S/PV.945 Security Council

In accordance with the decision adopted by the Security COW1cil at its previous meeting, 1 invite the representative of Portugal ta take the seat reserved for him in front of the Counci! table. At the invitation of the President, Mr. Vasco V. Garin, (Portugal) took the place reserved for him in front of the Council table. 2. en du débat demando ville) d'objections, place du

In a letter dated 13 March 1961 [S/4767] the representative of Ghana has requested that he be permitted ta participate in the discussion of this question. Another request [S/4766] has been received from the representative of the Congo (Brazzaville). If 1 heal' no objections, 1 shall invite those two representatives ta take the seats reserved for them in front of the Counci! table.

1 now calI on the representative of the Congo (Brazzaville). 3. la 4. Ml'. DADET (Congo, Brazzaville) (translatedfrom French): The Congolese are the kindred and immediate neighbours of the peoples of Cabinda and Angola. At present there are several thousand persans from Angola and Cabinda in Matadi and LeopoIdville, Brazzaville and Pointe-Noire, ta mention only those 4. sont du compte à pour 5. The representative of Portugal need not tell me that the exodus from Ang'Ola und Cabinda ta the two Congos was due ta the problem of ovel'-population in those two territories. There are only 4.5 million inhabitants in an area of 1,250,000 square kilometres in Angola. Nor has the former Belgian Congo or the Government of the Cong'O (Brazzaville) asked the Portuguese Government ta supply labour from Angola or Cabinda. 6. The Portuguese at present at Leopoldville, Brazzaville and Pointe-Noire are weIl aware of the reasons for the flight of people from Angola and Ct'lbinda ta the neighbouring free and independent countries. We know kinsfolk from Angola who preferred ta travel on foot for months on end, over thousands of kilometres from Luanda, hiding by day and walking by night, braving countless hazards in arder ta reach the ex-Belgian Congo and Congo (Brazzaville). They have told us of their plight. They have explained to us why they feel compelled ta resist those who, disregarding the elementary principles of humanity and liberty, claim ta speak in the narre of civilization and above aH in the name of Christianity. 7. The Angolan refugees in the Congo, José Bernardo Domingos, a philosopher and theologian, ~:eacher at Luanda, member of the African National League and organizer of the common front of all Angolan political parties, José Agostinho Do Brito, José Marques Pimentel and many other true sons of Ang'Ola have preferred to flee the country and go into exile in order to enlighten world opinion on the real situation in Angola. 8. At Pointe-Noire in the Republic of the Congo (Brazzaville), we have a number of people who were barn in Cabinda, many of whom preferred ta renounce the Portuguese nationality which had been foisted upon them, a fact of which the Portuguese Embassy in the Congo ia well aware. There are people from Angola and Cabinda who cannat return ta their country so long as the present political situation prevails. 9. Before going into details of the unspeakable atrocities and humiliations of every kind suffered at the hands of the Portuguese in Angola and Cabinda, which have aroused the im'!ignation of the Congolese people, l shall address not an appeal but a warning to Ml'. Salazar who, as l earnestly hope and trust, should be listening at this moment. l appeal to Ml'. Salazar ta meditate seriously on the following words which are not my own but were written by a white man, a Frenchman and a European and therefore a man whose country knows about colonizing. l refer to François d'Harcourt who wrote in his book L'Afrique à l'heure H: "An African who has just been awakened cannot be asked to behave as though he were still asleep. Today millions of Africans are on the march and nothing can hait them so long as they are determined to go forward. The problem is to know how white men will adapt themselves to the new situations they have created." 11. ft seems then that the Angolans have become so Portuguese that today they prefer to be killed by the Portuguese so that their country may become Angolan again! But the Portuguese with Ml'. Salazar at their head will never exterminate all the people of Angola, and one day in the near future the Angolans will recover their liberty and hoist the flag of independence. 12. The French Constitution of 1946 made us French citizens. In the Preamble of that Constitution we can read the foHowing: "France forms with the overseas peoples a Union based upon equality of rights and duties without distinction as to race or religion. "The French Union is composed of nations and peoples who combine or co-ordinate their resources and their efforts to develop their respective civilizations, promote their welfare and ensure their security. "Faithful to its traditional mission, France intends to lead the peoples for which it has assumed responsibility to self-government and to the democratic management of their own affairs." Furthermore Title VITI of the Constitution states: "Article 81. AlI French nationals and persons belonging to the French Union shaH have the status of citizens of the French Union, which ensures them the enjoyment of the rights and freedoms guaranteed by the Preamble to the present Constitution. "Article 82. Citizens who do not have French civil status shall retain their personal status provided that they have not renounced it." 14. France, conseious of the turn which events were taking, went still further, and in 1957 embryonic governments were set up in our country and in all the French overseas territories. 1 still remember hearing certain Portuguese officiaIs on the frontier with Cabinda ridiculing France and its indulgent attitude towards its territories. That is not hearsay but something 1 heard with my own ears. 15, Then in 1958, France said to us, for all the '.Torld to hear: "Choose~" And we chose, without any .:.ore ado. Today we are here speaking in the name of our brothers and sisters, whereas in Angola and Cabinda there does not seem ta be the slightest prospect yet of liberation for peoples who wish to assert themselves and who are being forced to be Portuguese, that is to say, to be "European Africans" or even "White Blacks" which is sheer nonsense, 16, What France has done, thereby winning admiration and preserving friendship, what the United Kingdom has done, thereby earning gratitude, could surely be done by Lisbon if only in the name of civilization and Christianity, 17, The representative of Portugal will no doubt reply that, in my own country, we have had disturbanees too, That may well be true, but the skirmishes we had were not in any way directed against Frenchmen or against France; they were merely arguments being settled among brothers, and nothing more, Then order was restored and France has retained our friendship; this is highly unlikely to be the relation.- ship between Portugal and future generations in Angola or Cabinda if Ml', Salazar refuses to see reason, that is to say if he persists in his blind obstinacy in considering the people of Angola as citizens of Coimbra or Oporto against their will, The peoples of Angola and Cabinda have never been asked to vote freely for or against Portuguese citizenship, We have never heard of truly democratic elections being held in Angola and Cabinda in connexion with the politieal status of those countries, which Ml'. Salazar treats as a private preserve, 18, 1 wish now to turn to the representative of the United States of America to ask him a favour on behali of all our brethren in the Portuguese colonies, 1 know in advanee that 1 shaH be told that the provisions of the Charter forbid a Member State to intervene in the domestic affairs of another State; indeed the representative of Portugal, an experieneed lawyer of high calibre, reminded us of that fact, as he so 21. In the part of my statement in which 1 shall give you the true reasons for Angola' s struggle for independence and the true version of recent events there, 1 shall have to quote names of Portuguese origin. Bear with me li 1 pronounce them badly. Besides, no harm is done to anyone li words or nOuns describing things which are bad are pronounced badly. In our country, for instance, instead of "Portuguese" we say "poutrouguesse" or "potogais". 