S/PV.938 Security Council

The hopes ofthe majority of the nations and peoples of the world rest in the United Nations. This is so because of the fundamental principles of human dignity and self-determination. These hopes and aspirations are being shattered by repeated blows to the prestige of the United Nations. The African peoples are calling for a sober reconsideration and reappraisal of the entire situation in the Congo. Nevertheless, let us not mistake hastefor speed and change for progress or allow the confusion of the Congo to be matched by a similar confusion in the Security Council. 2. One thing is clear: the situation in the Congo today provides a classic example ofthe truth,Jf the old adage that too many cooks spoil the broth. We began with a reasonably precise directive tu the Secretary-General which was to be the basis of an attempt to work out a solution to the Congo' s problems in a way that would protect the people of that young and troubled nation from the chills of the coId war. We began also with a generous contribution oftroops from many oftheMember States of this Organization. These troops were placed freely at the dispClsal of the Secretary-General, and the duties allocated to them were to be decided by him or by those responsible to him, in conformity with the Council's resolutions. If we could have followed up that fair beginning withsomethinglikeunanimous support for the Secretary-General, 1 believe we might today have been weIl in sight of the establishment of a lasting peace in the Congo. 3. But now Mr. Hammarskjold's ladle is not the only one in the broth. There have been other ladIes, each stirring in a different direction, and the result is that the broth has now been transformed into a witches' brew. We set out to help the Congo and not to obtain advantages there for any outside Power. But what started as an unselfish international enterprise soon took on a less noble aspect when special political interests-or what 1 would describe as international 5. We cannot afford another Korea. We do not want another Viet-Nam or, for that matter, another Laos. The aim of the Security Council should still be what it was in the beginning: to rescue the Congo from the danger of civil war, to reseue it also from the danger of economic bankruptcy and to give its people a chance, under United Nations protection, to build their own futUre in freedom as a truly sovereign community. 6. It is, l believe, small countries such as mine which are the most anxious to see the strength and prestige of the United Nations maintained. The great Power blocs may feel that even if the United Nations should become imp~tent, they will be able to take good care of themselves with their massive resources of arms and manpower. The United States representative made it crystal clear when he said: "My own country, as it happens, is in the fortunate positionof being able to look out for itself and for its interests, and look out it will." [934th meeting, para. 49.] But if the United Nations should entirely lose its capacity to influence, and at times even direct, the course of world events, then the States with small populations and limited wealth would feel that they are naked indeed. Where would they then turn for their assurance of the safety which all of us crave? It is m03timportant, therefore, to urge those Member States which have threatened to withdraw their troops from the Congo, as well as those which have already done so, to reconsider, because by so doing they might impair the authority of this great Organization; for it is not only the experiment in the Congo which is at stake but the future of the United Nations itself. The larger failure would be the consequence of the lesser. It is the view of my delegation that we cannot afford either. 7. My delegation, fully cognizant of the fact that the situation in the Congo has deteriorated to a very dangerous point, now entertains doubts that the United Nations Conciliation Commission, presently in the Congo, will be able effectively to imp!cve the conditions there, and off~rs for the consideration of the Security Council the text of a statement by the President of Liberia, issued on 14 February 1961 [S/4714]. The document states: "The occurrence was the more unfortunate inthat, because of political differences, a savage act should be committed by one African against another. "The Liberian Government feels that a full international enquiry should be made of Mr. Lumumba's death. Meanwhile, the Congolese people in this grave hour of their national life should seek to avoid revenge and exercise resiraint. "The need for a satisfactory solution of the situation in the Congo is now greater than ever. The Liberian Government therefore reaffirms the suggestions made on 13 February to the Secretary- General of the United Nations: "1. That all rival political groups in the Congo be required by the United Nations to cease aIl military, political and other activities in the Congo for the present under a truce required bythe Security Council for at least sixtYdays. "2. That the leaders of aIl political groups proceed ta meef with the Secretary-General and the Security Council at the United Nations Headquarters to discuss the situation with the view of settling the dangerous situation and of restoringpeace andorder in the Congo." This suggestion should appeal to the imagination of members of the Security Council. 