S/PV.936 Security Council

Another requestfor participation in the discussion of the item on the agenda has been received from the representative of Czechoslovakia. If there is no'objection, l shaH invite the representative of Czechoslovakia ta take the place reserved for him in front of the Council table. At the invitation of the President, Mr. Karel Kurka (Czechoslovakia) took the place reserved for him in front of the Council table. 2. Ml'. BENITES VINUEZA (Ecuador) (translated from Spanish): A few days ago, when we were considering the general situation in the Congo (Leopoldville), my delegation stated [932nd meeting] that the imprisonment of the ex-Prime Minister, Patrice Lumumba, and his removal ta Katanga constituted not only a violation of fundamentai human rights, but also an act which was bringing the Congo to the perilous brink of civil war. That situationcould have been saved and solutions found. Now, however, we are faced with the murder of the Congolese leader who, rightly or wrongly, clearly embodied the ideal of African nationalisme This irreversible event changes the picture somewhat and my deiegation ieels compelled to make a new appraisal of the problem. 3. The murder of Patrice Lumumba and of Mr.Okito and Ml'. Mpolo, his associates, is more than a monstrous crime. To paraphrase a saying of Talleyrand, l should say that, in addition to being a crime, it is a piece of stupidity. If, generally speaking, nothing good can come of bloodshed, in the case of the murder of the Congolese leaders, the futility of the crime is combined with the stupidity of placing the Congo in danger of civil war, Ah'ica in danger of division and the world in danger of grave international disturbances. 4. At the present time, we do notbelieve it is possible to identify the murderers. We dobelieve, however, that it is imperative ta find them. If this crime goes unpunished, a wholly unjustifiable precedent will be created, and complete pacification might prove im- 6. My delegation feels thatpremature accusations are as pointless as acrimoniOus recriminations. We cannot stand before a symbolic willing wall or consider it constructive to make the memory of the deadhero the subject of propaganda serving selfish enda. This leads us to consider. one strange conclusion that some have attempted to draw from the regrettable occurrence. l refer to the accusations directed against the Secretary-General. 7. We said earlier that we believed in the fallibility of the Secretary-General and in his human liability to 131'1'01'; but, as we have said before and confirm today, we have no reason at all to question Ml'. Hammarskjold's high moral standards or the integrity of his conduct. We reaffirmthe confidence which our Government has placed in him and we feel it our duty to say that we consider it a most reprehensible injustice to want to put him in the stocks dressed in the livery of a lackey or in the blood-stained trappings of an executioner. 8. Last December we maintained [916thmeeting]that the Security Counci!'s resolution of 14 July 1960 [Si 4387] authorized the Secretary-General onlytoprovide such military and teclmical assistance as might be necessary to uphold the external security ofthe Congo, but not to intervene in its internal affairs or even to maintain law and order, and that no other resolution had broadened that mandate, sinee the General Assembly resolution of 20 September 1960 [resolution 1474 (ES-IV)] merely has the force of arecommendation. 9. The resolution of 22 July 1960 [S/4405], to which the Soviet representative erroneously referredyesterday, does not deal with the powers vested in the Sec1'13- tary-General, but rather constitutes an appeal to Member States to refrain from any action which might tend to impede the restoration of law and order in the Congo. The powers conferred upon the Secretary- General are clearly Inadequate. We cannot, therefore, support the unjust recriminations which have been made, and still less the notion that the Secretariat must perish with Ml.'. Lumumba-as an Indian widow of old was obliged to immolate herself on her husband's funeral pyre. 11. It would seem to he clear that inorder to achieve the recognition of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Congo, it will be necessary: first, to prevent the fragmentation of the Congolese State: this implies a revision of United Nations policy towards the secessionist authorities in Katanga, whose international recognition constitutes a serious threattothe territorial integrity and peace of the Congo; secondly, to appeal to the Member States to refrain, at least for the time being, from recognizing any provincial government as the national government, since this would add to the confusion and to the danger of a civil war fought with international support; and thirdly, to ensure the immediate withdrawal of Belgian military and paramilitary personnel and political advisers, in accordance With the previous resolutions ofthe United Nations. We do not beliove that grounds existfor condemning the Belgian Government; but we cannot say the same for the international industrial consortia, whose profit-seeking interests require the establishment at all costs of an oppressive neo-colonialism. 