S/PV.943 Security Council

If representatives will so far indtùge me, 1 shotùd like to say that, speaking 1 am sure for all of our colleagues, and certainly for myself, 1 wish ,to convey to the representative of the United Kingdom, Sir Patrick Dean, our gratitude and admiration for his service as President during the month of February. 1 must say that if it were in my power, Sir Patrick, 1 assure you that 1 shotùd like nothing more than to nominate you immediately for re-election. 1 think your electionwotùdbe by acclamation, and 1 think it wotùd be better for the Council. 1 know that it wotùd be better for me. But since that is not possible let me, as your successor, be the first to aclmowledge'that you have earned a respite and also set an example of the impartiality and ,dispatch with which this high office shotùd be conducted.I hope we may profit from your example. As for me, 1 must plead ignorance in this l'ole and ask for the patience and the charity of my more experienced colleagues.

Even though 1 must thankftùly decline the proposal you have made, Ml'. President, 1 shotùd like to thank you for your very generous remarks. 1 shotùd, Imustconfess,have liked to claim the credit for myself, for 1think one does deserve some consolation for the ardours of presiding over this Council, but in all honesty 1 must say that the compliments which you have paid me should be shared by aU my coUeagues at this table, including you yourself, Sir, for. it is all of you who, by you!' forbearance and co-operation, lightened the task of conducting those rather, shall 1 say, unusual meetings which we held last month.

Thank you very much, Sir Patrick, for your goodwishes. Imust confess that 1 should be glad to sacrifice the prosperity of my voyage if 1 could be sure of the calm. Adoption of the agenda

In his letter of 7 March 1961 [S/4760], the representative of Portugal has asked to be heard in the discussion on the inscription of the item on the provisional agenda. 1 understand that it has been standard Council practice for non-members not to participate in the discussion of the adoption of the agenda. 1 therefore 3uggest that we should follow the Council's procedure at its 851st meeting, when it received a similar request on an item related to the Union of South Africa. Should the Councilvote to adopt the agenda, the representative of Portugal would be recognized after the vote to speak in connexion with the agenda. After that, the Council would begin its discussion of the substance of the question before it. 6. In connexion with the adoption of the agenda 1 calI on the representative of Liberia. 7. Ml'. PADMORE (Liberia): 1 should first liketo join you, Ml'. President, in extending our thanks to Sir Patrick Dean, the United Kingdom representative, for his able guidance during last month's meetings of the Security Council. We certainly enjoyedthe evening which we spent here with him at the Council's last meeting. We wish you, Ml'. President, theverybest of luck and we are sure that you will guide us most ably during this month. 8. On 20 February my delegation took the liberty of addressing a letter to the President of the Security Council [S/4738] requesting a meeting of the Council to deal with the crisis in Angola under Portuguese administration. In that letter, to which reference is made in the provisional agenda, the Government and delegation of Liberia express the opinion that: "immediate action should be taken by the Security Council to prevent further deterioration and. abuse of human rights and privileges in Angola". 9. As bdefly as possible 1 shall elaborate on the concern thus expressed. At this stage 1 shall try to refer to such points and evidence as may assist the Security Council inits decision concerningthe inscription of the item on the agenda. 10. 1 think that the Security Council should have the opportunity for a fair and unbiased discussion of the 12. We are assured that all is now quiet in Angola. But there are many kinds of quiet. There is the quiet of contentment, and there is the quiet of the grave. 13. Much of what happened in those early days of February in Angola has been cloaked by rigorous censorship. But even official pronouncements tell a grim enough story. On 4 February 1961, between 2 a.m. and 3 a.m., a group of more than 300 people, most of them Africans but some Europeans, attacked the police barracks and prison. Fourteen of them, by the Portuguese Government's own count, Were killed, while six European policemen and one Africansoldier also lost their lives. Between forty and fifty persons were wounded, and more than 100 were taken into custody. On 5 February, an incident duringthefuneral of the seven official victims of the fighting touched off new disorders, as the result ofwhichten Africansagain by the Portuguese Government's count-were killed. On n February, there wasanother raid on the prison, and casualties were later givenassevenkilled and several wounded. 14. Those are what may be called bare statistics. History may clothe .them with greater numbers. But, in circumstances of this kind, l trust that our efforts will be concentrated on finding a cure for the disease rather than on reciting in exact detail its all too familiar symptoms. 15. What is known for certain is that a band of brave and desperate men embarked on an enterprise which offered little prospect of success· but in which they were prepared to venture their lives, as men do only when there is some great cause to be served or some great wrong to be righted. The African peoples do not see the uprising in Luanda as an isolated display of mob fury. They see it as a repetitionof the dangerous phenomenon of the cloud no bigger than a man's hand which, if not taken as aportentandforestalled in time, can rapidly grow intoastormofterrifyingdimensions. 