8. My delegation feels that the above suggestion contains in principle a basis for negotiations, to be held away from the area, in which intelligent discussion could take place under the most sober and favourable circumstances. My delegation still maintains its position that the continued intervention by the Belgians in the internaI affairs of the Congo added to the chain of events which led to the death of Mr. Lumumba and his aides and the present state ofaffairs in the Congo. We deplore such actions on the part of "'ationals of any country against another country and we feel that strong action should be taken by the Security Council to execute irnmediately the decision of the United Nations that aIl Belgian military and paramilitary forces, as weIl as aIl political advisers, agitators and undesirables be withdrawn from the Congo without delay. 9. For the Soviet Union or any other Power to take unilateral action in an African territory because of difficulties in the settlement of disputes in that territory would be to go beyond the wishes of aIl Africans. To have broken the fetters ofcolonialism is an achievement to be jealously guarded; hence, any intervention by any foreign Power in the time of the generatidn which accomplished that gallant feat would be most unwelcome and would undoubtedly turn friend into foe. Therefore, l can only appeal to the Governments of the great Powers, in the name of the African peoples and aIl that they hold dear, to exercise further restraint and seek to bring peac~andorder to the Congo- 10. At this time, when all Africans are in a hurry to catch up with the l'est of the world in so many fieldseducation, health, morality, industrialization, respect for the dignity of the human being-why should they invite a conflict in Africa? The alternativewouldbe to insist that justice should prevail according to international standards, that all the great Powers stand as guardians of the sacred rights and privileges not only of the Congo, but also of all other small nations, against the intrusion of any one country. 11. With regard to the proposed dismissal of Ml'. Hammarskjold, the Liberian delegation has not always agreed with all the actions of the Secretary-General or of his representative in the Congo, but such disagreement does not entitle anyone to challenge the integrity of an individual or a people. Furthermore, to decide on the removal of the Secretary-General ought to be a matter for all the Members of the United Nations. However, according to those African countries which have been in touch withme, it is the overwhelming opinion that the office of the Secretary- General should remain as it is and that Ml'. Hammarskjold should be given even more authority to bring peace and order to the Congo. The Liberian Government strongly supports this view and will not, therefore, participate in any action against the Secretary- General at this time. 12. Many people believe-and this does not exclude Africans-that the discussions at the United Nations are only big talk and that none of the great Powers can afford another war; so everybody comes to the United Nations Headquarters to join in the great debates. This is probably the signüicance of the disagreements and disunity among Africancountries. But should the Red Army and the United States Marines meet in the Congo, both Moscow andWashingtonwould be safe but there will be no Leopoldville, no Stanleyville, no Elisabethville; there might also be no Brazzaville, no Lagos, no Accra, no Monrovia, no Conakry. 13. To those of us who have been tempered by war this is an emergency andwe get impatientwith the long debates as to whether Ml'. Kasa-Vubu or Ml'. Gizenga or other Congolese leaders should be recognized. We feel that such debates only help the colonizers and tend even more to destroy the prestige of the United Nations. 