12. To achieve the second objective-the political unification of the Congo-thefollowing measures would seem to be necessary. In the first place, it should be recognized as an objectively incontrovertible factthat there does not existinthe Congo a Central Government exercising effectiVe control over all the territory of the State. In order to prevent the disintegration of the Congo, it would seem that the United Nations has to create a peaceful atmosphere conducivetothe free play of representative parliamentaryinstitutions.Secondly, it would seem that energetic action should be taken by the Un~ted NatioD.<J in order toprevent clashes between the armed factions, an in:.plicit condition for which would be the need to disarm them and to prevent any unilateral foreign aid from reaching any provincial government claiming national hegemnny. 13. There is undeniable disagreement on these specific points with regard to methods, but we believe it can be overcome. Ml'. Stevenson's statement [934th meeting] to the effect that the new United States Government is willing to use its influence to bring about pacification and its appeal to the other Powers to do the SIP<$ gives us groundsfor hope. Peace in the Congo, whicn means peace in Africa, can be achieved only thrcugh international co-operation, which, inturn, can only be achieved through the United Nations. Anything which tends to diminishthe authority ofits organs conspires against peace. And love of peace must be shown in practical accomplishments, not inoratorical fireworks. Suffering and bloodshed cannot become a theme for blustering propaganda. This would be, as 14. Ml'. DIALLO Telli (Guinea) (translated from French): We deeply regret that because of the sudden adjournment of the Security Councilmeeting on Monday morning [933rd meeting], certain delegations were not able immediately and solemnly to explain the position of their Governments on the announcement of the foul murder of Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba, of the President of the Senate, Joseph Okito, and of the Minister for Youth, Maurice Mpolo. 15. You will remember that, on 7 February [931st meeting], the Guinean delegation had occasion to give the Council a complete analysis of the situation in the Congo, to warn the colonialists and their allies concerning the criminal plots which they were overtly hatching, and to make specific proposals in order to save not only the Congo, but also Africa, the United Nations and international peace. The serious events which have taken place sincethen, entirelytransforming the picture of the Congocrisis,provethat we were not heeded and that our canse, the cause of freedom. has been betrayed. Africa takes note ofthefacto It will react and face its historic responsibilities withhonour and dignity. 16. Now that the official announcement of this triple murder, a further addition to a list, stretching over eighty years, of crimes committed by the Belgian colonialists in the Congo, confirms aIl our fears, let us pay a tribute, on behalf of the people and Government of the Republic of Guinea, and of its President, Ml'. Sekou Tou.ré, sharing, as we do to the fullest extent, the ideas and feelings of all awakened Africa .and of aU justice-. and freedom-loving peoples,. to the memory of our brothers who, true to their ideals, preferred death on the field of honour to the betrayal of their people and.their country. 17. And, at the same time, we canonlydenounce with indignation all those who are guilty of this crime. Its repercussions may well undermine not onlythepresent situation in the Congo, but alsopeaceinAfrica and the world, and it clearly affects the very existence of the United Nations. 18. In the same statement in the Security Council on 7 February, we named those whomtheAfricanpeoples held personally responsible for the lives of Patrice Lumumba and his companions. For us there canbe no doubt: the crime bears the unmistakable mark of all those who are trying tohidebehindthe African puppets of Leopoldville and Elisabethville. These are, first of all, King Baudouin and the Belgian Government at all levels; the Heads of State of the colonial Powers and their African henchmen, and more particularly the French Government, which, on the eve of the Congo's independence, did not hesitate to arrogate to itself an incredible right to seize the country, and which has played, and is still playing, so sinister a part in every aspect of the Congo crisis; the leaders of the NATO Powers, without whose aid and support little Belgium would never have dared so openly to defy African and international opinion; such men as Kasa-Vubu, Tshombé. Mobutu, Bomboko, Kalonji and all those who bear, before Africa and before history, the unenviable and heavy responsibility for carrying out in the Congo the plan of the enemies of African emancipation; and, 19. We African nationallsts will remain true and grateflù to our brothers, Patri.ce Lmlllunba iUld those who shared his fate. Theil' life, their faith, their struggle and their supreme sacrIfice are 1l0W ~Ul integral p~u't of our national heritage, about which the younger generations ofAfricawillleU.l'nin our schol)ls. The story of Patrice Lumumba's stirl'ing life alld martyrdom. will, iùas, be linked etermùly to the failure of the United Nations, which he, in tùl good faith, had callcd to his help, iUlc1 whose representativos had a hand in his ll1urder. The fOlÙ lllurder of our 11eroes in Belgian prisons in Katanga will go down in history as one of the most sluuneful deeds ofthe colol1ial system, but theÎl' sacrifice will be one of the Hnest and noblest pages in the Africml epic, glorifying the story of our cOntinent's struggle for liberation. 