22. Moreover, 1 would make a point of informing the distinguished lawyer who represents Portugal that the basic material for this part of my statement was not supplied to me by any communist party. 1 am a real Congolese and 1 just arrived from the Congo a week ago. And the frontiers of Angola are not yet impenetrable barriers. 23. Let us see what are the present conditions of the struggle in Angola. First of aIl, there is no freedom of association in the Portuguese possessions, and aIl the freedom organizations are still entirely clandestine. 24. The peoples of the Portuguese colonies in Africa have increased their energy fivefold and multiplied their efforts, spurred on by the desire to have their own place in the sun. This eagerness for a change in living conditions, this desire to live independent like the neighbouring peoples of their own kin was noticed by Portuguese colonialist circles, who began to devise a completely new strategy aimed at nipping in the bud any attempt at a demonstration for any kind of emancipation. Since then, every Portuguese steamship or other vessel coming from Lisbon has been unloading into the Portuguese colonies a large number of metropolitan citizens who come with no hope of returning. They come to swell the numbers of settlers and the forces of repression. . 1 \! 25. First of aIl, the invading colonists are, inPortugal's eyes, the only sure guarantee of the secu- 26. We listened with tears in our eyes to the stories told us by people from Angola and Cabinda who managed to flee their country and seek refuge with us. 1 assure you that if the representative of Portugal were in the Congo and i.f he allowed himself to speak as he did here a few days age, he would he dealt with in a way which 1 leave to your imagination. Both in the Congo (Leopoldville) and in the Congo (Brazzaville) we all abhor Portuguese colonialism with its inhuman and obscurantist policy. 27. 1 shall now speak of Angola' s struggle for independence and of its origin. The Angolans have been fighting for their liberation for more than fifty years. Every ethnie group there has shed its blood so that the country can enjoy democratic freedoms in complete independe~ce. 28. In 1910, there was the revolution in the north of Angola. Several nationalists disappeared. Among the most prominent were General Buta, the animating spirit of the revolution, Zulante, Nani and Sengele. In 1915 and during subsequent years, whole families were deported from the neighbourhood of Luanda and disappeared. Nothing further is known about them because no news has ever been received. 29. Portugal built waUs of silence around itsAfrican possessions. No foreigner could enter easily. Those journalists or missionaries who came out of them realized the reason for the Angolans' struggle. True accounts of the plight of the indigenous peoples were written in 1910 and thereafter by missionaries and travellers such as Haldane Graham, George Cyril Claridge, John H. Weeks, and Bowskill and, after 1925, by a number of well-known world figures including the American John Gunther and the Englishman Basil Davidson. 30. The representative of Portugal will surely not go so far as to say that aU the writings of the men 1 have just mentioned were lies. The representative of Portugal is surely not going to say that all these writers, journalists and missionaries were communists or agitators. The representative of Portugal is surely not going to make us belleve that all those writings were instigated by countries who wanted to supplant Portugal in its African colonies. 31. 1 now turn to the history of the struggle. Since the situation was becoming more and more critical, several Angolans resigned themselves to leaving the country and going abroad, not for pleasure, because it was with heavy hearts that they had to leave their families to the mercy of Portuguese mercenaries, but to expose to other peoples the unjust methods of Portuguese colonialism. Many of those Angolans settled, after many difficulties, in sorne European countries whose interests are bound up with those of Portugal. 33. We recaU that aIl the indigenous inhabitants of the Portuguese possessions who were forced into exile because of Portuguese repression and police methods settled in the adjacent territories, where, happily, they find a more healthy atmosphere because it is more democratic and free. In tne ex-Belgian Congo alone, there are more than 250,000 Angolans, including no less than 60,000 in the town of Leopoldville. 34. The representative of Portugal can check with his country' s Embassy in Leopoldville whether those figures are correct. It is incredible that so many Angolans should have fled from their country, leaving behind their property and their families, if the Portugues~ admInistration and its policy are reaUy so undeniably favourable to the indigenous inhabitants. 35. We Congolese know the Portuguese very weIl. The story told us here by the representative of Portugal about the football match organized by foreign journalists between black and white children is entirely in tune with the Portuguese national anthem in Africa. 36. Let us say a few words about the attitude of some of the Portuguese living in Angola. Portuguese pirates landed in Angola more than four centuries ago. Families were established there, and the least we can say i8 that they fraternized with the local people, sharing their bread and their struggle. This co-operation ha~. been maintained in some families, and some Portuguese born in Angola, recognizing the nobility and purity of the Angolan cause, have been co-operating with the colonized. That i8 why there are Portuguese, born or resident in Angola, rotting in Portuguese prisons side by side with indigenous people, aU of them victims of Salazar's tyranny. 37. We must also mention that there is a great deal of discontent among the Portuguese settlers in Angola. For Portugal, its African possessions, especially Angola, are simply vast commercial enterprises with low overhead costs. We shaU illustrate this with some examples. 38. Portugal has concluded an agreement with Verwoerd' s Government of South Africa to supplycheaply hundreds of thousands of Mozambique labourers to work in the diamond minl?s of South Africa. This supply of human beings, renewed every year, brings to Portugal the foreign currency it needs, becaus~ Portugal, as everyone knows, is an under-developed country. 39. Relp from the military has been given on the quiet. In Angola, aU the coffee produced is purchased by a Portuguese syndi r -1;e at very low priees, about a quarter of the UBL)" ,:;lrice on the world market. This coffee, subsequt:;hüy traded· by Portugal who keeps aU the profits in the .metropolitan coffers, iE paid for at an absurdly low rate. Hence the need for settlers to exploit negro labour and to have it sup- 43. Let us now consider the trial of the fifty. World opinion has been sufficiently informed of that sorry matter, and 1 need not dwell on it further. Suffice it to note that the trial was held in several stages, that is, by groups. The first people tried werewhite, from among those who loathe Salazar' s methods j among them we find an engineer Calazens Dua:rte, a doctor Maria Julietta Gandra, an architect Veloso, an accountant Vieira Meireles, a student Helder Ferreira Neto, and two others, Africans called Contreiras Da Costa and Manuel Dos Santos. 44. In the second stage twelve persons were tried, mainly Angolans and mostly medical assistants at the central hospital of Luanda. Among them were Ml'. Agostiooo, Ml'. Mendes de Carvalho and Ml'. Armando Ferreira, who was kidnapped at Leopoldville by the Portuguese consulate and transferred to Luanda through the Belgian colonial administration, Ml'. Florencio de Gaspar, Ml'. Adâo Domingos Martins and Ml'. Carlos Anicet Vieira Dias. 45. 