17. 1 have every reason to believe that in recommending the inscription of the subject ofAngola on the agenda, 1 have the support and sympathy ofthe African- Asian nations. 1alsolookfor anunderstanding response from the United Kingdom and France, who have shown such remarkable wisdom and goodwill in di,sengaging themselves from their old imperial associations. 1 must count on the approval of the inscription on the agenda by the Latin American States, my coUeagues from Ecuador and Chile, who haveseenBrazildevelop into a mighty 'multi-racial Power, not as a fief of Portugal but as Portug!Ù's friend and equal, its body politic sustained and refreshed by that precious air of freedom which the Angolans are not allowedtobreathe. 18. 1trust that Turkey, since the day of Kemal Pasha AtatUrk a granite bastion of anti-imperialism in Ea.stern Europe and the Near East, will castits vote in favour of the African peoples. 19. The Governmènt of the representative of China has sent envoys t,a' most ,of the independent States of Africa expressing its supportofthe aspirations oftheir peoples. This is an opportunity to make real and genuine a practical measure of this friendship. 20. Lastly, 1 appeal for encouragement and succor from the new representative of the United States, whose appearancè a:inong us has aroused suchbuoyant hopes in the bO'som of.every African representative. 1 am sure 1 shall not exhort him in vain to remember President Kennedy's declaration that in international a..t'fairs there are sorne things which must be done, not because they are cQnvenient, not because they are advantageous, not because some rival forworldpower insists on doing them, but simply because they are right. If aU these friends of freedom will rally now to freedom's calI, then we shall speak with one voice, since other members of the Council made it known that they agreed to the inscription of the question of Angola on the agenda when the attempt was first made for an inscription of this item. 21. If 1 take the solettm step of invoking Article 34 of the Charter, it is not in orderto castigate Portugal 22. l pray the subject of Angola maY,be inscribed on the agenda of the Counci! for discussion and debate. To do a great moral right letus not get involved about an unimportant procedural v..-rong.

For the purpose of addressing the Council on the adoption of the agenda, l calI on the representative of the United Arab Republic.

The delegation ofLiberiahasrequested the inclusion of the question of Angolainthe agenda of the Security Council. The statement from the Government of Liberia drew attention to the fact that "authoritative reports from Angola indicate that fundamental human rights are, contrary to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, beingviolatedinAngola, and this is likely to endanger the maintenance of international peace and security". [934th meeting, para. 9.] In so doing, the delegation of Liberia has reflected the point of view of the greatmajority of the countries of Africa and Asia whosê opiniononcolonial questions is weIl known. 25. The tragic events which took place on 3,4 and 10 February last, andwhichunfortunately costso many human lives, have led the Government of Liberia to submit this complaintto the Security Council, as was so eloquently explained to us by Mr. Padmore. 26. Press reports, some of which are official, indicate that on 3 February demonstrators attacked the prisons of Luanda, the radio station and police premises. It has been officially admitted that of the thirty-one persons killed, seven we;re members of the provincial forces. Moreover, fifty-three persons were wounded and 100 arrested. 27. Such are, in brief, the events which took place. Our information is based on official figures, but according to other reports the losses in human Iife and the number of wounded were considerablylarger. It is, however, difficult to obtain accurate details onaccount of the censorship whichhas prevented journalists from sending out their information. According tothePress, in particular The Economist of 1 February 1961, the Portuguese authorities seized cameras, films, dispatches and even certain journalists themselves who were on the spot and wished to send reports on the events. According to the same periodical, theyalso cut telephone communications and censoredmessabes, and some journalists were expelled. This brief outline of the latest avents which have taken place in Angola is, as l said before, based on official documents and generally on the Portuguese version. 28. When demonstrations ofthiskindoccurandstrong counter-measures are taken, the events in question require close study in order to ascertain their causes 30. We do not believe that the inclusion of this question in the agenda should meetwith anyobjection. It is the direct consequence of the dangerous and serious situation prevailing in Angola. The situation is one which might lead to international friction and, under Article 34 of the Charter, the Security Council may investigate that situation in oràer to determine whether the continuance of the dispute or situation is likely to endanger the maintenance of international peace and security. 31. If the Securi.ty Council were to refuse to include this item in its agenda, it would be refusing thereby to exercise its jurisdiction, to discharge its functions and to use the powers conferred upon it by the United Nations Charter. There can benodoubtthatthis situation is a matter' of serious concern to members of the international community, and l think that the United Nations can hardly refuse to study a problemwhich is certainly arousing world-wide anxiety. 