20. As for the executioners who U.l'e rubbing their hands in Brussels, PU.l'is, London, NewYo:rkmldelsewhere, and their African agents in X,dopoldville, Brazzaville mlel Elisabethville, we solemnly declU.l'e what they already k-now: they will never evade the inevitable and pitiless verdict of the peoples of the Congo mld of all Africa. Africa, convinceel of the justness mld nobility of the cause for which it fights, will seek no vengemlce. However, it will sterlùy demmld justice, flùl justice, for all the guilty. 21. In this COlmcil, on 7 FebruU.l'Y, the Guinean delegation pointed out, with irl'efutable supporting evidence, that the colonial Holy Allia.nce wus inflùl swing in the Congo. The tragic events of the last few da.ys eloquently confirm this statement. l must mention the following distnrbing coincidences that occurreddlU'ing· the saIlle week: first, the illegal setting up at Leopoldville of a so-called provisiomù Goverl1lnent- SOIlle members of which, disgusted by all the co- 10niaUst intrig1les, immediately refused categorimùly to sit in this ghost cabinet-which represents nothing more than the interests of the foreign oppressor, and in which it woulel be useless toplace the slightest hope, because nothing can be built on such a nonentity; secondly, the journey to Katanga, where Tshombé presumably summoned him to contribute his assistance and his p1'ayers, of Abbé Ftùbert Youlou, who, with the French Goverllment's support, is playing the sorry l'ole of Arrican leader of the team directly and especially interested in the collapse of the Congo; tllil'dly, the machinations of certain States of the French Commwlity which, wittingly or lIDwittingly, helped to carry out the colonialist plan to nmrder the Congolese patriots, who are still their brothers, by asldng the Security COlUlcil to postpone any decision so tllat-as we now, alas, know-the instigators in Paris and Brussels could carry out their foul mission; fourthly, the simtùtaneous movements tOWU.l'ds Kivu, northern Katang'a and Oriental province of the gangs of Mobutu, Kalonji and Tshombé, instigated, led and co-ordinated by a Franco-Belgian general staff, for the insane purpose of mounting a combined attack on the provinces and regions controlled by the oilly legal Government of tlle Republic of the Cong'o, the Government headed by Antoine Gizengaj fifthly and lastly, tlle horrifying news of the murder of the Congolese 22. The succession of these varied events in the SaIlle weekis eloquent proof of the existence of a concerted plan of the colonial Powers in the Congo. In the circumstances there is no need to mal;:e a long inqtùry to determine such obvious guilt, mùess we are cynical enough to entrust the g11ilty parties with the task of unmasking themselves. Over the last few days, there have been too maIlY sordid masquerades and gratuitous e.xhibitions in Katanga for us to forgo denoullcing emphatically those which are being prepared in the United Nations in cOlUlexion with the nmrder of Patrice Lumumba and his compaIlions. They are henceforth everlasting symbols of courage and dig1lity and of the supreme sacrifice, which they made so that an independent and united Africa might live and prosper. 23. Just as yesterday their brothers-in-arms didnot weep for Ruben Um Nyobê aIld Félix Moumié, both basely lllurdered by French colonialists, today the African nationalists will not weep for Patrice Lmlltunba, Joseph Oldto and Maurice Mpolo. Henceforth they all are and always will be an inexhaustible source of inspiration aIld a fine example. Theil' death confirms aIld streng"thens our conviction that the implacable enemies of Africa, of its complete emancipation aIld constructive participation in internationallife, aI'e still the colonialists and all those who directly or iudirectly aid and abet them, shield thern or tolerate their outrageous dernaIlds. 24. Thus it is scarcely surprising that the African peoples demaIld immediate aIld radical action for a satisfactory solution to the Congo crisis. This solution will be neither that of the colonial Powers, nor that of the United Nations, nor even that of the African States, but that which the Congolese people alone chooses, in complete freedom and sovereig1lty, to serve its own interests aIld AfricaIl aIld international solidarity. The delegation of the Republic of Guinea therefore asks that all the criminals, all the known criminals, should be severely punished. It demands the immediate withdrawal from the Congo of all BelgiaIls, aIld all nationals of the colonial Powers, and all military and paramilitary forces. It insists that all the mercenaries who have flocked to the Congo from the dark haunts of racialism, colonialism aIld imperialism be thrown out forthwith. It de:~a.nd.s for the last tirne that legality should be restored and respected in the Congo, since this alone will allow the Gongolese people to choose its institutions in full exercise of !ts sovereig1lty and to appoint those who are to operate them exclusively in the interests of the Congo. 