1 shaH now read out two passages from a meIJ'lOrandum sent by the Union of the Populations of Angola (UPA) to the Security Council concerning this famous trial of the fifty: "Those ta whom colonial justice shows amodicum of leniency are set free. But what kind of freedom is it? It is a kind which any man will reject, preferring death in order to make society healthier~~ In fact, the so-caHed freed persons are aH afflicted in sorne way. Sorne are mentally deficient, like Antonio Marques Monteiro, Ramos Lundila, Miguel de Oliveira Fernandes, Francisco José Pereira Africanoj others have lost the, use of speech and have become paralysed, as was the fate of the patriots Alfredo Benje and Adao Manuel Marques. "Not content with these misdeeds, the Portuguese colonialists venture so far as to destroy and burn sorne villages to the ground and then to mow down the fleeing villagers immediately. For them it is a hunting expedition: men, women and children are the game. The colonial authorities take care to 49. After the sentencing of the nep;roes who appeared in the trial of the fifty, it was proposed to transfer them to a safe place which was to be kept secret from the people, This plan was discovered by some Angolans in Luanda before it could be carried out, the date having been set as 4 February 1961. It was then that the population, weU aware of the significanee of these transfers by the Portuguese-transfers from which few ever return-decided to free them or die in the attempt, so as to warn aU the peoples of the world once and for aIl, They made this attempt, which they subsequently repeated, armed only with hunting guns, and the Portuguese replied with submachine guns. 50. The assailants subsequently broke up into three groups: the first group attacked the central pr~son, the second attacked a police patrol, and the third attacked the house of milita:ry detention. AU those groups were composed of Africans and not, as the Portuguese claimed, of metropolitan Portuguese or white foreigners painted black. There were many victims, And for once the Portuguese lost sorne of their own men, 51. The punitive expedition which followed was not at aU worthy of the disci.ples of the Vatican and of Fatima which the Portuguese so proudly claim to be. The African quarter behind the cemetery on the Catete motor highway was razed to the ground. Men, women and children-none escaped the massacre. Tractors dug holes to bury the dead. That is not the first time that such horrible methods have been used in Angola. AH the African quarters are dotted with heavily armed military cars, and a strict curfew is in force, Anyone who disobeys, even innocently, pays for it dearly. It may even cost him his life. The Prenda quarter in Luanda was completely destroyed. 53. That is the splendid worl<: the Portuguese have done in Africa. My Government fully endorses the initiative taken by Liberia. in asking fol' the matter to be brought before the Security Council. In our view, the only possible solution for this tragic situation in the Portuguese possessions lies in their immediate decolonization. Consequently, my delegation will whole-heartedly support any effort in this direction.

1 now call on the representative of Ghana. 55. Ml'. QUAISON-SACKEY (Ghana): 1 wish to place on record the gratitude of the Government of Ghana to the President and the members of the Security Council fol' permitting me to participate in this debate on the situation in Angola and thus to add our voice to those of the delegations of the United Arab Republic and Liberia, which. in reality, are speaking on behalf of African freedom fighters. We are not here engaged ih legal preoccupations or juridical niceties. We are here dealing with a problem which strikes at the very core of African independence and solidarity. 56. The atrocities to which Africans in Angola have been subjected cannot but provoke all African nationalists, who have indeed demanded the end of colonialism and colonial rule in Africa. There is no doubt that Portuguese atrocities in Angola can never be tolerated by independent African States, which also will not remain silent spectators of this tragic situation in Angola. In the Angolan situation lies a great threat to international peace and security of Africa, to which this Council must perforee a.ddress itself. 57. 1 wish to recall that the President of Ghana emphasized that a threat to world peace is implicit in the situation in Angola when, speaking before the General Assembly on 23 September 1960, he said: "In Portuguese Africa there exists forced labour which is akin to slavery, all political freedom is denied, and, though it is dlificult to believe, the condition of the ordinary African is worse even than it is in the Union of South Africa. If the situation in the Portuguese territories has not yet become, as has the situation in South Africa, a threat to world peace, this is merely because the inevitable explosion has not as yet taken place."Y 58. Since he spoke these prophetie words, events in Africa, and particularly in Angola, have not remained still. The "wind of change", which has come to be identified with Prime Minister Macmillan of the 60. Before we go further, let us take cognizance of the fact that the representative of Portugal, in his letter dated 7 March 1961, addressed ta the President of the Security Council, presented in the name of his Government: "a strong protest against the action of the delegation of Liberia which-basing itself on vague and groundless allegations-requested the inscription in the Council' s agenda of a matter which is exclusively within the jurisdiction of the Government of Portugal, i.e., the maintenance of internaI public order" [S/4760]. 61. First of a11, 1 must emphasize that it is the Portuguese Government which unilatera11y decided that Angola is an Integral part of Portugal. Prior to Il June 1951, there was no question whatsoever, under the Political Constitution of the Portuguese Republic, that these areas were colonies governed by the Portuguese Colonial Act. On that date, however, a law was enacted, amending the Constitution and abolishing that Act, but nevertheless incorporating its provisions, without major changes of substance, in the revised Constitution, under the title "Do ultramar Português", and changing the expression "Ministry of Colonies" to "Ministry of Overseas Portugal". Thus, these areas, according to the Portuguese, became an integral part of the Portuguese State and were "united as between themselve& and with Metropolitan Portugal". This action was taken by the Portuguese Government without ascertaining the wishes of the Angolan people and indirect contravention of the San Francisco declaration of 1945 on Non-Self-Governing Territories, enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. 62. But, for us, there is no doubt that Angola is and has always been a colony. How could it be otherwise when the opinion of its population, freely expressed by informed and democratic processes, was not sought as to these formaI changes in status, and when 11 Ibid., para. 48. 63. Angola is geographically separate and etlmically, as weIl as culturally, distinct from Portugal, Its relationship with Portugal, be it administrative, political, juridical 01' economic, clearly places it in a position of subordination. Its peoples are infel'ior in status to those of Portugal, They do not have the same l'ights of citizenship or guarantees of fundamental human rights and freedoms. They do not have the same rights and opportunities fol' representation and effective participation in the executive, legislative, and judicial organs of government. It was for these reasons that the General Assembly, in resolution 1542 (XV) of 15 December 1960, stated the following conclusion: "Considers that, in the light of the provisions of Chapter XI of the Charter, General Assembly resolution 742 (VIll) and the principles approved by the Assembly in resolution 1541 (XV) of 15 December 1960, the territories under the administration of Portugal listed hereunder are Non-Self- GoverningTer-ritories within the meaningofChapter XI of the Charter ..