32. The argument is advanced that Angola is an integral part of Portugal and that the United Nations cannot therefore intervene in the matter, according to Article 2 (7) of the Charter, which lays down that "Nothing contained in the present Charter shaH authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentiallywithin the domestic jurisdiction of any state." 33. l would first of aIl point out that it was the Portuguese Government which decided unilaterally that Angola was an integral part of Portugal. Angola and its people have never had the opportunity to express their views onthatunilateral decision according to which Angola is a Portuguese province. They have never been able to exercise their right of selfdetermination, and have never been consulted as to whether they agreed or not to the1r integration with Portugal. In addition, the distance between the two countries is enormous. Hence, to our mind, this juridical definition, orrather this fiction, cannot induce us to subscribe to the view that Article 2 (7) of the Charter is applicable in this case. 34. Furthermore, from the point of view ofthe international status of Angola, whether it is considered an integral part of Portugal or a Portuguese colony over which Portugal exercises sovereignty, the position remains the same so far as the Security Council's jurisdiction is concerned. 35. In fact the jurisprudence of the Security Council, ü l may use such a term, corroborates our argument. The Council itself adopted the same attitude with regard to the question of Spain, the question of Indonesia and the question of CZ,echoslovakia. Moreover, 36. It would therefore seem that, when faced withthe question of human rights, of which the right of peoples to self-determination is one of the fundamental principles, the United Nations has declared itself competent whenever the question of the violation ofhuman rights affected the friendly relations which should prevail among States Members of the United Nations. 37. Indeed no question can remain any more essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of a State if it is international in scope and if it has international repercussions, especially if those repercussions are liable to impair the friendly relations which should exist among States or to threaten international peace and security. There is no doubt that, if the situation in Angola continues, it is likely to have an effect on relations between States and to constitute a threat to peace and security in that part of the world. 38. 1 should like to make two further observations on this matter. 39. First of all, the decision of Portugal to consider Angola and other provinces as integral parts of Portugal was taken in 1951 prior to the entry of Portugal into the United Nations. Thus, Portugal has been considering Angola to be an integral part of its territory for barely ten years. Previously the C0UUtry was considered a colony. 40. Finally, on 15 December, during the first part of its fifteenth session, the General Assembly adopted resolution 1542 (XV) on the transmission of information under Article 73 e of the Charter. It is stated in that resolution that the General Assembly: Ill. Considers that, in the light of the provisions of Chapter. XI of the Charter, General Assembly resolution 742 (VIII) and the principles approved by the Assembly in resolution 1541 (XV) of 15 December 1960, the territories under the administration of Portugallistedhereunder are Non-8elf-Governing Territories within the meaning of Chapter XI of the Charter •••" There follows a list of all the namvs of the territories, among them Angola, including the enclave of Cabinda. The resolution continues as follows: "2. Declares that an obligation exists on the part of the Government of Portugal to transmit information under Chapter XI of the Charter concerningthese Territories, and that it should be dischargedwithout further delay." 41. The text of this resolution clearly indicates that the United Nations considers that Angola is not an integral part of Pori"~ll.l and that it constitutes in fact a Non-8elf-Governiv g erritory within the meaning of Article 73 of the Ch!..... ;'dr. Inthose circumstance.s there is no doubt in our minds as to the jurisdiction of the United Nations and the SecuritY Council to deal with this problem. "Intervention means the taking by a State of any action constituting intrusion into the domestic or external affairs of another State in order to demand the performance or non-performance of a specified act. The interveningState acts through its authorities in seeking to impose its will~ to exert pressure and compel compliance with its views."11 43. The inclusion of the question of Angola in the agenda, the discussion of that question or even the formulation of recommendations thereon cannotinany event constitute an intervention inthe domestic affairs of Portugal. 44. We are now only at the stage of dealing with the inclusion of the question in the agenda, andno one can contend that such inclusion, if it is approved by the Council, can constitute any kind of intervention in the domestic affairs of Portugal. If we wish to ascertain definitely whether these events endanger peace and security within the meaning of Article 34 of the Charter, then we must discuss them here. 45. l request you to include the question of Angola in the agenda of the Security Council.