25. Lastly, we expect Ml'. Halllmarskjold to make the honourable aIld dignified gestüre which is called for, after the failure of his mission in the Congo, by the true interests of Africa, of the international Organization and of world peace. "You will understand tlle profound indignation of the people and Government of Guinea at the heinous assassination of Prime Minister Patrice Lumunlba and two of his ministers. This brutal assassination is an eternal stainupontlle UnitedNatlon& and places its Secretary-General in tlle forefront of those who have deliberately chosen to do away witll legali~J in the Congo and witll it all the nationalists that embodied it. You will also understand tllat tllis sorry drama, in which you tookapredominantpart, despite your repeated protestations, dishonours you personally in the eyes of the embitteredpublic of Africa and the world. Now that the curtain hasfallen on tlle first act of your criminal tragedy, it is essential tllat you draw the lesson of universal condemnation from this crime. After this palnful experience, what country can again rely on the United Nations for assistance in solving any of its problems? You ms..y be sure that the sinister metllOd inaugurated in the Congo will not get tlle better of Congolese nationalism or the daily increasing determination of tlle African peoples to free themselves from the imperialism of which tlle United Nations, through its Secretal"Y- General, has made itselfthe docile standard-bearer. Before the bar of history an awakened Africa will know how to assume all its responsibilities. (Signed) Sekou Touré." 27. Lastly, we have just received a new and important statement whichwe think it essentialtobring to the notice of members of the Security COlmcil at once. With your permission, Ml'. President, l shall readout the following message addressed by President Sekou Touré directly to the Secretary-General. Ml'. Ham... marskjold, from Conakry (Republic of Guinea) [Si 4715]: . "Have honour inform you that in face of odious crime against Congolese people and African people represented by murder Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba and his companions Okito and Mpolo, for which present United Nations Secretariat General undoubtedly bears heavy responsibility, Guinean Government, as mark of protest against United Nations betrayal, decides immediate departurefrom its national territory of all experts and advisers placed at its disposal by said Secretariat General. Republic of Guinea, indignant at United Nations action in Congo, calls for collective resignationSecretary- General and his principal colleagues in the United Nations. (Signed) Sekou Touré." 28. This is the courageous, unambiguous andAfrican position of the Government of the Republic of Guinea, which expects every member of the Security Council today, and every Member of the General Assembly and 30. Ml". BERARD (France) (translated fromFrench): 1 shall certainly not do the representative of Guinea the honour of refutingthe insults and slander, as gratuitous as they are ridiculous, inwhich he has allowed himself to indulge. 1 will merely say that when 1 thinl;;: of what he is, of his cultural background, of his fine record, 1 feel sorry for him because he is obliged by his instructions to use such language, which is so alien to his nature and which will certainly not add to his stature.

1 calI on the representative of Guinea. 32. Ml". DIALLO Telli (Guinea) (translated from French): The French representative, in his answer to my statement, tried to bring the discussion down to a personal plane. He may l'est assured that 1 shall not follow him on that plane. 1 shall confine myself to telling him very simply and briefly, but very firmly, that 1 do not deny what 1 am or what 1 have been. 1 am an African nationalist, and 1 think that it is in the interest of all colonial Powers and their peoples to build their relations with Africa on completely new foundations. What 1 can tell the Frenchrepresentative is that the conflict between his country and Africa is not a personal one. 1t is a political conflict, in which his country, in particular, has everything to gain and everything to lose. 33. If 1 may be allowed to offer the French represe!1tative a piece of advice, Iwould tell him that, in his own interest and in the interest of the French people, who remain our friends and whom we shall never confuse with the French Government, it is important that the latter should grant freedom to Algeria, that it should relinquish aH the overseas possessions it has usurped, and that it should put an end, as soon as possible and in the real interest of its people, to the intolerable system of freedom on probation which it is in1posing on so many young African States. Once this is accomplished, he may l'est assured that, so far as co-operation is concerned, he will always find us at the side of the French people. 34. Ml". BERARD (France) (translated from French): 1 have nothing to add to what I have already said.

