effects of climate change on human security, which benefits the entire United Nations system. Secondly, our collective efforts to build and consolidate peace must also integrate the links between climate change and security. The United Nations Peacebuilding Fund, which Switzerland supports, confirms that need. Lessons to be learned include climate financing in fragile countries, which must reflect local priorities, empower women economically and value the expertise of younger generations. Thirdly, the mandates of the peacekeeping operations must be sensitive to climate risks. Realities on the ground have already prompted some missions to react. Climate and environmental advisers are instrumental in supporting missions with the integration and mitigation of climate risks into their work. The Climate Security Mechanism, a joint initiative of various United Nations actors and programmes, also enables the United Nations to address these risks more systematically. I would like to highlight the role of the Informal Expert Group on Climate and Security, which we co-chair with your country, Madam President, and Mozambique. In March, together with Malta, we launched a series of concrete measures on climate, peace and security within the Council. We invite other members to join our efforts. Climate security is one of the cornerstones of stability. We must anchor climate action — not only in 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, but also in the New Agenda for Peace. Inaction is not an option. That is why the Council must act on the complex interplay between climate, peace and security. That is the only way to fulfil its mandate, which is to maintain international peace and security.

I would like to begin by thanking the briefers for their comments and remarks on this important subject. As a responsible actor historically engaged in multilateralism and the sustainable development agenda, Brazil will always act in a constructive and consistent way, promoting concerted solutions to the major challenges faced by the international community. Climate change is unequivocally one of the greatest challenges to humankind. Without an effective and consistent response, we will not be able to address its root causes and adverse impacts on our societies. As a token of our firm, renewed and reinvigorated commitment to tackling climate change, last November, during the twenty-seventh session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP27), then President-elect Lula presented Brazil’s pledge to host COP30 in 2025 in the Brazilian Amazon region. We are grateful for the recent endorsement and support of all the countries of the Group of Latin American and Caribbean States in that regard. We are honoured by the trust placed in Brazil and will dedicate ourselves with the highest sense of priority to promoting a COP 30 that will contribute to a decisive advancement of the climate change regime. We also look forward to COP28, to be held in Dubai later this year. We expect to have a meaningful discussion on climate change under the existing formal tracks of the multilateral climate change regime. The global stocktake to take place during COP28 will be a pivotal moment in our common efforts to combat climate change. It will point out advances and identify key implementation gaps in the regime, particularly regarding climate financing. We are convinced that the global stocktake will be fundamental for the future of the climate change regime and for a successful COP 30, to take place two years from now. The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Paris Agreement on climate change are the most appropriate forums for discussing the global response to climate change. We believe that a thematic and cross-cutting discussion of this topic within the context of the Security Council is neither productive nor effective. It brings up a very serious and potentially unsolvable problem regarding the encroachment of the Council into themes typically addressed by the UNFCCC and the United Nations development pillar. The Security Council, when performing its functions, may and should contribute in that regard by supporting the efforts of host countries on the ground, at their request, to increase local resilience and build capacities. That does not mean that the Council has or should have a mandate to thematically and systematically address climate change. Let us not forget that, according to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), which is our multilateral body responsible for climate change science, the influence of climate on conflicts is assessed as “relatively weak” when compared to other socioeconomic factors. The IPCC also stresses that vulnerability to climate change is higher in locations with poverty, governance challenges and limited access to basic services and resources, and that “development challenges causing high vulnerability are influenced by historical and ongoing patterns of inequity, such as colonialism”. Not only does the Security Council lack the necessary legitimacy to address climate change in a consistent, comprehensive and meaningful way, it also lacks the adequate tools to do so. The UNFCCC and the development pillar of the United Nations already have the proper tools and mechanisms to address the underlying development challenges and to reduce vulnerability to climate change in fragile contexts. We must recall the commitment to addressing the root causes of climate change, including, in particular, the transitions towards low-emission energy systems. To effectively fight climate change, we all need, in the first place, to reduce fossil-fuel burning. Throughout our history, carbon emission has happened mostly in developed countries, not in conflict zones. The Council does not have the appropriate tools, for instance, to tackle the key issue of the provision of climate financing and means of implementation of our collective mitigation and adaptation efforts. The amount necessary to match the needs and priorities of developing countries to combat climate change, according to the UNFCCC’s first needs assessment report, ranges from $5.8 to $11.5 trillion by 2030. If climate change is really a priority for those countries, we need to see concrete and meaningful progress in that regard in the proper forums. The provision and mobilization of new, predictable, additional and adequate resources is the urgent need of the hour for developing countries. The multilateral climate change regime, grounded on the UNFCCC, its Kyoto Protocol and its Paris Agreement, is, for good reasons, already based on a number of principles that ensure balance, transparency and inclusivity, with decisions based on the consensus of all countries as parties to the Convention. Nothing could be further from the reality of the Security Council, which is a body that operates and is structured in a fundamentally different way. The suggestion for the Council to improve its transparency and inclusivity by actively engaging non-Council members and a wide array of stakeholders in discussions on climate, peace and security, while well-intentioned, is not going to fix that. The Security Council urgently needs a profound reform, precisely because it is unbalanced, opaque and non-inclusive. Cosmetic, superficial changes of an ad hoc nature will not turn the Security Council into an inclusive body. Moreover, the views of developing countries, which are the most affected by the adverse impacts of global warming, are not adequately represented. The IPCC indicates, for instance, that the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean will potentially be some of the most affected by the changing climate. However, our region is largely underrepresented in the Council. In conclusion, adding the issue of climate change only overburdens the mandates of missions authorized by the Council, in a scenario in which many are already under serious pressure due to the overstretching of their multidimensional roles. The treatment of the issue in appropriate forums, and above all the delivery of financial commitments under the Paris Agreement, could certainly have a more tangible impact on the ground.