!fhe next speaker on my list is the representative of Ceylon. l wouldlike to remind the members of the Council that we are now speaking on the question of the adoption of the agenda and to express the hope that they will confine their remarks to the inscription of this item on the agenda. If the agenda is adopted, there will then be full opportunity to discuss the substance of the question thereafter.

l appreciate the President's rema.rks that we should confine ourselves to the question merely of whethertoinscribethisitem on the agenda, but, because of the importance of the question, l should like to associate myself with the representatives of Liberia and the -United Arab Republic in urging the inscription of the item. l shall not deal with the substantive question, but l wish to set forth the reasons for supporting the request for inscription. 48. In asking for inscription, l wish tomake one point clear: My delegationis not motivatedby any consideration other than the identity of interests we have with the colonial peoples all over the worldandthe bearing that this colonial problem has on international peace and security. 49. We want the Portuguese people to be prosperous and happy and to enjoy liberty as much as we want the colonial peoples to be free, prosperous and happy and to enjoy liberty. If, however, the policy of Portugal is 11 Charles Rousseau, Droit international public, Paris, Librairie du Recueil Sirey. 1953, p. 321. nBut we also find this concern in the people, in the man, in the street who talks and discusses African problems with aknowledge ofthe facts, since there are many journals and publications devoted to overseas affairs. The man in the street knows very well that the future of Portugal is in its overseas territories, laden with enormous riches, such as the oil wells which have been drilled in Angola, and that the life itself of Portugal exists in those countries which look to the future, since it is also known with certainty that without those overseas provinces, namely, its territories on both sides of Africa, Portugal would lose its very 'raison d'être'. Thatis why in recent months •••n_I wish to emphasize this-llthe Portuguese Army has got into closel' contact with African problems and is facing up to anything which might obscure the future. n If policies such as this, if implemented, do not affect international peace and security, 1 do not know what kind of policy does affect international peace and security. 51. Often, countries such as mine are described as "uncommittedn nations. Broadly speaking, particularly "vis à visn the cold war, this is a correct description. But there are issues on which we are fully committed. On the question of the subjugation of one people by another, we are heavily committed on the side of the subjugated people. This is a period in which the subject peoples are sweeping away the fetters that were imposed on them by powerful colonial Powers in an earlier period. The Government which I represent is also one that has come into being as a consequence of this world-wide movement for nationalliberation. So are the many Governments whose representatives have today addressed a letter [S/4762] tothe President of the Security Council, conveying their support for the inscription of this item. 52. Four hundred and fifty years of colonial history are being reversed in a matter of a couple of decades, and its final stage is being reached in Africa, where vast social and political changes are taking place. Angola may be one of the last bastions of colonialism. Nevertheless it is a bastion that will and must fall. 53. It is not only we who have Just emerged as independent nations that are anti-colonialist. So is the United Nations as a whole. Does not the Charter, in Article 73, lay this down quite clearly'? Similarly, did not the United Nations reiterate this Article andadopt a Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples on 14 December 1960 [resolution 1514 (XV)], without a single dissenting vote'? This Declaration will be regarded in times to come as being as significant an achievement of the 54. We believe that the contravention of both these dechu'ations by the authorities who exercise control over Angola is a matter that we are in a position to prove. We tu'e also in a position to prove that the contravention of these two declarations is causing tension between the newly independent States, both in Asia and Africa, on the one hand, and Portugal on the other. This is a cogent reasonfor the inscription of this item. The relations between Member States must not be ~ùlowed to deteriorate through the failtu'e of the Security Council to take note of such developm8nts. It might be tu'gued that a discussion of this item will be acrimonious and therefore will poison the atmosphere of international relations. My delegation cannot agr::le with such an argument. My delegation lmows OlÙY too well how, when socio-political upheavals in colonial territories and newly emergent nations tu'e not correctly evaluated, and when timely action is not taken along the correct lines, there is a tendency for great Powers to be drawn into the vortex of those upheavals. 1 need not eh"Pand on the dangers to world peace in such developments. 55. The case of the Congo provides the most recent example. In that case, the Fourth Commi~tee attempted to obtain information about the Congo and fix a ttu'get date for independence. The Belgiau Government took the position that it was not the concern of the United Nations. We lmow what followed. Now the Congo has beconle a very expensive concern of tile United Nations. It has become the dangerous concern of tile United Nations and the world. 