1 now calI on the representative of Madagascar. 36. Ml". RAKOTOMALALA (Madagascar) (translated from French): First, I would like to thanl;;: you for giving me this opportunity to present Madagascar's point of view in the current debate on the Congo, following upon the cabled request [S/4679] addressed to 38. My Government wishes this preliminary statement to be made tothe Council.Itfully understands, of course, the leading l'ole which the United Nations Charter has assigned to the Security Council and it in no way questions the prerogatives vested init.Nevertheless, it believes that, now that the renewedsession is only a few weeks away, itwouldbe preferable to let the entire international community continue and conclude the discussions already begun in the General Ass embly, so that no one can complain that he was unable ta assume his share of the responsibility. 39. For it is indeed a question of responsibility with which we are dealinghere: responsibilitytothe Congolese people who, seven months ago, turned with confidence and hope to the United Nations for assistance in extricating themselves from a very dangerous situation; responsibility to Africa, which must keep its faith in our Organization intact ifit is to safeguard the independence of its peoples; and, lastly, responsibility toward all mankind which is anxiously wondering whether serious and irremediable trouble is notlikely to break out if anarchy and disorder, wherever they exist, are not rapidly stamped out. 40. So far as the Malagasy Republic is concerned, it intends to follow the fate of the Congo with solicitude, first, because it is concerned about the peace of the world, but also because, as part of Africa, it is aware of its l'ole inpromotingthe great solidaritywhich must unite the peoples of that continent. It was with these feelings that it took part in the conference, held from 15 to 19 December 1960, which brought together in Brazzaville twelve African Republics: Cameroun, Central African Republic, Congo (Brazzaville), Ivor:r Coast, Dahomey, Gabon, Upper Volta, Madagascar, Mauritania, the Niger, Senegal and Chad. Representatives of the various political trends in the Congo (Leopoldville) were also invited to this conference and were heard. 41. At the conclusion of the Brazzaville Conference, certain resolutions were adopted, and l consider it essential to quote from them at length, because it is vitally important that the members of the Security Council should be made familial' withthem justas they may have learnt--and rightly so-from eminent speakers about the proceedings of the Casablanca Conference and of the other meetings which were held during the past few weeks and also dealt with the problem of the Congo. 42. The communiqué issued at the end ofthe Brazzaville Conference began as follows: ftThe undersigned African States and Madagascar, having met •••for the purpose of achieving further along the path of good neighbourliness, culture and 43. The part ofthe communiqué dealingwiththe Congo is as follows: "The undersigned African States and Madagascar welcome the efforts made by the United Nations to save the Congo (Leopoldville) from chaos and anarchy. They address their congratulations to Ml'. Hammarskjold, Secretary-General ofthe United Nations, who, acting in the spirit ofthe Charter, has striven to prevent the extension of the cold war to this part of the continent. "Unfortunately, the rival blocs have tried, and are still trying, to recolonize the Congo (Leopoldville), either directly or indirectly through certainAfrican and Asian States. TheundersignedAfricanStates and Madagascar denounce, before the conscience of the world, this new form of colonialism. "The genuine independence of the Congo (Leopoldville) no doubt requires that the United Nations should continue to provide it with technical assistance but it also requires that the United Nations should not seektosupplantthe Congolese authorities; above all, it requires that no State shouldintervene, through its soldiers or its diplomats, in the domestic affairs of the Congo (Leopoldville). "A political solution of the Congoproblem canonly be found through a round-table conference bringing together the representatives of all parties without exception. If this democratic principle is not observed, there will be nothing but racialism and the cold war." 44. There is no need for me to emphasizehow clearly this declaration is worded. Tt surns up the position which those who participated in the Brazzaville Conference intend to uphold lLnfailingly and unswervingly. It also determines my Government's reaction to each of the solutions which have been or will be proposed in the course of this series of meetings of the Council. 45. To the extent to which these solutions encroach upon the sovereignty of the Congolese State, whichthe whole world has already recognized as independent, my Government will consider them a priori to be incompatible with the Brazzaville decisions. A fortiori, there can be no question of recognizing any Government other than the Leopoldville Government. 46. It is my Government's view that, at the political level, the Congo must freely determine its institutions and choose its leaders. It must be able to administer its own domestic affairs without interference, without any foreign "diktat". 47. Tt was with this in mind that the Brazzaville Conference advised the Congolese leaders, conscious of. the1r duties towards theirstrife-torn country, to 48. Following upon the adoption of this resolution, a round table conference was held at Leopoldville. As a result of the first few meetings, a government was formed. Of course, not all the difficulties w~re overcome and others will no doubt arise,but at least it was proved that that was the rightwaytoproceed-the only way that could lead to the restoration of peace and order. Instead of criticizing, instead of sceptically emphasizing or even exaggerating the difficulties, itis necessary-at least that is the opinion of my Government, and no doubt that of those which met at Brazzaville-to wait patiently until the obstacles are overcome one by one. Any interferencefrom outside during this crucial phase would be a blunder, a naive act, or perhaps, although l for mypart do notwish to entertain the thought, an attempt to torpedo an operation whose ultimate fallure would mean a prolongationand aggravation of disorder. 