We are grateful to the United Arab Emirates for focusing the Council’s attention on this subject today. I also thank Under- Secretary-General Lacroix, former President Santos Calderón and Ms. Kadry for their important briefings. There has been some progress since the United Kingdom first brought the issue of climate security to the Council in 2007 (see S/PV.5663). But as the implications of climate change are increasingly being integrated into our work on conflict, peace and security, the physical effects and cascading risks of climate change are increasingly being felt across the world and are exacerbating pre-existing fragilities. The link to international peace and security is clear and has been powerfully detailed today by Ministers from Africa and the Middle East — regions that are the focus of the majority of our work in the Council. We need urgent, coordinated global action now to address the threats. Let me highlight three issues that are priorities for the United Kingdom. The first is the need to increase and improve access to financing for the countries most affected by climate change, as Mr. Kerry highlighted so powerfully just now. We are working to reform the international financial system and scale up public and private financing for climate resilience and sustainable peace, including for countries on the Council’s agenda. Regional risk pools founded by the United Kingdom have transferred $1 billion of risk from Africa, with Somalia receiving a first payout from drought insurance this year. In July we will convene events on climate financing in the United Kingdom and here in New York, including for countries with humanitarian needs, to contribute to this theme at the twenty-eighth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. Secondly, we need to ensure that the drivers of conflict are considered within climate interventions. Conflict-sensitive climate adaptation should be part of the solution for destabilized countries. And women, girls and local actors need to be meaningfully included in formal systems and negotiations. Finally, climate and conflict risk reduction and early responses should be integrated into humanitarian, peacebuilding and development programmes, in line with the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction and the Secretary-General’s Early Warnings for All initiative. Reducing risk and the impact of disasters is critical to ensuring continued progress towards the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), especially SDG 13, on climate, and SDG 16, on conflict. The United Nations system is well-positioned to coordinate climate, development, peacebuilding and security efforts. As others have said, climate and peace and security advisers in United Nations missions play an important role. The Council could do more to support that by helping to drive a more coherent and integrated response to stabilization, peacebuilding and climate-resilient development across United Nations activities.

China welcomes you, Madam President, to the Security Council to preside over our meeting. We also thank Under-Secretary-General Jean-Pierre Lacroix, His Excellency Mr. Juan Manuel Santos Calderón and Ms. Salma Kadry for their briefings. The challenges posed by climate change to human life and to the development of all countries are being felt ever more acutely. It is all the more urgent and imperative for the international community to unite and work together to address climate change. China supports the international community’s endeavours in a number of areas — upholding the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) as the main forum for deliberations on climate issues; adhering to the principles of common but differentiated responsibilities, equity and respective capacities; strengthening policy coordination; increasing support for developing countries in terms of financing, technology and capacity-building; fully and effectively implementing the UNFCCC and its Paris Climate Agreement and continuing to make new headway in global climate governance. China supports the important role of the United Nations in addressing climate change and fully supports the United Arab Emirates as host of the twenty-eighth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP28). We believe the upcoming COP28 will produce major positive outcomes with its President, Sultan Al Jaber, at the helm. The linkages between climate and security have been discussed at many meetings of the Council. It is clear that opinion remains divided and further in-depth discussions are needed. On the one hand, in developing countries that lack climate resilience we are seeing a high incidence of extreme weather events and natural disasters that decimate development gains, exacerbate resource shortages and trigger intercommunal and inter-ethnic clashes. On the other hand, when examined from a broader perspective, the connection between climate change and security risks is very complex, and the precise link between the two is not yet fully understood. Just as it is not scientific to deny the existence of a relationship between climate and security, I venture to say that it is equally unscientific to make generalizations about the security implications of climate change by taking the issue out of a specific context. What matters here is doing the right thing with the right approach. That being the case, we are of the view that the Security Council should analyse the dynamics between climate and security by putting the issue in context while taking into account the Council’s own mandate and existing agendas and the resources and means available to it, as well as country-specific situations. We should be problem-oriented, identify the root causes of security risks and develop practical solutions that actually work. Haiti’s recent floods have exacerbated the country’s pre-existing humanitarian woes. There is some connection with climate, but Haiti’s underlying challenges, particularly gang violence and political corruption, have not changed. Iraq is dogged by ecological problems such as water scarcity, drought and desertification, and while of course that has a connection to climate change, Iraq’s main challenge is dealing with the dire consequences of foreign invasion. Years of war and hostilities, including the use of depleted-uranium munitions by external forces, have led to the irreparable degradation of Iraq’s ecosystems, and explosive remnants of war have rendered large areas of land unusable. Merely bringing the climate change perspective to the Council’s work while ignoring those underlying problems will not point us towards the right solutions or produce the desired results. It is also worth considering why the socioeconomic consequences of climate extremes in North America are different from those in the Pacific Islands. It is no secret that there are vast differences between the abilities of various countries to address climate change. Behind and beneath that disparity are major differences in their levels of development. The most conclusive way to stop climate change from becoming a security risk is therefore to take the development approach. That means helping developing countries to bridge the development divide and to enhance their climate resilience and response capacity. In that regard, the Security Council should not become a salon for idle talk, interested only in political correctness. It should be grounded on terra firma and guided by its mandate, making bona fide efforts to help developing countries in a tangible way to address security risks. First, the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Paris Agreement are the most important guiding instruments for addressing climate change. The basic consensus enshrined in the Convention is that developed countries have a historical responsibility to shoulder when it comes to global climate change. It stands to reason that they take the lead in significantly reducing emissions and achieving net-zero or even negative carbon emissions sooner. Unfortunately, since last year, there has been a reversal in the energy policies of some developed countries. Their fossil energy consumption and carbon emissions have increased, not decreased. Those developments are disconcerting. The Security Council should play its role and watch those developments very closely. They also raise a question: if climate change is deemed a potential security threat, does it not follow that negative regressive behaviour in the fulfilment of emissions reduction obligations, including unilateral withdrawal from the Paris Agreement, also constitutes a threat to international peace and security? Can the Council take enforcement measures under the authority of the Charter of the United Nations to redress such negative actions? That calls for and warrants some in-depth contemplation. Secondly, the lack of financing is the biggest bottleneck for global climate governance. Developed countries are in huge arrears on climate financing. The annual shortfall of $100 billion must be made up as soon as possible, and a new quantified collective goal for the post-2025 period set. The twenty-seventh Conference of the Parties to the UNFCCC, held in Sharm El-Sheikh, Egypt, last year, established the loss and damage fund. Developing countries are eagerly awaiting the fund’s early operationalization. The relevant United Nations agencies should do their part to promote the implementation of the fund, including the creation of a mechanism to monitor the implementation of climate financing and to encourage developed countries to genuinely translate political commitments into concrete actions. In order for the Council to play its role, it should pronounce itself strongly in those areas as well. At the same time, the Security Council should stake out its role in that regard through tangible action. As a first step, the Council could consider authorizing its field missions in those countries more heavily affected by climate change and its larger missions to collect information on the host country’s annual receipts of climate financing from developed countries and to inform the Council on a regular basis. It goes without saying that the missions themselves should become benchmarks or, indeed, role models for energy conservation and emissions reduction by doing their part for the climate actions of host countries. Thirdly, green protectionism in developed countries is something we must watch out for. Under the pretext of promoting their own energy transitions, certain countries have invested hundreds of billions of dollars in hefty subsidies for their manufacturing industries through various unfair bills and administrative initiatives, while setting up major trade barriers against the green industries of other countries and blocking developing countries’ access to green technologies. Those acts are a blatant violation of World Trade Organization rules, as they disrupt global green industrial and supply chains, undermine countries’ efforts to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals and run counter to the international community’s collective efforts to address climate change. Those acts have also made certain countries’ bombastic slogans sound hollow, anaemic and hypocritical. If the Council is to do its job properly, it must firmly reject such behaviour and practices. Green protectionism is becoming a ball and chain that shackles developing countries and keeps them at the bottom of the global value chain. Another ball and chain that hamstrings the ability of developing countries to achieve development and maintain stability is none other than illegal unilateral sanctions. Many countries on the receiving end of such sanctions have a very hard time obtaining even the most basic means of livelihood and production, let alone improving their capacity to address climate change. The Council should listen to the voices of the people in the affected countries, take the climate and security risks posed by green protectionism and illegal unilateral sanctions very seriously and have the courage to take targeted measures to uphold equity and justice. Those points illustrate the direction in which the Council should engage in climate change-related issues. The ecological environment is the foundation of human survival and development. China upholds its green development vision, expressed as “limpid waters and forested mountains are the real treasure troves”, and remains firmly on the path towards modernization with Chinese characteristics, with harmonious coexistence between human beings and nature. Over the past decade, China has, with a responsible attitude, matched its commitments with actions, cutting carbon dioxide emissions per unit of gross domestic product by 34.4 per cent, building the world’s largest carbon market and vigorously carrying out reforestation and sand control projects. Our achievements in the field of ecological improvement and environmental protection have impressed the entire world. China is an active player in South-South cooperation on climate change, providing support and assistance to other developing countries, especially small island States, least developed countries and African countries, so they can better address climate change. Our efforts are applauded and lauded by the majority of developing countries. China stands ready to continue working with all parties to promote a fair and just global climate governance system with win-win cooperation, so that together we can build a clean and beautiful planet Earth.