• ft The list then given included Angola. 64. My delegation would have liked to agree with the Portuguese that the situation in Angola only concerns the "maintenance of public order", but we do not have to go very far to see that the matter has far wider implications. In a statement early last year to the Special Committee of Six indicating its views on the principles which should guide members in determining whether or not an obligation exists to transmit information in accordance with Article 73 e of the Charter, the Government of Ghana stated as follows: ftAfrica i8 changing with intense, often traumatic speed; a whole continent has entered the mainstream of man' s quest for freedom and dignity. The two motive forces of this change are: ft @) Nationalism, not so much in the accepted European sense of a fixed focus onnationalinterest, but a reaction to foreign control, which takes the form of passionate attempts to attain self-government by the conversion of colonial dependencies into independent political entities that are not merely formally independent but whose institutions reflect no racial biasj ft(~ The drive to unity, based on the desire to resist political and economic exploitation by any outside force and to develop without external interference. This is reflected in the assertion of the 'Afri~an Personality' on the political and international level and of 'negritude' on the cultural and intellectual plane, and in the emergence of a spe-- cial consciousness of a 'continental pride', of belonging to Africa. 65. What has recently happened in Angola has directly confirmed these prognostications, to such an extent, indeed, that it constitutes a threat to friendly relations between states and to international peace and security. 1 am sure that the independent states of Africa are well known to be firmly dedicated to the principle of self-determination, t.he eradication of colonialism, racial equality and human rights. Rence, in any situation in Africa, such as that in Angola, where their aspirations and their interests are so obviously in danger of destruction, there can be no question that a threat to international peace and harmony exists. 66. Nothing can be said to fall exclusively within the domestic jurisdiction of a State if it has such international repercussions. Thus, last year, the Council decided that the similar massacres that took place in Sharpeville in the Union of South Africa constituted a threat to international peace. Furthermore, any violation of the principles of human rights and selfdetermination on the scale practised in Angola cannot but be regarded as directly threatening the relations between States, and therefore as a proper concern for this Council. To understand the nature of this situation, one may recaU the many statements which have been made over the years indicating clearly that Portugal, by her actions in her African colonies, has been foUowing a policy which could only result in a violent collision between the Portuguese administration and the African people. 67. The following excerpt from an article published in The Times of India of 24 February 1957, may serve as a typical example: "In Africa, where the bulk of the Portuguese empire languishes under colonial rule, political awakening is still to come ... The once-mighty empire vanished long ago because Portugal did not have the power to maintain overseas possassions ••• By refusing to accept the changed conditions, Portugal is sowing the seeds of convulsions "Decidedly the choice is made. The whole or Africa is irresistibly engaged l'or its total liberation in Il merciless fight agalnst colonialism. The will of Afl'ica, of the whole of Africa, including Angola, is to become a free continent, independent in the same way as the otller continents of the world, for the Creator wished tllat aU men and peoples should be free and equal and that nothing, in consequence, justifies foreign domination." These are the words of an Angolan nationallst. 69. Indeed, members of the Council may ask why, if matters have been so grave in Angola, Portuguese pollcies have not led to disturbances long before this. The answer is that disturbances have, in fact, occurred, but that the world has not hitherto paid attention. There is a bamboo curtain between Angola and the l'est of the world. This curtain has been erected by the Portuguese to aUow them to carry on with theil' repressive acts to destroy the soul of the Africans in Angola. 70. As Dr. Homer A. Jack, of the American Committee on Africa, has written: "Revolt in Angola in the 20th century probably Cirst occurred in 1914 when Buta and his associates tried to stop deportations of Angolans to Sâo Tomé and Cape Verde. Punitive action was taken for. two years and a state of siege lasted for a decade. In 1928, the High Commissioner for Angola, Norton de Matos, on behalf of sorne Portuguese in Angola, asked Portugal to grant independence to that colony. The reaction of Portugal was harsh and de Matos was dismissed." 71. In December 1955, in northern Angola, there was public opposition to forced labour and oppression. ln February 1956, Portugal reacted with arrests and deportations. 72. In August 1958, the African Manifesto was first distributed, condemning the horrors of Cive centuries of Portuguese colonization and exhorting the people of Angola to assert with all their dignity their right to self-determination. Further arrests foUowed, and members of the Council are no doubt alreaây aware of the so-caUed "treason" trial that was due to open last year. The American publication, The Rights of Man, published by the International League for the 73. Later in the same year, the Conference of Independent African States in. Addis Ababa, taking into consideration the petition presented, inter alia, by the representatives of the nationalist movement of Angola, appealed to the colonial Powers to refrain from suppressing national liberation movements, to release political prisoners, detainees and persons under restrictive orders immediately. In the case of Portugal, unfortunately, the pIea has gone unheard. Indeed, in February 1960, the Portuguese and Colonial BuUetin published in London reported as foUows: "Salazar's speech of November 30, 1960, in which he said that under no circumstances would the Portuguese leave Africa, that they would stay there with the plough in one hand and the sword in the other, and 'if necessary' give 'the blood from our veins' in order to do so, was a vil'tuaI declaration of war against the peoples of Angola and Mozambique." 74. Recently, events moved fast. Widespread press coverage has been given to the developments in Angola in recent weeks. On 10 February 1961 the New York Herald Tribune commented in an editorial: "Alas for Angola, Portuguese officiaIs claim that the trouble was provoked by insurgents from the neighbouring Congo and, of course, by the Communists. But the feudal colonial policies (including virtual slavery) practised there would be quite enough to justify almost any kind of eruption." 