49. It is not without a feeling of astonishmentthat we hear some people demanding the neutralization and disarming of the Armée nationale congolaise, whenall that is needeçl. in our opinion, would be to reorganize it. First of all, who would dare to take the responsibility for an operation which the Congolese Government opposes and which could therefore only lead to war? It would be an operation in which the United Nations would have to use violence against a neutral country's national army, anarmywhich remains within its own frontiers, which threatens no foreign country and which is committing no breach of international law. Is there a man aware of his responsibility to history who would dare, under such circumstances,to give the United Nations troops the order to fight, to shoot, or perhaps to kill? 50. But we must, above all, examine closely the case of the armed forces whichexist ina part of the country and which have already stated that they do not recognize the authority of the Head of State. They too must be disarmed, but how and by what means? Who would be able to give the assurance thattheyhave really been neutralized and all their arms impounded? It wouldbe clear to all that the proposal to neutralize the Armée nationale congolaise wouldbe tantamountto abandoning the State to anarchy and permitting aimedbands owing no a,J.legiance to the State to become masters of the country. 51. OUr concern derives from other grounds too. Have we not heard here, in regard to certain forces placed at the disposal ofthe United Nations, thattheir Governments have stated that they might in specific cases refuse to carry out orders given bythe United Nations Command if their conscience disapproved? 52. As these Governments have already made known their position as regards some of the matters under dispute, there is a danger that their national forces, once the counterweight of the Armée. nationale congolaise was neutralized, might indulge in political activities, not in accordance with orders given by the United Nations Command but with the particular policies of their Governments. To what new andgrave 53. My Government beseeches you to reflect again on the fate of the wretched Congolese people, who have been plunged in suffering, hunger and misery for the past seven months. 54. We are against injustice and against all acts contrary to fundamental human rights. We bow our heads respectfully in memory of all those who have died during the last fewmonths. Wehopethat the blood which has been shed has notbeen shedin vain, and that the sacrifices of the dead will spare the living from new bloodshed. Let us fervently hope that neither side will indulge in reprisals. 55. We heartily condemn the violence which has been perpetrated against individuals, the murders and assassinations, however they may have been committed, and we hope that the guilty will be punished under the law, no matter how highly placed they may be. There can be no justification for the murder ofMr. Lumumba and his colleagues, and those responsible must be brought to justice. But we must also seek the means of alleviating the hardships of an innocent people, and one means of doing so is to recommend moderation, forgetfulness of the past, and union. 56. The duty of the United Nations is to continue its admirable work of assistance, whatever the difficulties. And the individual duty of our Governments is to stop encouraging division and lendingmoral and, mrre especially, material support to those who,byviolently opposing the Central Government, make the re-establishment of calm and order in the country more difficult. 57. These are, in general terms, the views of my Government which are based on the conclusions (f the Brazzaville Conference. The President of the Malagasy Republic instructed me to state them here with the utmost clarit.y. The unfortunate events of which we have just leal'nt, and which, once again, we heartily deplore, do not change the gist of my statement. 58. We are for maintaining-even increasing-United Nations assistance. We are for safeguardingindependence through a bulwark of international force against aU aggression from outside. But we are against any attempt to impose from outside a decision concerning the domestic affairs of the Congo. 59. Let us all refrain from transforming the Congo into the pretext or testing-groundfor our owndifferences. The Congolese people are suffering. Let us protect them, but let us leave them the proud responsibility of forging their own destiny. 60. My Government wishes to express its full confidence in the Secretary-General, and 1 solemnly declare, on behalf of my Government, that we dissociate ourselves from any action directedagainsthis person or the prestige of his position. 