We thank Mr. Jean-Pierre Lacroix, Under-Secretary- General for Peace Operations, Mr. Juan Manuel Santos Calderón, former President of Colombia, Nobel Peace Prize laureate and member of The Elders, and Ms. Salma Kadry, Climate, Peace and Security Expert at the Consortium of International Agricultural Research, for their briefings. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change concluded in its most recent report that human-caused climate change is already affecting many meteorological and climate phenomena, rendering them extreme in all regions of the world and, without a doubt, most severely in the poorest and most vulnerable countries and those in conflict situations. Paradoxically, those countries have contributed the least to climate change. The first time the Security Council discussed the issue was in 2007 (see S/PV.5663), but we have not yet been able to reach a common reading of the subject. However, we have been able to navigate the scenarios that are likely to take into account the adverse effects of climate change as risk multipliers. As recognized in all United Nations forums and international declarations, the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and its Paris Agreement constitute the principal intergovernmental forum for negotiating the global response to climate change, providing the guidance for comprehensive management of the issue. What we are concerned with today is exploring how the Security Council might ensure that climate change does not become a risk multiplier for the conflicts in the countries in which it works. That calls for an objective analysis that both complements and contributes to, but does not duplicate, the roles of the climate architecture and does not disrupt its financing. National ownership is acknowledged as a guiding principle in peacebuilding, and the same principle is the cornerstone of the Paris Agreement. Indeed, the Agreement’s main tool is to channel common efforts in climate action to nationally determined contributions. For that reason, it is crucial to build national capacities for countries in situations of conflict. Peace and security, as well as a reinvigorated rule of law and robust institutions, are all essential in that regard. The Secretary-General has suggested some timely initiatives, such as the Early Warnings for All initiative, which is focused on climate change adaptation, and the Adaptation Fund Climate Innovation Accelerator, which enables the most vulnerable countries to be able to submit financially viable projects to multilateral funds. In addition, the establishment of the loss and damage fund at the twenty-seventh Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change was a milestone which vindicated the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities, and we hope that it will be operationalized as soon as possible. In that connection, one effective way of address­ ing and overcoming the challenges posed by climate change, in particular in countries beset by conflict, would be to crystallize the commitment of developed countries to mobilize $100 billion per year as of 2020 and to channel those funds via the financing mecha­ nisms of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and the Paris Agreement, making them available to develop developing countries, including for those eligible for priority access. The adverse effects of climate change lead to social tensions. They exacerbate, prolong or contribute to the risk of conflict and instability. In global conflict preven­ tion strategies, we must take climate-related security risks into account as a central component. The conse­ quences of prolonged droughts or floods leading to pop­ ulation displacement, food insecurity and public health emergencies are, above all, humanitarian in nature. In that context, special political missions and peace mis­ sions must work hand in hand with United Nations coun­ try and regional offices, which benefit from staff special­ ized in climate change. In that regard, I note the example of the United Na­ tions Office for West Africa, which established, last year, the Regional Working Group on Climate Change, En­ vironment, Security and Development in West Africa. Moreover, we welcome the regional initiatives that have developed specific road maps to address climate change and security, such as, for instance, the African Union and the Pacific Islands Forum. We deem such initiatives to be complementary and positive in the context in which they are applied. Against that backdrop, the only solution is joint cli­ mate action. For that reason, we urge developed coun­ tries to lead the way in reaching net zero greenhouse-gas emissions by 2040. In the same vein, Ecuador supports the holistic integration of climate-related risks, particu­ larly the gender perspective, as one component of the United Nations wide-ranging strategies on the matter. I will conclude by reaffirming that Ecuador sup­ ports a pragmatic and constructive approach in further­ ing analysis into the links between climate and security mentioned by the briefers in this meeting, considering the root causes of conflicts on a case-by-case basis, with a view to strengthening peacebuilding.