75. The following day The New York Times commented further in its ectitorial column:. "It will do the Portuguese Government no good to expel, or even shoot, foreign newspaper men. Truth will out. Governments cannot stop clocks or turn them back. This is 1961, not 1861 or 1561. Portuguese policy has been based on the belief that African nationalism would stop at the border of Angola and Mozambique, or be stopped. King Canute has as much chance of stopping the tide from coming in." 76. On the very same day, however, a Lisbon press report published in the New York Herald Tribune showed that Portugal had not benefited from King Canute's experience; on the contrary, it commenced the large-scale movement of paratroop reinforcements to Angola. An observer's account of this is germane to the issue: "Angola authorities could no longer pretend this week that last week' s disturbances were the work "More than fifty were arrested after that attack on the gaol, to add to the 100 arrested earlier. Seven attackers were killed and seventeen injured in the clash. The total death roll since the disturbances began a week ea1'lier was now thirty-eight, including seven members of the security forces. "A British journalist was shot and th1'ee others expelled in what the expellers call 'a state of suppressed hyste1'ia among the white Portuguese' , whose long-standing complacency has been shattered." 77. According to information available to my delegation, the sequence of events was as follows: At the beginning of the month of January 1961, rumours became current according to which all the political prisoners incarcerated in the prisons of Luanda were to he deported. In the Portuguese colonies, deportatian signifies the disappearance and liquidation of the individual who has suffered this fate. It was thus that the Angolan pafriots decided to invade the prisons so as to liberate the prisoners. The date of 4 February was decided upon. The attack took place at four in the morning when the patriots launched an assault on the prisons of Sao Paulo, Casa de Reclusao and Campanhia Movel. The so-called forces of order straightaway opened fire upon the patriots and killed several dozens of them. Other attempts caused further death. It was then that a veritable massacre took place. Here is the account of an eye-witness which is most important: "The most fantastic riot 1 ever saw." It is in these terms that a South African journalist of the Johannesburg newspaper The Star described the dramatic events which characterized Sunday in the capital of Angola: ft ••• A frenzied mob, armed with sticks and with stones snatched from gravestones, broke out from the suburbs of Luanda Sunday evening, beating the Africans to death and sowing panic in the cemetery, where a funeral service for the African and the six Portuguese policemen killed during incidents on Saturday was taking place. The Portuguese pursued and fired on the Africans who were present Q.t the service. It was a veritable massacre. While leaving the cemetery, 1 saw the cadavers whichwere strewn on the streets. The rear lights of my car were broken by the machine gun bullets of the armoured cars at the moment that 1 left the scene of the riot. The Portuguese are hostile to the presence of all foreigners in the city, especially since the Portuguese authorities imply the attacks launched on Sunday by the Africans against the police station, the radio station and the prison were inspired from abroad. Saturday 1 was arrested by the police after having seen that they were gathering up the dead bodies." 78. It is clear that in ord.'" to maintain their colonia.l system in Angola the l:'ortuguese have set up a régime of police and military terror. The indigenous 79. The Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples [resolution 1514 (XV)], which was adopted without a single dissentient vote by the General Assembly last year, stated as follows: uAll armed action or repressive lu"asures of aIl kinds directed against dependent peoples shall cease in order to enable them to exercise peacefully and freely their right to complete independence••. ". Yet, as we have seen, barely six weeks after that declaration, from which Portugal abstained, Portugal proceeded to carry out the most flagrant violations of the terms of the Declaration. 80. Such events are definitely a threat to international peace and my Government urges that the Security Council should shoulder its responsibilities in the matter. 81. The least the Security Council can and should do i8 to demand the immediate cessation of aIl such armed action and repressive mel:lsures, the immediate liberation of aIl freedom fighters and the application without qualification of fundamental human rights and freedoms; also to send a fact-finding commission to inquire into the situation as a whole, in order to enable a deciston to be taken as to the measures necessary to ensure that the aspirations of the people towards freedom and independence are fully satisfied. As a follow-up, this Council may consider recommending the setting up of a committee on Angola, similar to the Committee on South West Africa, to collect information and to negotiate with the Portuguese Government on the Implementation of United Nations resolutions. 82. It is the beliei of my delegation that it is within the competence of this Council to arder such an investigation. We believe that the time has come when the allies of Portugal, notably, the United Kingdom and the United states, should prevail upon Portugal to consider its ways. We think that this is the time for aIl who believe in African freedom and emancipation ta speak out boldly and warn Portugal that it cannat continue with an ostrich-like policy, in the hope of stemmirJ.g the tide of Angolan independence. The writing is on the wall and, unless Portugal mends its ways in Africa and comes to 'terms with the Angolan freedom fighters, mark my words, it will be thrown out of Africa by aIl means available. Africa does not seek vengeance, but continental pride alone will not permit Africans to harbour Portuguese injustice and atrocities any longer. 83. Ml'. PADMORE (Liberia): My delegation listened with surprise to the attacks launched by the representative of Portugal against Liberia. However, my delegation will refrain from replying in the sarne vein, because the African peoples will not be deterred from their efforts to secure fundarnental human rights for aIl their peoples. l shall nevertheless refer only 84. By precept and example, which delegation around this table is trying to deceive? Is it the delegation of Liberia that is trying to convince this Council that the brutal killings in Angola and the cries of the innocent and helpless people of Angola cannot be the concern of their kith and kin in other parts of Africa and do not constitute an imminent threat ta international peace? Which delegation is trying to delude the members of this Council that Angola, an integral part of the continent of Africa located in south-west Africa, is an extension of Portugal in Europe? Which delegation is trying to hoodwink this Council into believing that the African in Angola enjoys the sarne rights and privileges as the Portuguese in Portugal? Which delegation says that the African in Angola enjoys the same rights of citizenship when, in deed and truth, Portuguese laws define different types of Portuguese citizenship? l should say to the representative of Portugal that Portugal cannot build an honest nation by unilateral integration. 85. In my remarks at a previous meeting of the Council [.934th meeting] when l requested the h.scription of the Angolan situation on the agenda of the Council, l gave sorne account, using material derived entirely from official sources, of the disturbances which took place in Luanda during the first two weeks of February. l do not intend to go over that ground again. l assume we are agreed that the disturbances did in fact occur and that a numoer of persons lost their lives. What l now wish to do is to examine the political and social background which produced a tra.gedy of this kind and which is likely to lead to a conflict on a much greater scale, unless sorne measure is taken to appease the passion and resentment now stirring in the hearts of the Angolan people. 86. In one form or another the question of the territories under Portuguese administration, which the Government of Portugal chooses to call overseas provinces, has claimed the attention of the General Assembly and its Committees practically since the admission of Portugal in December of 1955. While the present meeting of the Security Council is concerned primarily with the emergent situation in Angola, it may be proper, however, to remind members of the Council of certain points which have emerged during the discussions on the Portuguese colonies, since they cast a direct reflection on the attitudes taken by the Portuguese Government vis- à-vis Angola as one of the African territories under its administration. 