61. Finally, my Government desires to reiterate its faith in the ideals which are the veryfoundation of the United Nations, and its determination to use every means at its disposal to strengthen this Organization, which is the lastbulwark againstwar and without which "Mistakes have been made inthe Congo; butto make a mistake is no dishonour, for orny those who do not act make no mistakes. Dishonour would pA involved orny if the act were deliberate, carried o. v with evil intent. The Secretary-General has orny to demonstrate that this is not so, and l shall not do him the injustice of thinking it." {929th meeting, para. 32.] And later on: "Prime Minister Lumumbaandhis companions are in the hands of irresponsible persons. We hold the Secretary-General personally responsible for Mr. Patrice Lumumba's life. Let him take care, for he will bear a sad reputation in the annals of the United Nations if the head of the Congolese Government is physically destroyed." [Ibid., para. 49.] The last passage l shall refer to was taken from a statement made on. 18 February 1961 by the President of Mali, Mr. Modibo Keita: "A sum of 800,000 Belgian francs (or 4 million francs CFA), to be raised in Paris, wouldbe sent to Brazzaville and thence to Leopoldville on the other bank of the Congo River. Hired killers wouldbe paid out of this first instalment. A second escape by Lumumba would be arranged sothatthe killers could carry out their crime." [Ibid., para. 63.] 63. l repeat, those are passages from my own statement in the Security Council on 2 February 1961. Today l could have revertedtothe first passage l have quoted, analysed it and shown whether or not the Secretary- General's acts or mistakes were attributable to evil intentions, and hence whether, if the acts were deliberate, the Secretary-General was disgraciIig his mandate. l shall not do so at this meeting. 64. l could also have ernarged upon the second quotation, which (;oncerns the murder of Mr. Patrice Lumumba and his companions, to show the place that the Secretary-General will occupy inhistory. Here too l shall refrain from taking over the role of historian. 65. The third passage, from astatementbyPresident Modibo Keita, contained a warning. It showed-and today this is irrefutable-that our Organization was aware of the plan for disposing of Mr. Patrice Lumumba. l shall refrain from going into further details to show that the United Nations is responsible. No argument is needed to substantiate this, because it is so obvious. If l make these concessions, let it not be assumed that l feel no desire to express, in suitable words, my great indignation and disgust both at the murder of Mr. Lumumba and at the equivocation which has brought our Organization to the brink of disaster• l shall not raise a fuss for another reason, because my feeling for humanitytells me that anurgent solution must be found to the Congo problemj and, when l speak of a solution, l mean in particular the steps which are urgently necessary to prevent imminent civil war. 67. l shall presently make proposals on these urgent measures; but first let me make two things perfectly clear. This is the first: although Ishallnot go into the details of United Nations responsibility, l shall take the liberty of telling you, in a few words, where my delegation stands. We no longer have confidence inthe Secretary-General, and his resignation will be welcome: we are looking forwardto it. l shall add nothing, except that the views of the Government and people of Mali are clearly set out in the telegram addressed ta the Secretary-General by the President ofthe Republic of Mali [S/4705], which has been distributed to all delegations, and which denounces these acts oftreason and murder. l shall not quote the full text of the telegram, but l shall read out a short extract: " ••• It is now clear that, until the structure and concepts ofthe Organization are profoundly modified, no African national Government will againhave confidence in the United Nations." 68. This very clear statement of my Government's position brings me naturally to the secondpointI wish to make clear, which concerns the statement of the United States representative, Mr. Stevenson [934th meeti.ng]. We are gathered round this table to present our ideas. If certain delegations, out of courtesy or for other reasons, refrain from putting their views because they contradict those of friendly countries, the work will be ineffective. l do not think that every one comes here with set ideas. For these reasons, l wish to mention the points on which my delegation completely disagrees with the observations of the United States representative. When Mr. Stevensontells us that the function of the United Nations is, primarily, to protect small States from anyforeign intervention, l agree that this is well and good. But inthis we are forced to note that the United Nations has failed; for, so far as we are concerned, we shall certainly be careful no't to appeal to the United Nations to protect our security while its structure and form remain as theyare. This is the view of my delegation and of the whole people of Mali, and is confirmed by the extract which l read from President Modibo Keita's telegram. 69. Nor does my delegation agree when the United States representative tells us that the Iléo Government which was recently set up, inspite of the refusaI to serve of some of the ministers who had lOeen offered portfolios, is a step forward in the search îor. a solution in the Congo. 