14. Ml'. LOUTFI (United Arab Republic) (translated from French): L'l the statement which l made on 13 February [933rd meeting] l expressed the indignation of my Government and the people of the United Arab Republic at the murder of the Prime Minister 15. This murder is a resuIt of colonialist policy in the Congo. Despite aU the United Nations resolutions, Belgium has pursued its policy; it is still present in the Congo, and the United Nations has not succeeded in implementing the resolutions, the purpose of which was to elimbate Belgian intervention, particularly in Katanga. Despite those resolutions, Belgian intervention in the Congo has not ceased, as the following passage from Mr. Dayal's report of 2 November 1960 shows: "Significantly, within the securityforces there are, according to the latest available data, 114 Belgian officers and 117 Belgians of other ranks in the gendarmerie and 58 Belgian officers in the police." [S/4557, para. 49.] And Mr. Dayal concludes that: IlBelgian activities in recent weeks have increased the intransigence of the ANC Command as well as of the Katangese authorities and inhibited peaceful political activity and therefore the possibility of an eventual return to constitutional government and the re-establishment of the unitY and integrity of the country." [Ibid., para. 55.] 16. l already referred to this report by Mr. Dayal, which dates from 2 November 1960, in my statement of 1 February [928th meeting] and l pointed out that, according to press and other reports, mercenaries were arriving daily to join the security forces in Katanga and were forming a foreign legion. Brigadier Rikhye was reported by The New York Times of 1 February 1961 to have stated that Mr. Tshombé had a foreign legion of 200 to 300 white volunteers in his armed forces in addition to the 140 Belgian officers and non-commissioned officers serving in the Katanga forces. Thus the situation, instead of improving, continues to deteriorate. 17. The presence of Belgians has enabled Mr. T shomh§ to proclaim the secession of the province of Katanga, to defy the United Nations, and, finally, to have Mr. Lumumba and his companions delivered to him by Leopoldville and to have them murdered. We need only read Mr. Munongo' s statement of 13 February 1961 [S/4688/Add.l], which is the most extraordinary document l have seen in a very long time, to understand the horrible ma:Jhinations of the Katanga authorities. We find in this document: "The bodies were immediately buried in a place whichwe shall not reveal, if only to prevent any pilgrimages being made to it." Further on Mr. Munongo continues: "Nor do we wish to be exposed to pressure to make us bring to trial for murder these Katangans ..." Finally, he also tells us that: "This village will receive the 40,000 francs reward promised by the Council ofMinisters." 19. What is so painful in this tragedy is that the United Nations presence in the Congo could not prevent the arrest of Mr. Lumumba, his brutal treatment and finally his assassination. Yet, in a letter to the Secretary-General dated 10 February 1961 [S/4682] we expressed our fears that the news of Mr. Lumumba' s disappearance was only a camouflage for the truth and was intended to pave thewayforthe announcement of his death. Unfortunately, our fears have proved justified. 20. It is ironical that the United Nations, which went to the Congo at Mr. Lumu.'!lba's invitation, has been helpless to prevent his death. The mistakes made by the United Nations Command inthe Congo have created a situation which has compelled us to withdraw our troops. We explained the reasons for our decision in earlier statements. These last sad events have merely confirmed our fears. 21. We should like to examine the situation in the Congo and try to find a constructive solution to this delicate problem which is threatening peace and security in Africa. We must now look at the future objectively and forget recriminations. No one amongus is infallible. 22. l shall first speak of the report of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on recent developments in the situation in northern Katanga [S/4691]. That situation, as clearly emerges from the report, is very disquieting. The Katanga authorities, in fact, now have at their disposaI a force estimated at some 5,000 men, which is weIl equipped and is led by non-Congolese officers and non-commissioned officers now estimated to be some 400 strong. They have purchased airplanes capable of small aerial raids and have obtained arms and munitions as weIl as military trucks and vehicles. This emerges clearly from the report of the Secretary-General's Special Representative, who goes on to say: nIn spite of these continued negotiations, the Katanga authorities have now embarke~ on an offensive military action against the population of horthern Katanga. On the morning of 11 February, a force of 300 to 400 Katangese gendarmes with automatic weapons, in 60 trucks under command of Colonel Crèvecœur, attacked the village of Mukulakulu, between Lubudi and Luena. The number of casualties is' still unknown. The village has been completely burnt and the inhabitants have fled. After the opera- The conclusion to be drawn from the report of the Special Representative ofthe Secretary-General is that the Katanga authorities resort to force, using foreign troops, in disregard of. the United Nations and its resolutions. 