56. My delegation believes that events in Angola tu'e following tile same pattern as in the Congo. Therefore, it is dangerous for us to ignore tile lessons of tile pasto We tu'e not unawtu'e of the views of the Portugl1ese Government tilat tile United Nations is precludedfrom Article 2 (7) of the Chtu'ter from considerilit; matters concerning the Portuguese territories overseas, sillce these territories do not faU withill the scope of Chapter XI of the Chtu'ter but tu'e, on the other hand, Integral ptu'ts of Portugal. 57. Neither the time nor the occasion requires any demolition of this often heard and repeated theme, but, Ml'. President, you will ptu'don me if 1 quote a passage from a publication of the Ministry of External Affairs of the Government of India called Goa and the Charter of the United Nations, which 1 thilù( is the best eh'})osure of tilis great Portuguese fallacy that Goa, Mozambique, Angola and other territories are Integral ptu'ts of metropolitan Portugal. It is headed "From 'Colonies' to 'Provinces'": "Portugal was indeed looking far ahead. Hel' application for admission to the United Nations had been rejected, yet she would continue to apply and at some time or the other wotùd become a member of that body. There wollid be serious obstacles in the way then. The Charter of the United Nations had categoricaUy rejected colonialism and had solemnly written in the right of subject peoples to independence. Therefore, before Portugal became a member of the United Nations, it was a matter of necessity for her to prove through suchlegal change that she no longer had colonies under ber control; they were all part of a large free state, equal in every respect, enjoying the fundamental freecioms, democratic in structure, and infact indistinguishable from a nation like the United States of America or Brazil, which in a large geographical area had a population composed of various ethnic groups, religions, languages and the like. "The detestable word 'Colony' was, therefore, dropped and the word 'Province' took its place in what came to be known as the 'Ultramar Portugues'." 58. My delegation is clearly of the view that Portugal's territ9ries overseas are not integral parts of Portugal, but are non-self-governingterritories rlùed by Portugal. In short, they are Portuguese colonies. Any scienttiic definition of a colony applies to Angola and other Portuguese territories overseas. 59. No anlendments of the Portuguese Constitution, whether recent or otherwise, can alter the facts of history, geography, anthropology, economics and, above aIl, of common sense. Arbitrary legislation or edicts CaImot hold back the tide of history. They must correspond with historical trends ü they are to endure. Portugal must surely know this. 60. There was a time, as in 1493, when a Papal bull collid assign areas of the earth to European rivals contending for expaIlsion. There was a time, as in 1494, when Spain and Portugal, by an agreed treaty, divided their respective fields of exploitation. The validity of such Papal bllils and treaties were chnllenged then by nations whose r-epresentatives sit at this very table today. Will not the irrational legislation of the Portuguese Government be challenged even more determinedly in this mid-twentieth century by peoples who are struggling to be free"/ Rather than 61. There are seated at this table some of Portugal's oldest allies. Of course, th~y are themselves colonial Powers, but thç leaders of these countries have shown a greater understanding of the rising forces in their colonial territories. For example, M. Macmillan, Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, has said: "The wind of change is blowing through the continent ••• we must accept it as a facto Our national poticies must take account of it." Similarly, President de Gaulle of France has said: "In the face of the changes taking place among the African peoples, we must agree to form a community with them on a new basis-that is, on a basis of free choice for all." 62. Ml'. President, the Chief Executive of your own country, President Kennedy, has confirmed the statement attributed to a h1gh official of the Administration that "Africa belongs to the Africans". 63. AlI these statements imply that they are prepared to recognize the l'ole of the nationalist movements when they become irresistible. Cannot this same principle be applied to Portugal through a discussion in the Security Council? Can we not in the Se{:urity Council discuss this item with a view to finding a solution without allowing things to drift until we are confronted with a more serious situation? 64. Lastly, let us assume for the sake of argument that Angola is part of Portugal, however absurd that may be. The Council will recall that only a year ago, in March 1960, certain tragic events occurred in Sharpeville in the Union of South Africa. The Council decided to discuss those events and to take some action, however limited that action was. Should not the precedent apply.to Angola? 65. Thus my delegation, looking at this problemfrom many angles, is convinced that the request of the delegation of Liberia must be acceded to. Let not the Angolese, let not the Africans and let not the world, say that the Security Council waits till a crisis overtakes it before arguing about action, rather thanforestalling trouble, which in this case can very well be a danger to peace and security.