70. In this Council [935thmeeting] Mr. Hammarskjold has told us, tq justify himself, that he had often pro- 71. Mr. Stevenson also denounced this base act [933rd meeting], executed by the very ones who hastened to set up a Government to present us with another "fait accompli". l am. ;J3tonished that the United States representative can even consider the possibility of associating with men who have no sense of justice cr respect for the human person, men who continue to glorify this unspeakable crime. ls there anyone who believes that the UnitedNations couldexpect co-operation from them? And l am not even the one who says that co-operationis impossible; the Secretary-General himself implicitly recognized this when he described his efforts on behalf of legality and the obstructive attitude of the so-called legal authorities inthe Congo, who refuse to comply with all his injunctions. 72. l therefore tell Mr. Stevenson that the expansion of this so-called Government, which he suggested [934th meeting], would be just what the Belgian murderers and their puppets have been seeking. Hence there is, in effect, a contradiction between what the United States representative said and what the Secretary-General"said. 73. Nor do we agree with his suggestion that there should be collaboration between the United Nations Command and the troops of Katanga. l do not know whether l am labouring under a misunderstanding, as l have not yet seen the French text of his statement, but if this is so, l must admit l have been bailly informed, because, so far as l know, the United States Government has notyetrecognizedKatanga. The United States representative would certainly be prepared to put his idea in this form: "Collaboration between the United Nations and troops of Katanga or of Stanleyville". Because, even if Gizenga is not recognized as the head of the whole Governmentofthe Congo, justice .and logic demand that he be given at least the same prerogatives as Tshombé. If the United States representative does not correct this view, he is no longer entitled to regret that some States have openlyrecognized the Gizenga Government. Thatis my delegation's view. We say it without vindictiveness, and let no one bear us a grudge because in Maliwe all speak with the cold logic and common sense of Malian peasants, who suffer attheirworkunder apitiless sun. Our humanism will never be expressed in poetic conceits whichscorn reality, when we deal withspecifie problems which can only be solved by action. Our humanism is expressec1 in the simple truth. 14. As regards the future settlementforthe Congo, we therefore disagree with the UnitedStates delegation on the substance of the matter. But that is not the main point of my intervention. l return to the problem of finding an immediate solution which can be applied in the Congo in order to avoid civil war. In this l hope Mr. Stevenson shares my delegationis concerne Three armed groups, under French and Belgian officel's, are converging on the territory under the control of Ml'. Gizenga's Government and this is beingdoneunderthe leadership of the Mohutu-Tshombé-Kalonji trium- 75. May I add a few words in conclusion? There is nothing cynical about what I have to say. At the 929th meeting of the Council, on 2 February, I told you of the anxiety of Mali and of all Africa. Today all states which have no direct interest in colonialism are anxious. The Soviet declaration has had the advantage of arousing those who were content to sit quietly by and who, by their vote, made themselves the accomplices of the Belgian colonialists. Ihadwarnedthe Unii;ad Nations on 2 February: since everyone is trampling Congolese legalityunderfoot,verysooneach will have to decide according to his sympathies. So let no one be indignant or tremble any more. We too have reached the point where, if justice does not prevail in the Congo, we shall have to do something specific for those we respect and see that the puppets are done away with once and for aH. 76. I repeat that Mali is deeply indignant; but, in the circumstances, in, order to avoid a futile debate, my Government has decided to reserve the right, in its telegram to the Secretary-General which I mentioned earlier [S/4705], to assign to the United Nations its due responsibilitywhenthe General Assembly resumes its session. The survival ofthe United Nations depends on a radical change in this Organization's ideas and on the building of a new structure, because of the major transformations in the world1s geography. 77. For the sake of peace and freedom, each one must have at least some confidence in our Organization. But, in spite of our goodwill, we have no such confidence at present. 78. I should also like to point out thatthe reason why • am not denouncing Belgium today is very simple: ,hey say that anyone who kicks adonkeyback will only hurt himself. There is no longer anythinghumanabout the Government of Belgium. 79. In conclusion, may I pay a tribute to the heroic struggle ofthe cream of Africanyouth; for us Lumumb;.l. is not dead. He is still among us, after enriching us with his experience. African generations to come will he inspired by his example, so that Africa'may live in dignity. We salute aU who fought beside him and who today lie basely murdered. We salute. the whole of the martyred Congo. Our history will tell our sons of the epic of all the patriots who died so that the colonial paoples should live in freedom, honour and dignity. The meeting rose at 12.~5 p.m. Priee: $0.5. C.3S; 2/6 (:lI' equIvaI(',t:t il10mer Litho in V.N. ----------------.->-.---.-----------------:-----'-