We thank Under-Secretary-General Lacroix, President Santos Calderón and Ms. Kadry for their state­ ments. We thank the United Arab Emirates for its assidu­ ous preparatory work in the lead-up to the twenty-eighth session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP28) in Dubai. We believe the discussion of the global issues faced by humankind as a result of the changing climate to be fundamentally important, especially for developing countries. However, we believe that, at the United Nations, we are not stressing enough the crucial role of sustainable development issues in the package of measures for conflict prevention and are instead singling out only climate-related issues from the broader context. Promoting economic growth and social welfare and fighting inequality are key elements to building resilient societies that are able to effectively adapt to climate challenges. Achieving sustainable development without a doubt contributes to eradicating the root causes of conflict. We underscore the importance of the issue of climate financing. We draw the Council’s attention to the fact that developed countries are masters of fuelling alarmism about the climate crisis. It is easy to make such populist statements, but when the discussions at the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) turn to substantive issues about real measures, including financing and technology transfers, concrete adaptation measures and contributing to the new loss and damage fund, all the enthusiasm of donor countries curiously disappears. Instead of merely flooding all possible processes and bodies with that popular agenda, we urge developed countries to first fulfil their obligation to provide financial resources and technology transfers to developing countries to support their climate change adaptation and mitigation efforts. The Honourable John Kerry also spoke about financing. It is the implementation of the decisions to contribute to the loss and damage fund at COP28 that would be a genuine litmus test of the willingness to combat the negative consequences of climate change, not discussions in the Security Council. Yes, in some country-specific and region-specific situations, the climate element can be an additional factor that exacerbates conflict. However, the Russian Federation has consistently maintained that discussing climate change is not part of the Security Council’s mandate and merely detracts attention from the main — often socioeconomic — causes of conflict. The views of various institutions and research centres do have a right to exist. However, we doubt that they have sufficient expertise in the area of assessing the linkage between climate and security. A direct link between the climate agenda and security is not supported by science, as confirmed by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. Incidentally, we would like to recall that climate change on planet Earth has occurred in all periods of its existence, be it in the direction of temperatures increasing or decreasing, with often negative consequences for habitat. The UNFCCC and the Paris Agreement are key mechanisms in the consideration of issues related to climate change and have been effective in bringing countries together to collectively address that global issue. The division of labour enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations must be respected, and the work of those instruments must not be duplicated. We firmly believe that the General Assembly, the Economic and Social Council, the United Nations development system and once again, the UNFCCC and the Paris Agreement, represent reliable platforms for tackling challenges in the area of sustainable development and the environment as a whole. The Russian Federation stands ready to continue proactively engaging with all countries within the aforementioned formats to counter the adverse consequences of climate change.

I offer my thanks to the United Arab Emirates for convening today’s important open debate. I also thank Under-Secretary-General Lacroix, His Excellency President Juan Manuel Santos Calderón and Ms. Kadry for their insightful observations. We remain firm in our belief that climate change is an existential issue that must be tackled in a holistic manner. As the Secretary-General has stated, the climate, peace and security nexus cannot be ignored or underestimated. Indeed, climate change is an aggravating factor for instability, conflict and terrorism. This clearly illustrates how the multidimensional challenges posed by climate change are evident, multifold and far-reaching. Strong scientific evidence shows that if climate-security-related risks are left unchecked, they could lead to devastating consequences. This evidence therefore requires a change in paradigm, where we can no longer treat conflict dynamics and climate fragility on separate tracks. Regions in conflict are often the most climate vulnerable, with instability being further exacerbated by climate shocks. Proof of this is the degradation of agricultural land through flooding and droughts in parts of Africa, and rising sea levels affecting low-lying communities and small island States. Trends of farmer- herder violence, food insecurity, mass displacement and, more broadly, Statehood complications, remain a part of this reality. Women and children are disproportionately affected, with inequalities widened when climate-induced mass displacement increases the risk of early and forced marriage, child recruitment and sexual and gender-based violence and exploitation. Water and energy shortages, further precipitated by environmental hazards from the impacts of chemical weapons and explosive devices, also deepen the burdens on women and girls. United Nations missions should, in carrying out their mandates, scale up their response to climate and environmental consequences, as these affect their operations on the ground. With half of United Nations peace operations located in Africa, and a quarter in the Middle East, these consequences are unquestionable. For example, roads are often becoming inaccessible due to heavy flooding or droughts, which affects missions’ mobility and operations. With this in mind, Malta remains supportive of strengthening the mandates of United Nations missions through climate-related risk assessment and management, complemented by gender- and age-responsive approaches. The deployment of climate, peace and security advisers in the United Nations Assistance Mission in Somalia, the United Nations Mission in South Sudan and the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq is crucial in understanding the interplay with climate in the countries and regions in which they serve. The United Nations climate security mechanism also remains a central tool in our efforts. Malta has kept the climate-peace-security discourse at the heart of its priorities on the Council. Our open debate on sea level rise (see S/PV.9260) held during our presidency is a testament of many delegations’ support for addressing the security challenges posed by climate change. These challenges could have devastating consequences for countries’ infrastructure, livelihoods and security — and their very own existence. The recent Joint Pledges related to Climate, Peace and Security as spearheaded by the United Arab Emirates, together with my own country, Malta, Switzerland, Mozambique and Gabon, are a reflection of our continued commitment towards focusing on climate implications for peace and security. We trust that these Pledges can serve as guidance to present and future Council members in ensuring that this discourse continues. In conclusion, Malta remains convinced that the nexus between climate change, peace and security warrants the attention and action of the Security Council. Having the Council address these issues is in no manner diverting the attention from the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change or other relevant bodies, but rather complements them and reinforces their distinguishable roles.