23. Other news, from Oriental province, 1s equally disturbing. As we all know, Mr. Mobutu has left for Bomba at the head of other armed forces and is preparing to attack Oriental province, and if steps are not taken, fighting will soon begin. 24. I:.1 such a situation we cannot but hope that the United Nations will take the necessary steps to prevent these attacks and thereby prevent civil war in the Congo. That is the most urgent measure which we advocate, and it is mentioned in the draft resolution that we shall shortly have circulated.Y 25. The second important question which l dealt with in my statement today is that of the Belgian and other foreign military and paramilitary forces which are not under United Nations commando Weconsiderthatthese forces must be evacuated from the Congo as quickly as possible. If we want peace to reign in that country, those forces must be evacuated immediately. 26. This is what we are quite simply asking in the draft resolution which we shall shortly have circulated; if the necessary steps to procure that immediate evacuation are not taken andifthe United Nations does not receive the necessary co-operation in this matter, we would be compelled to come back to the Council to demand that measures be takenunder Chapter VII of th(~ United Nations Charter to achieve that objective. l am referring to sanctions. 27. We also think that an immediate and impartial investigation should be made into the circumstances surrounding the death of Mr. Lumumba and his colleagues and that those who perpetrated this shameful murder should receive the punishment they deserve. That is another proposaI which will be found in our draft resolution. 28. In my statement of 1 February [928th meeting] l drew attention ta the need to convene Parliament immediately. There must be a return to legal institutions. That is the only way of resolving the Congolese crisis. Now, as everyone knows, Parliament has been in recess for a long time. Yet, article 69 of the "Loi fondamentale" provides: . "Without prejudice to the provisions of article 102, the Chambers shall meet as of 'right every year on the first Monday of Maroh and September, unless 32. We also consider that steps must be taken to reorganize and discipline the Congolese armedforces. 33. Such steps must be taken objectively in order to keep the army out of politics. This must obviously be done in an impartial malmer and a start should be made with the forces which are committing aggression. 34. Those, then, are the suggestions which we have made in the draft resolution which we have tabled and which is about to be circulated. l may say that they reflect the views of many AfricanandAsiancountries. They are constructive and their purpose is to find a solution to the Congolese problem and to put an end ta the sufferings of this young African people. We want the Congo to be kept out of the cold war. We hope that the great Powers will listen to us. Our views on the Congolese question may differ, but we must tryto cooperate in order to find a proper solutionto this tho:..ny human problem.

Mr. President, allow.me first of aIl to thank you and aIl the other members of the Security Council for granting me this opportunity ta present the point of view of the Government of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic regarding the latest events in the Republic of the Congo. 36. In Czechoslovakia, as in the whole world, a wave of anger and righteous indignation has been aroused by the tragic news that Patrice Lumumba, the Congolese people's national hero and the headofthe Central Government, Mr. Okito, President of the Senate, and the Cabinet Minister Maurice Mpolo had been treacherously murdered. The world Press is publishing the first details of the atrocious tortures that these political leaders of Africa suffered at the hands of the Belgian soldiery and its lackeys, tortures whichbring tomind the depredations of Hitler' s fascists in the occupied countries of Europe. 37. The crimes of the colonizers and their accomplices have reached the limU. Before the eyes of the world, and despite previous warnings from a considerable number of Governments, including the Government of Czechoslovakia, regarding the Belgian colonizers' preparations for destroying the representatives of the Congolese national liberation movement, the colonizers cynically proceeded to carry out their criminal intentions. The hypocritical statements and crocodile tears by means ofwhich the representatives of Belgium and of other colonial Powers are now endeavouring to escape responsibility for this evil 39. The Government of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic sharply condemns the aggressive actions of the Belgian colonizers, supported bytheir NATO allies, whose far-flung plot against the Republic of the Congo has led to the dastardly and deliberate murder of that Republic's lawful representatives. The Governmentof the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic emphatically demands that those who have directly organized and taken part in this international crime should be arrested, brought to trial and punished as they deserve. 