l calI on the representative of the Soviet Union to address the Council onthe adoption of the agenda. 67. Ml'. ZORIN (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) (translated from Russian): Ml'. President, the Soviet delegation already had an opportunity, attheCouncil's 68. The objections put forward by the representative of Portugal in his letter of 7 March [8/4760] to the President of the 8ecurity COilllCil, which has been circulated to us, to the inclusion of the question of Angola in the Council's agenda, are completely unfounded. The Portuguese Government alleges, in the first place, that the matter concerns the "maintenance of internal public order" and that the 8ecurityCouncil is not vested with authority to deal with problems of internal public order". These allegations are notnew. They have already been put forward repeatedly by the representatives of Portugal in the United Nations and rejected by an overwhelming majority of Member 8tates. 69. The situation in the Portuguese colony of Angola is not a matter falling within the domestic jurisdiction of Portugal because Angola is not simply an integral part of Portugal. It is not an "overseas province", as the Portuguese Government contends, but a colony-a Non-8elf-Governing Territory within the meaning of the Charter-which is now under the control of Portuguese colonizers. This fact was recognized and confirmed by the General Assembly in its resolution 1542 (XV) of 15 December 1960, concerning the transmission of information under Article 73 e of the Charter, on the basis of a report from the Fourth Committee,Y after detailed discussion of all legal and political questions relating to the Portuguese colonies. In that resolution the General Assembly specifically states that Angola, including the enclave of Cabinda, and the other eight Portuguese colonies, are Non-8elf-Governing Territories and that accordingly the provisions of Chapter XI of the Charter apply. 70. It is well known that Portugal itself for several centuries regarded Angola as a colony and defined its legal status in what was known as the Colonial Act. Obviously, matters did not change simply because the Portuguese Government decided in 1951 to rename its colonies "overseas provinces". At the present time, when the General Assembly has adopted a formal resolution, on the subject, statements that Portugal has no colonies sound completely lmconvincing. 72. Thefact is that a situation has been created in Angola which may at any moment turn explosive and lead to military clashes and conflicts,thus endangering world peace. The representative of Ceylon said quite rightly that this danger existed at the present time. Seeking to preserve the colonial order in Angola, the Portuguese Government has instituted a régime of military and police terror in this African country, cruelly persecuting and physically destroy~ng the Angolan patriots who fight for the liberty ana independence of their country. The African population of Angola, deprived of all political and civil rights, is at the complete. mercy of the Portuguese colonizers. Using armed force, the Portuguese authorities ruthlessly suppress any attempt of the African inhabitants to improve theil' situation and gain theil' freedom and independence. This is what is building up the threat to peace in the African continent. The conditions under which the Portuguese colonizers force the Africans of Angola to live are literally unbearable. As the representative of Liberia pointed out earlier, menare dying in Angola, they are being cast into prison. What is more; Africans are subjected to forced labour in its cruelest forms and on a mass scale. Official statistics show that about 700,000 Angolans from seven to seventy years of age worked in conditions of forced labour during 1957. According to the prominent Portuguese figure, Galvao, "onlythedeadarereleased from forced labour". The President of Ghana, Ml'. Nkrumah, declared in his statement before the General Assembly on 23 September 1960 that "in Portuguese Africa ... though it is difficult to believe, the condition of the ordinary African i8 worse even than it is in the Union of South Africa".1/ 73. The Portuguese authorities have outlawed the activities of nationalist organizations and political parties. They stop at nothing in theil' endeavours to suppress the national liberation movement of the Angolan people. In a memorandum of the Union of Peoples ofAngola circulatedto representatives attending the fifteenth session of the General Assembly, we read the following: 1/ Ibid., Flfteenth Session (Part 1), Plenary Meeti~ vol. l, 869th meeting, para. 46. 