We thank the United Arab Emirates for calling this meeting as a genuine effort to keep this issue on the Security Council’s agenda and explore concrete ways to contribute to promoting resilience in the face of multiple vulnerabilities and growing humanitarian needs and security threats caused by climate change. I thank Under-Secretary-General Lacroix, President Santos Calderón and Ms. Kadry for their briefings. Last week, heavy and dangerous smoke from Canadian forest fires was all over the city and the east coast. It alerted us to the connection between climate change and the increased number and severity of wildfires worldwide, one of the consequences of the climate breaking down. Millions of people are already suffering the devastating consequences of climate change, with floods, droughts and suffocating heat. Last year, which ranked among the hottest on record, the World Health Organization estimated that Europe, one of the most developed parts of the world, saw 15,000 heat- related deaths, compared to 6,701 deaths globally from terrorist attacks. Millions across the globe lose their lives. Climate change is already causing famine, displacement, unrest and instability. It can exacerbate grievances and increase the risk of insecurity and violent conflict when its impacts interact with social, political and economic stresses to compound vulnerabilities. In this Chamber, we are used to discussing a range of threats in different countries and various parts of the world. Yet climate change is the most existential threat to our continued existence on this planet. It is already hitting some regions hard, but it does not stop at any border, and it will not spare any corner of the world. Despite the warning bells incessantly ringing, there is not yet agreement on the need for the Security Council to address climate change and its impact on our security. This is not a mere environmental problem, nor is it simply a development issue. Science tells us that this is not a recurring hazard. We humans, thanks to our behaviour, are to blame. It is a profound and dangerous disruption with serious security implications, and it generates consequences that reach to the very heart of the security agenda. Rising sea levels, desertification and extreme weather events can displace large numbers of people from their homes. This can lead to increased migration, both within countries and across borders, straining social and political systems. Let us not forget: an increase of less than two feet in sea level alone would put at risk the very survival of populations on many Pacific islands. Climate change can contribute to political instability and conflict. In regions already struggling with poverty, weak governance and ethnic tensions, climate-related impacts can amplify existing grievances. Disruption of livelihoods, water scarcity and food insecurity can fuel social unrest and increase the risk of violence and terrorism. The very nature of the interconnected world means that events in one region have the potential to affect others. The Security Council cannot remain indifferent to the security implications of climate. Failing to recognize the profoundly disruptive effect of climate on the security landscape will not be the solution, and ignoring this existential threat should not be the way ahead. For us, there is no doubt that it is an acute matter of collective security in a fragile and increasingly interdependent world, including, as we heard, for the United Nations peacekeeping operations, which remain underprepared and ill-equipped in the face of growing challenges. I would like also to underline the disproportional impact that climate change has on women and girls in conflict zones and beyond. Climate and environmental action and disaster risk reduction need to be gender- responsive, value and promote women, girls and youth as agents of change, and directly address the risks they face. In that spirit, Albania joined the statement presented this morning by the representative of the United Arab Emirates on joint pledges on climate, peace and security, on behalf of the United Arab Emirates, Switzerland, Gabon, Malta and Mozambique. The goals have been set and the road map is clear: the world must remain united in efforts to reduce carbon emissions; we need to reach carbon neutrality by 2050; we need to limit temperature rise to 1.5°C; we need to increase funding. That is the path. That is our lifeline. The urgency of the climate crisis demands that we unite around a common cause, transcending political divisions and partisan differences. The risks posed by climate change to peace and security, prosperity and well-being are multiple, and the magnitude and immediacy of the challenges require action now. As Secretary Kerry said earlier, in clear terms, it is about keeping promises, with everyone doing their part. We may choose to continue debating among ourselves, kicking the can down the road, but the price we will pay will only be higher, especially for our children and the generations to come.

I would like to thank the Under-Secretary-General, President Santos Calderón and Ms. Kadry for their briefings. It has been said time and again — climate change is an aggravating factor in a context of fragility. Of the 20 countries most affected by conflict, 12 are among the most vulnerable to climate change. And those countries regularly alert us to the impact of climate change on their security. Yet we are still a long way from the goal we set ourselves in 2009, in General Assembly resolution 63/281, which called on the United Nations to redouble efforts to address the impact of climate change on international peace and security. It is no longer the time for words, but for action, especially in this forum. That requires the full mobilization of the Council. It must be in a position to better assess, anticipate and prevent the impact of climate change on international peace and security and to draw all the relevant conclusions so that the United Nations can take action on the ground. I would therefore like to make three proposals. First, the Council must be informed in detail about the impact of climate crises in the most vulnerable regions. We therefore call on the Special Representatives to provide us with precise information during their briefings and to present recommendations for targeted action for certain areas, in particular Africa, where ambitious initiatives such as the Great Green Wall are taking shape. Secondly, our Council must place greater emphasis on risk prevention. We must strengthen the mandates of United Nations missions so that they can support the most vulnerable countries in risk assessment and management. Missions must also be encouraged to identify concrete actions, as the Special Representative for South Sudan has done, for example, by proposing to make the Nile a demilitarized route and a common asset. Thirdly, we must continue to support the work of the United Nations on the ground. The climate, peace and security advisers deployed to United Nations missions play a particularly useful role. They help countries build their capacity to assess and manage risks and work to strengthen partnerships with local and regional players. France is mobilized to that end, particularly in support of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq. Other European countries are also mobilized. We must all work together in that direction. We also encourage the United Nations, in conjunction with troop-contributing countries, to pursue the implementation of environmental strategies within the peacekeeping operations themselves, including through the mobilization of renewable energy. We call on Member States to join the collective effort by signing up to the Climate Security Mechanism, whose aim is to help integrate the impact of climate change when addressing peace and security issues. France is committed to that through its co-presidency, together with Germany, of the Mechanism’s steering committee. We must therefore act together, without delay, in those three directions. The planet will not wait for us.