87. Questions concerning conditions in Angola were discussed in the plenary sessions of the General Assembly itself, then in the Fourth Committee as weIl as in the Committee on Information from Non- Self-Governing Territories, and even in the Sixth 88, As is known to members, the General Assembly in 1959 [resolution 1467 (XIV)] appointed a Special Committee of Six to study the principles which should determine whether or not an obligation exists to transmit information under Article 73 e of the Charter. The Special Committee of Six met in September 1960 and laid down twelve principles which were adopted by the General Assembly in resolution 1541 (XV) of 15 December 1960. The mention of this action taken by the General Assembly is relevant since, once and for aU, the General Assembly established the overriding principle that the situation in the Portuguese territories is of international concern and that the question of domestic jurisdiction invoked by the Portuguese Government is invalid. 89. The General Assembly went even further, in resolution 1542 (XV), to lay down by an overwhelming majority the law by which it decided that territories under Portuguese administration are in fact nonself-governing within Chapter XI of the Charter, By this act the General Assembly with much greater force emphasized the international concern of the United Nations in the Portuguese Territories, and it even explicitly enumerated those Territories with regard to which there exists an international obligation on the part of the Portuguese Government. Again by this action the General Assembly not only established the international concern but also established that it was itself competent to consider and examine conditions in the Portuguese Territories, including Angola. 90. The delegation of Liberia, therefore, submits that the argument rai(3ed by the representative of Portugal in his letter and his invocation of Article 2 (7) of the Charter are completely irrelevant and without foundation. 91. We cannot say to the people of Angola: "We regret to inform you that your plight is no concern of ours and that some years ago, although you may not have heard of it at the time, you were integrated with the Portuguese Republic, and that action cuts off, for aU futurity, any argument about your grievances and any prospect of their redress." 92. If these people cannot turn to the United Nations, where else can they look for justice and for salvation? As I see it, this famous world Organization, the outcome of the slow ripening, over the centuries, of loftier standards of international morality, has the dutY to t!1ke heed of aU human misery, wherever it emerges, and of aU assaults on human dignity, wherever they are committed. 94. There is, however, apart from the constitutional and legal arguments, another argument which is of most urgent character and which cannot and should not be subjected to any legalistt.:: niceties; that is the actual and current situation as it exists in Angola which gives rise to very severe, very grave concern and anxiety lest, before we know it, we are faced with another situation like that in the Congo. This is the most important and aU-embracing reason wny the delegation of Liberia has brought this question to the attention of the Security Council and asked you, Ml'. President, and the members of the Security Council to devote your time and effort so that any preventive measures that the United Nations can take to stop the bloodshed, the loss of life and the spreading of the emergency beyond the boundaries ·of Angola, may be taken now by the Council and without hesitation. 95. It is of singular importance for aU of us to realize that the series of disturbances which recently occurred in Angola are on the increase, we have good reason to believe, because of the presence of Portuguese military forces. Thus we know that any movement on the part of the Angolan people to obtaïn decent treatment from the authorities, to be treated like human beings and to achieve some reasonable standard of living, are suppressed by the military forces ruthlessly and without consideration for the realities of lUe and the present "wind of change" • 96. The fact that military forces are policing Angola and are trying to strengthen the hold of the Portuguese on that territory is known from many sources such as newspapers, magazines and others. 1 shaU not be surprised to hear from the representative of Portugal strong refutations of those and ·other accusations just made, but 1 would like to direct him not only to the sources which he may wish to consider a priori, hostile, but to the Portugu,,"se sources themselves which confirm the presence of military forces in Angola and give the reasons for such presence. 97. 1 repeat, it is of singular importance that we have a reasonably clear picture of the background against which the bloodshed, the arrests, the killings and massacres have taken place in Angola. This background, borne out by ample evidence in Uterature old and new, in the papers, magazines and communiea- 98. l said earlier that the Liberian intervention in the matter of Angola was not motivated by a wanton desire to castigate Portugal. Liberia has no wish to deny to the Portuguese people their proper and proud place in history. We recognize and salute their national heroes whose intrepid voyages of discovery did so much to shape for good rather than for m, the structure of our modern world. But to take an example, it is sufficient for a baby merely to be born in Portugal to attain full citizenship, whereas in ,Angola a baby, if it is an African, must grow up and pass certain rigid tests before it can achieve a similar status. According to some writers, these tests are such that less than 50 pel' cent of the inhabitants of metropolitan Portugal could pass them. 99. Through this needle's-eye passes, in an almost imperceptible trickle, the few Angolan Africans who become "assimilados" and are theoreticaUy absorbed into the privileged white community in Angola. In a period of twenty-five years this process has affected the legal status of less than one haU of 1 per cent of the African population. Of 5 million Africans, aIl but 30,000 are still second-class citizens. Even the "assimilados" find that their elevation in rank is illusory rather than real. They are victims of a colour bar which is sanctioned by custom although not embodied in any law. They are excluded from many of the cinemas, cafés, bars and restaurants. It is difficult for them to obtain satisfactory housing and most of them live in conditions similar to those imposed on the "uncivilized" Africans. The "assimilado" earns three or four times less than the European who does the same work. He is constantly facing the threat of unemployment because so many jobs, even sometimes the most unskiIled, are reserved for Europeans. 100. If the lot of the "assimilado" is so hard, what can be said of the fate of his "uncivilized" brother? The basis of the economy of Angola, according to more than one reliable observer, is forced labour. Every year about 250,000 Angolans are rented out to mining and construction concerns. Thousands more are sent to Sao Tomé to work twelve hours a day on the settler-owned plantations. One former Portuguese colonial administrator has declared that "only the dead escape forced labour". He describes the present situation as "worse than that created by pure 101. The unrest which these manifold injustices have aroused is being met by a repression which is as ruthless as it is outmoded. Substantial troop reinforcements have arrived in Angola, but the proportion of African soldiers under arms ir;; being reduced, presumably as a safeguard against mutiny. There is much closel' co-operation with the Union of South Africa, as a means of forging a common front against the supposed horro"8 of black nationalism. Thousands of Angolans have crossed the border into the Congo to escape persecution for theil' political views. What we are watching is the methodical elaboration of the customary apparatus of the police state. 