40. Mr. Hammarskjold and the United Nations Command in the Congo also bear full responsibilityfor the tragic course of events in the Congo, culmi::lating in the savage murder of Patrice Lumumba and his companions. If anyone not so long ago might perhaps still have been deceived as regards the true role of the United Nations in the Congo, it has now become abundantly clear that Mr. Hammarskjold and the United Nations Command have beenfarfromplayinga secondary l'ole in this whole conspiracy against the Congo. Socialist and other delegations to the GeneralAssembly have repeatedly warned Ml'. Hammarskjold and the representatives of the Western Powers that through their actions they were pushing the United Nations into the dangerous and slippery path of support for a colonial conspiracy. But our warnings were taken as "communist propaganda". When we later criticized Mr. Hammarskjold's biassed servility to the Western Powers, their representatives raised an outcry, just as they are now doing, to the effect that we want to destroy the United Nations. 41. No one doubts any longer that, owing to the intrigues of the colonial Powers inthe Security Council and the pro-colonialistpolicyofthe Secretary-General and of the United Nations Command in the Congo, the United Nations faces a serious crisis. It is not we, through our criticism, who are responsible for the loss of prestige and authority which the United Nations has suffered in the eyes of the peoples of the world, but those who have sabotaged the implementationofthe resolutions of the Security Council and of the General Assembly. 42. Ml'. Hammarskjold has tried to convince us that the United Nations activities in the Congo have really been successful, in that they have allegedly prevented foreign intervention. But facts are stubborn things, Mr. Hammarskjold: you may distort them as you like, Gover~unent the active assistance that resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly called upon them to provide, but, on the contrary and in direct contradiction to those resolutions, they have hindered the lawful Government in its activities and allowed free movement to the separatistswho threaten the Congo' s territorial integrity. Lastly, it was under the protection of the United Nations Force that the Mobutu clique carried out its "putsch", made it impossible for the lawful Parliament to function, and established a régime ofterror against the Congolese people. 44. Instead of protecting the lawful representatives of the Congolese people against terrorist acts, the United Nations Command indifferently watched them being arrested, tortured and finally handed over to the Belgian colonizers. Even when it became known that the colonizers and their lackey Tshombé, with cynical frankness, were preparing to murder those who had appealed to our Organization for help, neither the United Nations Command nor Mr. Hammarskjold in actual fact did anything to save them. Mr. Hammarskjold's deliberate inactivity and the criminal inactivity of the United Nations Force can only be described as a direct encouragement of these traitors to the Congolese people and of their masters to consummate their crime by physicallydestroyingPatrice Lumumba and other leading representatives of the national liberation movement in the Congo. 45. If Mr. Hammarskjold, whom somedelegateshere virtually proclaim to be a staunch opponent of colonialism, regards this outcome as a success for the operations of the United Nations Force in the Congo, then it is not surprising that the representatives of all the colonial Powers, here in the Security Council, praise those activities. We, of course, will not praise themj nor do we believe that the African peoples will do so. We judge a man, not by what he thinks of himself, or by what others say of him, but by what he actually does. 46. The Government of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic has reached the conclusion that Mr. Dag Hammarskjold bears a heavy responsibility for the severe crisis in the Republic of the Congo resulting from Belgian aggressiOl1 and also for the murder of that country' s lawful representatives. That is why we have completely lost confidence in him as the leading representative of the United Nations Secretariat. The Czechoslovak Government will not entertain any relations with him. In my Government' s opinion, Mr. Hammarskjold must leave his post forthwith in the interests of the United Nations. 