I thank the United Arab Emirates for holding this important open debate. I also thank Under-Secretary-General Lacroix, former President Santos Calderón and Ms. Kadry for their valuable inputs. Climate change is an imminent and critical threat to all countries in various ways. For instance, climate-change-induced sea level rise threatens the very existence of small island developing States. In Africa, mass flooding, droughts, desertification and land degradation, to name a few, trigger and exacerbate conflicts, as the Council has recognized. Whatever the impacts are, climate change multiplies the risk of conflicts and those conflicts, in turn, make States more vulnerable to the adverse impacts of climate change. Japan believes that in order to break that vicious cycle, the Security Council should squarely address climate security. Mitigation and adaptation are the main actions to be taken in order to help reduce risk and break the vicious chain reaction. Enhancing the resilience of countries and thereby accelerating robust development in the long run is key. The Council must coordinate and cooperate holistically with all stakeholders in the United Nations system and beyond, such as the Peacebuilding Commission (PBC), the Economic and Social Council, Resident Coordinators and international financial institutions. In particular, Japan has consistently called for greater communication between the Council and the PBC. Japan also believes that the Council should deepen discussions on the rule of law, as it ensures transparency and fairness among people and communities. Taking sea level rise as an example, legal stability and predictability are the necessary foundation, especially for small island developing States (SIDS) and African coastal States that are exposed to various uncertainties due to sea level rise. In that context, as Prime Minister Kishida articulated in the new plan for a free and open Indo-Pacific in March, Japan reiterates its position that it is permissible for coastal countries to preserve the existing baselines and maritime zones established under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, notwithstanding the regression of coastlines caused by climate change. For its part, Japan will continue to assist in strengthening the resilience of climate-vulnerable groups. Under Japan’s presidency, the leaders of the Group of Seven reaffirmed their commitment to mobilize up to $600 billion in financing for quality infrastructure through the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment to tackle challenges, including climate change, at the Hiroshima summit last month. Among the various projects implemented under the Partnership, we support capacity-building for SIDS, aimed at improving the resilience of their infrastructure to climate change and disaster risk. The Japan International Cooperation Agency also launched the Facility for Accelerating Climate Change Resilient and Sustainable Society of up to $1.5 billion to finance infrastructure projects by public and private entities that accelerate climate action. In conclusion, as the former President of Colombia pointed out, making peace with and reconciling with nature is an urgent challenge that we all need to address. Strong political will is needed in order to do so, as Ms. Kadry stated. We do not have the luxury of spending our time idly in pointing fingers at others and shifting responsibility to others for whatever motivations. We do not have the luxury of spending our time idly in questioning scientific evidence that prove a 100 per cent causal correlation between climate and security, while damage is currently being done on the ground. Japan reiterates its commitment to continue and intensify efforts to counter this global challenge, in cooperation with the United Nations, its Member States, international institutions and other stakeholders, including civil society.

I now call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade of Hungary.

First of all, I would like to begin by expressing our appreciation and great respect for the United Arab Emirates, not only for convening today’s important meeting on the very pressing matter of the relationship between peace and security and environmental issues, but also because the United Arab Emirates has been strengthening the global pro-peace majority and its pro-peace stance and efforts to keep the channels of communication open. That is highly significant from the perspective of my country, which is located close to an ongoing war. It is a regional war, but one with global effects and where the threat of escalation increases with each passing day. And the longer the war lasts, the more people will die. We are living in the neighbourhood of that war, and we all know that if there is an escalation, it will happen in the geographic neighbourhood first, not thousands of kilometres away. I am also speaking on behalf of a nation some of whose members are dying in this war, and we do not want more to die in this conflict. We therefore believe that the goal and duty of the international community should be to save people’s lives, and the only way to do that is through peace, which means ending the war. Hungary therefore urges for an immediate ceasefire, because that would give peace talks a chance to be established, and with peace talks there is hope for a peace deal to be made. We are all certain that there are no solutions on the battleground for any wars, including the one in our neighbourhood, because battlegrounds produce only casualties and dead people. The solution must always come from the negotiating table. That is why we appreciate all the efforts of all those nations, including your country, Mr. President, that are ready to speak up for peace. We also have to understand, unfortunately, that the rhetoric of war is currently louder than the rhetoric of peace, although I still believe that the global majority would like to see peace. That is why it is time to speak up and to be louder, so that the global pro-peace majority can be heard loud and clear. Even before the war in our neighbourhood broke out in February 2022, we were already living in an age of pressing threats and danger resulting from accelerated climate change, the growing issue of migration and the most serious threat of terror the world has ever seen. And all three have created a vicious circle. Now, on top of those threats  — climate change, terror and migration  — the war has created another terrible vicious cycle. As a result of the war, grain exports from the countries at war have fallen, destabilizing already fragile regions where an insecure food supply has opened up the space for extreme ideologies. And when extremist ideologies are proliferating, the threat of terror increases. As a result, we are now facing the most serious threat of terror ever, globally speaking. That is one of the major root causes of migration, and we all know that massive migratory waves give terrorists a chance to hide in those waves and perpetrate attacks all over the world. We in my country know that all too well, given our very particular geographic location. Our neighbour to the east is Ukraine, where the war is ongoing, and more than a million refugees have come from there so far. And our southern border is basically the end of the Western Balkan migration route, which is currently the most active such route, globally speaking. We had to stop 270,000 illegal migrants there last year. Unfortunately, the war can cause very serious natural disasters as well. Every day the war continues increases the chances for other natural disasters to occur. We all know that Europe’s biggest nuclear power plant is now operating in very risky circumstances. That fuels negative discrimination and ideological attacks against nuclear power, which is factually a clean, safe and sustainable way of generating electricity. And without nuclear power, it is obvious that our fight against climate change and in favour of protecting the environment has no chance of succeeding. In conclusion, the war in Ukraine, the increasing migratory pressure, the most serious threat of terror the world has ever seen and the huge challenges ahead regarding the struggle to protect the environment and counter global climate change create a terrible vicious circle. The international community should unite its efforts to break that vicious circle. If we are not able to do so, we may very easily end up in a crisis that will be totally insoluble. I once again thank you and your Government, Mr. President, and especially your Foreign Minister, for convening today’s open debate of the Security Council on a very important and pressing matter.