102. AlI that is taking place at a time when colonial Powers, which have had under their rule much larger populations than those of Portuguese Africa andwhose financial investment in the continent is immense, are voluntarily yielding their authority in a wise surrender to growing demands for independence. Only Portugal is out of step with this new movement of emancipation. Only Portugal seeks to defy the buffeting of the "wind of change". Only Portugal seems unaware that the nineteenth century ended sixty years ago. Let it be indelibly impressed upon our minds that ideas have no frontiers and that nothing exists to insulate Angola from the impact of nationalist influence from surrounding territories. 103. From a brief reference we learn that the Government of Ghana has expressed to the International Labour Organisation its dissatisfaction with labour conditions in Angola and has requested the ILO to make inquiries into the effective observance by Portugal of ti,t.: ,~atification of the conventions on forced labour in Angola, among other Portuguese territories in Afriea. Ghana has also requested the establishment of a commission of inquiry t9 consider its complaint. My delegation is sure that, while the commission of inquiry has not yet been set up and the results are thus not known, Ghana must have had good reasons and valid material for lodging a complaint of that nature. 104. We have been served notice that on the subject of Angola the Portuguese mind is completely closed. Ml'. Salazar has announced that those who would dedicate themselves to the liberation of Portuguese Africa "come too late", since there has already been established a unity with the motherland which does not permit "tralJsfers, secessions or abandonment". He has added that plebiscites, referenda and autodetermination do not fit into this structure either. But no ingenious manipulation of words from quarters however exalted will make the Afrieans in Angola Europeans, or their country a part of the European mainland. 105. A more workaday glimpse into Portuguese mo-- tives is afforded in a recent statement by Ml'. Adriano Moreira, Under-Secretary of State for the Administration of Overseas Territories, to which the repre- 106. 1 would also remind Ml'. Moreira that enlightened policies do not always turn out to be bad business. British commerce is making more profits through legitimate business with the former colonies of the United Kingdom. 1 dare say it could be shawn that Portugal's trade relations with Brazil have lilcewise not suffered through the 10ss of the political domination of that 8tate. We are living in an age when our motto might weIl be "Do right and prosper". Unless we act now with a view to peaceful transition, wha.t is taking place elsewhere will soon find a counterpart in Angola, and the entire world will not hold us guiltless. 107. 1 would now take the opportunity to introduce to the 8ecurity Council the following draft resolution [8/4769], sponsored by Ceylon, Liberia and the United Arab Republic: "The 8ecurity Council, "Taking note of the recent disturbances and conflicts in Angola resulting in loss of life of the inhabitants, the continuance of which is likely to endanger the maintenance of international peace and security, "Yjewing with concern the growing restiveness of depei~dent peoples throughout the world for selfdetermination and independence, "Aware that failure to act speedily, effectively and in time for ameliorating the disabilities of the African pe0-ples of Angola is likely to endanger international peace and security, "Recalling General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) of 14 December 1960, by which the General Assembly declared without dissent that the subjection of peoples to alien subjugation, domination and exploitation constitutes a denial of fundamental human rights, is contrary to the Charter of the United Nations and is an impediment to the promotion of world peace and co-operation and asked for immediate steps to be taken to transfer aH powers to the peoples of those territories, without any conditions or reservations, in accordance with their freely expressed will and desire, without any distinction as to race, creed or colour, in order to enable them to enjoy complete independence and freedom, "Recalling further General Assembly resolution 1541 (XV) and 1542 (XV) of 15 December 1960, "1. Calls upon the Government of Portugal to consider urgently the introduction of measures and reforms in Angola for the purpose of the implementation of General Assembly resolut~on 151.4 108. 1 might observe at this point that there is absolutely nothing new in this draft resolution. The General Assembly and the Security Council have adopted several similar draft resolutions sponsored by members of those bodies. 1 am sure that it should cause no great concern to adopt a decision bringing some relief to the people of Angola. 109. In 1947 the Netherlands claimed that the Security Council had no right to interfere in the hostilities then in progress in the East Indies, since Indonesia did not at that time enjoy a sovereign status and its qum'rels with the Dutch should therefore be regarded not as a threat t-:> international peace, but as a private domestic matter. That argument was thrust aside, on 1 August 1947, by the Chinese representative of that era in the following \Vords: "What does this legality involve? It is said that the Council has no competence because there is no threat to international peace, as this is not international \Var. In any event it is war. It is not civil war; it is not international war. What is it? It is a colonial war. What then are you upholding? You are upholding the freedom to wage colonial war as you please."'li Moved, perhaps, by those words, the Council ignored the question of legality and, at the same meeting, passed a resolution which called up,m the Dutch and the Indonesians to settle their dispute by arbitration or by other peaceful means. 110. It seems to me, therefore, that in Angola we are at the beginning of another colonial war and that this CouncH has the chance to intervene before the first skirmish grows into a major letting of blood. 1 must say again that 1 wish to emphasize this grave warning that in Angola men are dying, men are being cast into prison without trial, men are living under conditions which are an affront to human dignity and a defiance of human rights. 111. There have been continuous references to the arbitrary division and sub-division of the Continent of Africa by several European countries without regard to tribal affiliation or ethnie groups. As a result of this artificial creation and arbitrary action, we are now faced with a situation in Angola that is a threat to international understanding, peace and security. For example, almost half a million of the popu- 112. As J said when exercising my right of reply to the representative of Portugal, it would be naively inept to expect these two countries and other independent African States to sit by supinely and see their Idtil and kin and other family relations suffer under the heels of colonialism. 113. Tuis fact alone is suffiaient to warrant action by the Security Council in averting a crisis which might endanger world peace and order in that part of Africa, and which could inflame the whole world as easily as the firing of a shot in Sarajevo kindled World War J, and the challenge to dictatorship and genocide sparked World War II. So it is conceiveable then that "operation rescue" by the citizens of the two Congo nations and their allies could create the beginning of an international conflict over Angola, possibly leading to a world catastrophe.