74. The members of the Security Council are well acquainted with the facts of the massacre of African Angolans which took place in early February 1961 and which was referred to by the representatives of Liberia, the United Arab Republic and Ceylon. The incomplete reports received from Angola indicate that in the course of the massacre the Portuguese colonizers killed at least 100 persons , while many others were wounded and hundreds thrown into prison. According to eye-witnesses, the repression of Africans in a settlement near Luanda resembled a slaughter. The streets of Luanda are patrolled by armoured cars and by police armed with machine guns. By special order of the Governor General, all military units have been placed in combat readiness. Accordingtofigures given in the British periodical The Economist of 18 February 1961, there are now 20,000 Portuguese troops in Angola, and reports are constantly arriving of major new reinforcements transported from Portugal to Angola by air and sea. Everything points to the fact that the Portuguese colonizers are preparing further measures of repression agaillst the African population of Angola. 75. In a cable addressed to Ml'. Khrushchev, the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, Ml'. Mario de Andrade, the Chairman of the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola, wrote on 1 February 1961: "The Portuguese colonialists continue in t11eir policy of mass extermination of Luanda's population. We demand intervention by the United Nations Security Council and the dispatch of a mission of investigation to Angola. We rely firmly on your Government's solidarity in the struggle for independence of the Angolan people." 76. The extremely tense and uneasy situation in Angola is mentioned in many other communications and telegrams from representatives of Angolan political parties and public organizations and from representatives of international organizations. 77. It goes without saying that the people of Angola, the other peoples of Africa and the United Nations as a whole calUlOt and must not tolerate the present situation in Angola. They camlot remain passive Ùl the face of the brutal repression of the African poplÙation by the Portuguese colonizers. 78. Recent events clearly indicated that the POl'tuguese Govenmlent is discounting all possibility for 79. This action by Portugal 1s in flagrant violation of the Declaration of 14 December 1960, in which the General Assembly expressly states: IlAlI armed action or repressive measures of all ldnds directed against dependent peoples shail cease in order to enable them to exercise peacefully and freely their right to complete independence." [Resolution 1514' (XV).] The whole Assembly voted for this resolution. There were no opposing votes. No one, not even the most inveterate colonialists, dared to vote against it. But the Portuguese Government took an openly hostile position with regard to this General Assembly resolution and plainly stated that it did not intend to implement it. The ruler ofPortugal, Salazar, openlydeclared that Portugal would not agree to being deprived in any way of its overseas territories, either by alienation, cession, renunciation, plebiscite, referendum or selfdetermination. Can we accept such a statement? 80. Ali this indicates that the United Nations must demand of its Member, Portugal, that it fulfil the Charter obligations it assumed on being admitted to the Orgiillization, obligations it now cynically and flagrantly violates. There is no doubt whatsoever that the Portuguese colonizers will be expelled from African soil-from Angola and their other colonies. But the events in Angola indicate that Portugalintends to mark its inevitable withdrawal by further mass murders of Africans. 81. The Security Council must notpermitthe Angolan colonizers to commit these fresh crimes. The bitter experience of the Congo suffices. 82. That is why the Soviet delegation fully supports the initiative of the Liberian delegation, even as it supports the statements by the representatives of Liberia, the United Arab Republic and Ceylon, asking that the question of Angola should be included in the agenda and carefully examined by the Security Council with a view to averting a serious threat to international peace,and security and to adopting practical measures designed to give effect to the provisions adopted by the General Assembly in its Declara'~Lon on the granting of indepeii.ltlUce to colonial countries and peoples. The meeting rose at 1 p.m. B.~P.I•• 8. rue Michaux·B.llaire. NETHERLANDS.PAYS.IAS N.V. Marlinus Nijhoff. 9. •..Gravenhage. NEW ZEALAND.NOUVELLE.ZELANDE Uniled Nations Associalion land. C.P.O. 1011, NORWAY.NORVEGE Johan Grundt Tanum gu.lsgl. 7A. Oslo. Litho ln VoN. Priee: $tl.S. 0.35; 2/6 stg.; (or equlvalent ln other currencles) Ord... ond inquiri•• Irom countri•• not list.d abov. may be ••nt ta: Sol.. S.ction, Publi.lling S.vic., Unit.fI Nation., N.w York, U.S.A.; or Sol•• S.ction, Unit.d Nation., Po/ais d.s Nation., G.n.va, Swit,.r/and.