47. The dangerous situation in the Congo, which threatens to deteriorate further, calls for vigorous 48. Belgium' s continued colonial aggression against the Republic of the Congo, which fIouts all the resolutions adopted on the subject by the Security Council and the General Assembly, creates, an entiraly new situation, which requires that the UnitedNations should make a decisive stand aga.inst the aggressor, using all the sanctions and other means available to it under the Charter. We must reject the attempts of certain representatives in the Security Council to depict the events in the Congo as an aspect of the ncold war" between East and West. We have before us a typical problem of colonial aggression, andthe UnitedNations, acting in the spirit of its Charter, must resolutely defend the sovereignty and independenceofthe Republic of the Congo. 49. In the opinion of the Czechoslovak Government, the proposals cont~ined in the recent statement bythe Government of the Soviet Union [S/4704] representthe only way out of the present situation. My Government fully supports them. 50. AIl Belgian military units and the mercenary bands of the clique ofKasa-Vubu, Tshombé and Mobutu, equipped and financed by foreign colonizers, should be disarmed immediately. The Belgian military and civilian personnel must be removed from the country, together with the bands of foreign legionaires. In our opinion, it will be necessary to terminate the socalled United Nations operation in the Congo within a month and afford the Congolese people the opportunity of settling its domestic problems by itself. The dangerous situation that has lately arisen requires that the logical conclusions should be drawn from it and that effective steps should be taken to put an end to the depredations of the colonizers in the Congo and to restore peace and order in that unhappy country. 51. The hi.gh Idealsfor which Patrice Lumumbafought fearlessly thl'oughout his life, and for which he died, are immortal. The colonizers and their menials must finally realize that there is no force in the world capable of turning back the wheel of history and preventing the complete liquidation of colonialism in the Congo and in the whole of Africa. 52. The Congolese people' s courageous struggle for freedom and independence is supported by the peoples of the entire world. The people a...'ld the Government of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic also express to the Congolese people their deep sympathy and sincere feelings of friendship and solidarity, and they assure its lawful Government at Stanleyville that, together, with other peace-loving countries, they will do everything in order that the grave situation in the Congo may he resolvedwithoutfurther delay, and inthe shortest possible time, in accordance with the interests of the Congolese people, and that a dangerous focus of tension in Africa may thus be liquidated. 54. l have been instructed by the Government of the Republic of Iraq to state our views on the situation in the Congo in view of the serious developments arising out of the murder of Patrice Lumumba. l would like to express on behalf of the people and the Government of Iraq our profound shock and hol'l'or at the crime perpetrated by the colonialists against the leader of Congolese nationalism and his two companions. After death, even more than in life, Lumumba has become the symbol of the unshakable determination of the peoples of Africa to achieve freedom and dignity. 55. l have been instructed by my Government to ask that an immediate and thorough investigation of this crime be conducted and that those responsible be brought speedily to justice. The murder of Ml'. Lu,... mumba is the latest and most caUous in a series of acts for which Belgium is directly responsible. Ever since July, these acts seem to foUow a pattern which has been repeated time and again. If we examined the :-ecord carefully, we would find that it is no coincidence that whenever there seemed to be some encouraging trend or hope of improving the situation in the Congo and achieving a solutionto its many complex and difficultproblems, the Belgian puppets, acting on behalf of their masters, tried to hait and reverse such hopeful trends. The murder of Ml'. Lumumba should be seen in this light. 56. When Belgium and its friends feIt thattheirposition was weakening by the almost universal demandfor Ml'. Lumumba' s release and the clear manifestation of his unique position among aU sections of the Congolese people, they transferred him to Katanga and delivered him to his executioners. Then last week, while the Council was on the way to achieving some progress towards a reasonable solution of the problem, they perpetrated their vile deed and tried to hide it by clumsy and ill-concealed manœuvres. That this could happen to the leader who first asked for United Nations help, and at a time when United Nations forces were deployed in the country is, l am sorry to sayon behalf of my Government, a clear indication of the degree of impotence to which the United Nations has been reduced in the Congo in recent months. But. this fouI murder, as l said, is only the latest in a series of acts for which Belgium stands condemned. 