I now give the floor to the representative of Canada.

I am honoured to address the Security Council on behalf of Australia, Canada and New Zealand on the serious matter of climate change and its current and projected impacts on global peace and security. On behalf of our three Governments, I would like to take this opportunity to reiterate our commitment to constructive and collaborative engagement with the United Arab Emirates in its role as President of the twenty-eighth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP28). We share a firm commitment to multilateral engagement and the rules-based international order, and we really look forward to continuing to work with the United Arab Emirates to ensure a successful outcome at COP28. Climate change will bring unprecedented challenges to our security as nations, communities and individuals. No nation in the world is immune to the consequences of climate change. Climate-related disasters are becoming more frequent and increasing in intensity over time. Those and other indirect impacts will affect Member States’ security interests in many ways, some of which we do not yet fully understand. We do recognize, however, that climate change is a threat multiplier, aggravating pre-existing security risks. Rising sea levels, polar warming and increasingly unpredictable weather cannot be separated from their security implications. We have seen that in the Sahel, for example, where the additional stresses on resources exacerbate existing tensions and conflicts. To respond to the evolving challenges created by climate change, we collectively need to better assess and understand its security implications, including how it affects fragile and conflict-affected States and sustainable peacekeeping and its specific impacts on women, young people and indigenous persons. Valuable lessons have been recorded already in some United Nations peace operations, but those are valuable only if we can share them. Similarly, successes in the areas of women and peace and security and youth and peace and security may have to be adapted to combat specific climate-change effects. The Council should keep pushing to improve the integration of climate risks into peacekeeping mandates and practices. The United Nations also needs to measure and assess how various forms of assistance and intervention, such as supporting adaptation and resilience, affect security outcomes. We should exchange best practices and policy interventions through multilateral platforms such as the Climate Security Mechanism, the Peacebuilding Fund and the Climate for Peace Initiative, spearheaded by Germany and the Group of Seven. Building understanding, sharing such lessons learned and adjusting our actions accordingly should be a continual process, one that will help us to ensure that the right preventive measures are taken today for better peace and security outcomes tomorrow. That is why Canada, along with fellow NATO allies, will be establishing a new Climate Change and Security Centre of Excellence in Montreal in 2023 to better understand and address the security challenges associated with climate change. Canada, and 11 other founding NATO nations of the Centre of Excellence, approach the launch of the new Centre as a unique and innovative opportunity for NATO and its allies to help break down the silos on climate action across the international peace and security-development- humanitarian nexus. We strongly believe that the Centre will provide a new platform for the improved coordination of efforts across that triple nexus, aimed at better addressing climate vulnerability and increasing resilience in the countries most affected by climate change. Australia is committed to strengthening its engagement with Indo-Pacific countries to promote climate change cooperation, security, good governance, disaster management, health and resiliency. For example, the Australia Pacific Climate Partnership supports Australian aid investments across the Pacific to be climate- and disaster-risk-informed, and in partnership with UN-Women, the Women’s Resilience to Disasters programme supports women’s leadership in climate and disaster-reduction efforts. New Zealand is committed to supporting the Pacific in building resilience and improving security in the face of climate change. New Zealand’s International Climate Finance Strategy — Tuia te Waka a Kiwa — guides the delivery of New Zealand’s $1.3 billion international climate financing commitment for 2022 to 2025. At least 50 per cent of the commitment will support Pacific island countries, and at least 50 per cent will target adaptation. New Zealand’s climate financing initiatives will enhance resilience and adaptation to the impacts of climate change, promote ambitious mitigation action and improve institutional capability for evidence-based decision-making. In addition, since 2018, New Zealand’s defence policy has formally recognized the importance of climate change as one of the two most significant long-term trends affecting New Zealand’s security. Faced with the common threat to humankind that climate change presents, we must strengthen cooperation as never before if we are to keep our populations safe and secure. Success will require transformative change in our institutions, including humanitarian, development, peacebuilding, defence and security commitments. It will require considerable investments, focused leadership and, finally, true dedication to cooperative action. I hope that this discussion pushes us all to adopt this common outlook and join the fight against this unprecedented challenge.

I now give the floor to the representative of Egypt.