57. When Belgium tried to reoccupy the Congo early in July, Ml'. Lumumba, in his determination to preserve his country' s freedom and independence, appealed to this international Organization which only yesterday enjoyed among the peoples ofAfricaaprestige and reputation unparalleled in any other part of the world. The United Nations, through the unanimous decision of the Security Council on 14 July 1960 [S/4387], responded to the appeal for help from the Central Government and organized an operation, largely African in character, which represented a 59. But again the friends of Belgium came into the picture and reversed that hopeful trend. Their baseof operations shifted from Elisabethville to LeopoldviUe. On 5 September, Kasa-Vubu removed from office Mr. Patrice Lumumba, ignoringthewishesofthe overwhelming majority of the members of Parliament. A few days later Parliament itself was suspended and the process of illegality which started with the dismissal of Mr. Lumumba was completed with themilitary coup which brought Colonel Mobutu to power. It is impossible to absolve Belgiumandsomeofits allies and friends from the responsibility of instigating and encouraging the illegal seizure of power by Colonel Mobutu. This act of political banditry was perhaps the turning point in the whole sad tale of the United Nations operations in the Congo. 60. l have been instructed by my Government to state that in view of the clear responsibility of Belgium and the complicity of its allies in these events, it was wrong to consider the Katanga secession or the Mobutu seizure of power as purelyinternaI matters outside the scope of the United Nations mandate in the Congo. In their very essence these acts were an integralpart of the plot hatched by Belgium and its allies to reimpose their authority over the Congo. It must be recalled that it was primarily the intervention of Belgium, following the break-down of the ftForce publiqueft last July, that enabled the United Nations to enter the picture. If it were just a question of maintaining law and order, then it would have beena purelyinternaI matter in which the United Nations had no right to intervene. But because it was inextricably linked with Belgian intervention, the maintenance of law and order inevitably became a primary concern of the United Nations operation in the Congo. 61. Thus, as far as tlie United Nations is concerned, the preservation of law and order is not an end in itself but only a means to eliminate the causes and effects of Belgian intervention and to secure the total withdrawal of their forces from the country. But the problemof Belgian and foreign interventiondid not end with the withdrawal of the combat contingents of the Belgian Army last August. The problem remalned through the continued activities of Tshombé and Mobutu, with their Belgian and foreign advisers, technicians and other military and paramilitarypersonnel. and through the generous financial and othf;r types of material assistance given to them by various Powers. 63. A substantial number of States Members of the United Nations refused to accept the illegal situation created by Mobutu, but through the efforts of Belgium and States allied to it the United Nations Force was prevented from taking any action to restore legality to the country. 64. The General Assembly, at!ts fourth emergency special session, adopted without dissent resolution 1474 (ES-IV) for this purpose, but it was ignored and repeatedly violated by Belgium and its friends. The reaffirmation by that resolution of the necessity of complete Belgian withdrawal and the injunction against the introduction of military and other assistance and personnel remained a dead letter. The Belgians reentered the country in large numbers in the guise of military and paramilitary personnel, technicians and, most insidious of all, political advisers. The forces of Tshombé were equipped and trained, and the friends of Belgium were most generous in their financial and other types of assistance to the illegal Mobuturégime in Leopoldville. In spite of the United Nationspresence in the Congo, these open and flagrant violations of the General Assembly resolution continued unabated, so that toward the end of November, encouraged by their success to ignore the decisions of the General Assembly with impunity, Belgium and its friends were able to seat in the Assembly the representatives of the illegal Government dominated by Mobutu. 65. The seating of a so-called Kasa-Vubu delegation was perhaps one of the most grievous mistakes made in a situation which was replete with errors and bad judgement. For one thing, i~ gave the idea to Mobutu that, by accepting his representatives, the world Organization had recognized his arbitrary seizure of power and clothed his illegality wit" a mantle of legitimacy. He was emboldened, and so was Tshombé, to continue defytng the United Nations. Lumumba was arrested and subjected to the most inhuman and humiliating treatment. The whole United Nations operation became the object of continued harassment and obstruction by Mobutu, Tshombé and their gangs. When nothing was done about Lumumba' s detention and not a finger raised by the protectors and friends of "Mobutu and Tshombé to defend the United Nations against the torrent of abuse and scurrilous attacks emanating from Elisabethville and Leopoldville, the colonial hirelings were encouraged to plunge into their most criminal adventure. ls itunreasonable, therefore, to conclude that there is a linkbetweenthe acceptance of the Kasa-Vubu delegation last November and the brutal murder of Lumumba recently?Would the henchmen of Belgium have dared to surrender Lumumba to 66. Last December in the General Assembly eight delegations, including my own, presentedadraftresolutionY which aimed at halting the drift toward chaos and illegality in the Congo. We proposed that the United Nations should implement its mandate fully with a view to preventing a serious breach of peace and security and to restoring law andorder. We urged in that draft resolution the immediate release of all political prisoners under detention and the immediate convening of Parliament. Furthermore, we urged that measures he undertaken to prevent armed units and personnel in the Congo from any interference in the political life of the country, and demanded that all Belgian military and quasi-military personnel, advisers and technicians be immediately withdrawn in pursuance of the resolutions of the United Nations. 67. This draft resolution, which was opposed by Belgium and its friends, would haveprovided a suitable and adequate baSlS for the solution of the difficulties facing the Congo. But the Assembly was again prevented from takinganydecision, therebypavingtheway for this latest act of the Congo tragedy, the brutal murder of Ml'. Lumumba. My Government is still of the opinion that the problem of the Congo should be solved on the basis of the principles and objectives of that draft resolution which we, together with seven other Powers, presented on 19 December 1960. Now more than ever, it is the firm convictionof the Government of the Republic ofIraqthat, in view of the numerous violations committed by Belgium through its puppets in the Congo, Belgium should be condemned by the Security CouncU, and all its military and paramilitary personnel, advisers and technicians should he immediately withdrawn from the Congo. This, in our view, is the first step to be taken before any other measures can be contemplated. Simultaneously with the immediate withdrawal of Belgian personnel, my Government' s view is that it is necessary that those Congolese who have all along been acting on behalf of Belgium should similarly be neutrallzed and their troops disarmed without delay, in order that their influence on the course of future events in the Congo should be eliminated. FinaUy, the bands of foreign mercenaries and adventurers who flocked to the Congo at the caU of Tshombê and other traitors must be immediately expelled from the country. The instrument to be used to achieve aU these ends must be a revitalizedUnited Nations Force with a cieal' mandate and with proper safeguards so that there can be no room for doubt thatthe actions of the United Nations in the Congo will always conform strictly to the principles of the Charter and the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. 68. My delegationwould thereforewelcome any initiative in this direction taken bymembersofthe Security CouncU. We were very pleased a little while ago to hear the representative of the United Arab Republic inform the Council that he and some other memh3rs of the Council are contemplating the introduction of a The meeting rose at 12.30 p.m. CHINA·CH~NE The World Book Co., lId., 99 Chung King Road, ht Section, Taipeh, Taiwan. The Commercial Press, lId., 211 Honan Rd., Shanghai. COLOMBIA·COLOMBIE Libreria Buchholz, Av. Jiménez de Que· sada 8·40, Bogota. COSTA RICA Imprenta y Libreria Trejos, Apartado 1313, San José. CUBA La Casa Belga, O'Reilly 455, La Habana. CZECHOSLOVAKIA. TCHECOSLOVAQUIE ëeskoslovensky Spisovotel, Narodni Tlida 9, Praha 1. DENMARK.DANEMARK Einar Munksgaard, lId., Nfrregade 6, KlIbenhavn, K. DOMINICAN REPUBLIC. REPUBLIQUE DOMINICAINE Libreria Dominicana, Mercedes 49, Ciu· dad Trujillo. ECUADOR.EQUATEUR Libreria Cientifica, Casilla 362, Guaya. quil. EL SALVADOR.SALVADOR Manuel Navas y Cia., la. Avenida sur 37, San Salvador. ETHIOPIA.ETHIOPIE International Press Agency, P.O. 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