At the outset, I would like to congratulate you, Mr. President, on behalf of the Group of Arab States in New York, on presiding over the Security Council for the current month. I would also like to express my appreciation to the delegation of the sisterly United Arab Emirates for convening this open debate and well representing Arab interests in the Council. I would also like to thank the briefers, Mr. Jean-Pierre Lacroix, Under-Secretary- General for Peace Operations; Mr. Juan Manuel Santos Calderón, former President of Colombia; and our colleague Ms. Salma Kadry, Climate, Peace and Security Expert at the Consortium on International Agricultural Research. Climate change is one of the major dangers facing our world today. Reports indicate that climate change increases conflict-related tensions. The international community must comprehensively address climate change, including through the peace and security nexus, as the negative consequences of climate change fuel conflicts and disputes. It results in increased numbers of displaced people in many regions, such as the Sahel, the Horn of Africa and Darfur, owing to competition over natural resources, periods of drought and water scarcity, which has an impact on the security and stability of both the Arab and African regions. The Arab Group stresses the importance of promoting joint international action to address such challenges. In that regard, I would like to note the following. First, reports by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) indicate that the developing countries are more vulnerable to the negative consequences of climate change. That includes drought, water scarcity, sea level rise, desertification, biodiversity loss and forest fires. It is worth mentioning that nearly 2.5 billion people worldwide are currently suffering from water scarcity. That figure is expected to double by 2050. Around 90 per cent of the citizens in Arab countries suffer from water scarcity, adding increased tensions on Arab water security. It is also a challenge to ensuring Arab food security. Secondly, the Standing Committee on Finance of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) indicates that developing countries need around $5.6 trillion to implement their nationally determined contributions by 2030. Thirdly, reports by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development also note that the cost of adaptation projects in developing countries will amount to approximately $300 billion by 2030. The Arab Group underlines that addressing the root causes of climate change and adaptation, with its catastrophic consequences, will strongly contribute to reducing peace and security challenges, especially those that will be resulting from climate change. That cannot be achieved unless developed countries meet their financial obligations to developing countries in line with the UNFCCC, especially meeting the $100 billion annual target. Concessional financing must be part and parcel of the financial tools provided to developing countries. Another $100 billion by 2025 must remain a priority that we all work together to achieve. We support the Secretary-General’s calls to allocate 50 per cent of climate financing for adaptation and resilience. That would help us to address the destructive impact of. Climate change, The Arab Group supports international efforts to curb the dangers of climate change. That was exemplified when the city of Sharm El-Sheikh hosted the twenty-seventh Conference of the Parties to the UNFCCC (COP27) in 2022. The conference succeeded in reaching important outcomes that meet developing countries aspirations, especially the historical decision to establish the loss and damage fund on climate change. The United Arab Emirates will host COP28 in Dubai this year. The Arab Group looks forward to the conference adopting resolutions that respond to the negative consequences of climate change. The Arab Group commends the close cooperation between the presidencies of Egypt and the United Arab Emirates to ensure a smooth transfer of responsibilities. We also commend all relevant initiatives, especially by the sisterly Kingdom of Saudi Arabia on a green Middle East, as well as the Egyptian presidency’s COP27 initiative on climate responses aimed at sustaining peace and development, in line with the principle of national ownership and specificities. The Arab Group stresses the importance of addressing the climate change issue in a comprehensive manner that identifies radical solutions to this existential challenge. We will effectively engage in all international meetings and forums to contribute to addressing those challenges and ensure the achievement sustainable development, peace, stability and prosperity for all countries.

I now give the floor to the representative of Germany.

It is my honour to deliver this statement on behalf of the Group of Friends on Climate and Security, a broad and diverse group comprising 66 members from all regions of the world. The Group of Friends is united by a common concern, that is, climate change is the defining challenge of our time. It increasingly threatens livelihoods and ecosystems, sustainable development, prosperity and stability, thereby posing a serious challenge to peace and human security. We are therefore grateful to the United Arab Emirates for convening today’s important and timely debate. As we speak, our colleagues in the global community have been gathering in Bonn, preparing for the negotiations of the twenty-eighth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP28) with a view to reaching much-needed substantive results in the fight against the climate crisis. For COP28 in Dubai to be a success and take bold measures to limit global warming, it is critical that we all raise our ambitions on climate action to achieve the objectives set out in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and the Paris Agreement. Staying within the 1.5°C limit is critical. In addition, minimizing future warming will reduce the risk of triggering tipping points and associated challenges. But that reflects only part of the challenge ahead of us. We must admit that we can no longer prevent all the negative effects of climate change. Especially in fragile contexts, those impacts act as risk multipliers. That is why we must also invest in adaptation measures to build resilience in times of climate change. The entire United Nations system should address that complex challenge in all relevant forums and within all relevant mandates, and the Organization is already doing important work in that regard. The Climate Security Mechanism is a prime example of inter-agency cooperation, strengthening the capacity of the United Nations system to analyse and address the adverse effects of climate change on peace and security. We encourage all Member States to continue to support and engage with the Mechanism. Recent meetings of the Peacebuilding Commission (PBC) on specific regional contexts where climate change has a direct impact on security and stability, such as the Pacific Islands, the Sahel and Central Asia, are very encouraging, because the discussions have been launched at the initiative of the countries affected and have raised challenges and opportunities reflective of their lived reality. The Security Council’s work would benefit greatly from considering the findings of those and future PBC meetings on the issue, and the Council could receive them through the Commission’s written advice. The Security Council has a crucial role to play, given its primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security. The Group of Friends welcomes the progress made in that regard, including through the growing recognition of the effects of climate change when the Council is considering mandates for peacekeeping and special political missions. The Informal Expert Group on Climate and Security, made up of Council members, has proved crucial in informing the Council’s work. The Group of Friends also takes note of the leadership of some of the elected members of the Security Council — Malta, Mozambique, Switzerland and the United Arab Emirates — in developing a joint pledge to consistently address climate and security issues in the Security Council. While those are steps in the right direction, more must be done, including within the Security Council. The Group of Friends has repeatedly called on the Council to create specific tools to enable the United Nations to do its part in preventing and resolving conflicts that are driven at least in part by the effects of climate change. We are calling for concrete, tangible action to be considered. That includes regular reporting by the Secretary-General on the peace and security implications of the adverse effects of climate change and the appointment by the Secretary-General of a special representative for climate, peace and security who could strengthen coordination between the relevant United Nations entities in order to improve the Organization’s ability to address climate-related security risks. Furthermore, the Council should make use of climate-related early-warning systems that also incorporate conflict prevention, mediation and peacebuilding. As appropriate, we should consistently incorporate climate risks into the mandates of all the relevant United Nations peacekeeping and special political missions. Climate and peace and security advisers have proved to be a useful tool, providing informed expertise and advice for holistic solutions. The Council should encourage all United Nations missions, particularly peacekeeping missions, to improve their environmental footprint and increase their environmental management action. There is broad consensus among the States Members of the United Nations that the Security Council should also refer to climate-change-related risks in specific country or regional situations. It is therefore important for the Council to ensure the speedy adoption of presidential statements on the United Nations Regional Office for Central Africa and the United Nations Office for West Africa and the Sahel, which have not been issued since 2019 (S/PRST/2019/10) and 2021 (S/PRST/2021/16), respectively. That also corresponds to the wishes of the countries concerned. An increasing number of countries and communities have been experiencing insecurity and instability as a result of climate change. The Group of Friends urges the Security Council and its members to live up to the requests for action that those countries have made. We stand ready to support all efforts to enhance comprehensive risk assessment, capacity-building and operational responses.

There are still a number of speakers remaining on my list for this meeting. Given the lateness of the hour, with the concurrence of the members of the Council, I intend to suspend the meeting until 3 p.m.