J have two more speakers inscribed in my list: the United Arab Republic and Portugal. Artel' that, if there is no objection, 1 propose that we adjouI'll. 1 give the floor to the representative of the United Arab Republic. 115. Ml'. LOUTFI (United Arab Republic) (translated from French): After the brilliant statements of those who spoke before me, there is little left for me to say. Moreover, at the 943rd meeting of the Council, my delegation had the opportunity of defining its position on the question we are now discussing. In particular, we explained the basis for the Council's jurisdiction. We also reviewed what has happened, adhering as closely as possible to official documents. We explained that, in our view, the distressing incidents which had occurred were the result of Portuguese colonial policy in Angola, a policy involving violations of human rights, discrimination and the practice of forced labour. 1 quoted certain periodicals and newspapers: The Economist of 11 February, the Observer of 29 January. According to some reports that have reached us, one of the reasons for the attack on the prison was that there had been rumours that the Portuguese authorities intended to deport the politieal prisoners confined there. We also know that the correspondent of The Star of Johannesburg, who was on the spot, has described those tragic incidents, particularly those which followed the burial of the persons killed in the demonstrationsj he said that it was a wholesale massacre by the Portuguese forces. 1 shallnot dwell on this matter. These facts have also been cited by the representative of Ghana. 116. One of the striking features of this colonialist policy is the discrimination practised among the inhabitants. A very clear line of distinction is drawn between what is called the "civilized population", which enjoys rights as citizens of the Republic, and 117. There is still forced labour in Angola. A complaint on that subject, submitted by the delegation of Ghana and communicated to us, is now before the International Labour Organisation. Every male must have an identity card recording aU his jobs. Workers calmot travel from one part of the territory to another without having that card endorsed. Angolans are still liable to cruel and primitive corporal punishment. That situation explains clearly and unequivocally why these uprisings occurred. 118. The United Nations should examine this problem and take the necessary steps to find a solution before there is more bloodshed and it is too late. Our purpose here is not to bring suit against Portuguese rule in Angola. We are seeking a solution of this colonial problem whose continuance may have disastrous consequences, in co-operation with the States Members of the United Nations and in particular, with Portugal. 119. We hope that Portugal will comply with General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) which sets forth the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples, and we trust that it will give effect to that resolution, in particular to operative paragraph 4, which, 1 would remind you, reads as follows: IlAll armed action or repressive measures of aU kinds directed against dependent peoples shaU cease in order to enable them to exercise peacefully and freely their right to complete independence, and the integrity of their national territory shall be respected." 120. You are no doubt aware that the delegations of Afghanistan, Burma, Cameroun, Central African Republic, Chad, Congo (Brazzaville), Congo (Leopoldvill), Dahomey, Ethiopia, Gabon, Ghana, Guinea, India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Madagascar, Mali, Morocco, Nepal, Niger, Nigeria, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Somalia, Sudan, Togo, Tunisia, Upper Volta and Yemen have today sent a communication to the President of the Council [S/4762] expressing theil' full support for the request of the delegation of Liberia to consider the situation arising out of the suppression of the fundamental rights of the people of Angola, and stating that they consider that this is a situation with grave potentialities for international friction which endangers the maintenance of international peace and security. 122. As 1 explained in my l'irst statement, \Ve are clmtling with a Non-Self-Governing Territory, as defined in General Assembly resolution 1542 (XV). 1 shall take the liberty, first, of reading out n passage from the preamble of that resolution: "The General Assembly " "Recognizing that the desire for independence is the rightful aspiration of peoples under colonial subjugation and that the denial of their right to selfdetermination r.:onstitutes a threat to the well-being of 11l1manity and to international peace, " and then in operative paragraphs 1 and 2 which state: "Considers that, in the light of the provisions of Chapter XI of the Charter, General Assembly resolution 742 (VIII) and the principles approved by the Assembly in resolution 1541 (XV) of 15 December 1960, the territories under the administration of Portugal listed hereunder are Non-Self- Governing Territories within the meaning of Chapter XI of the Charter •••" and Angola is mentioned in that list, "Declares that an obligation exists on the part of the Government of Portugal to transmit information under Chapter XI of the Charter concerning these territories ..• ". There is no doubt that this resolution entitles the United Nations and the Security Council to examine the serious situation in Angola. 123. We are not concerned here, as sorne have argued in an effort to minimize the problem, with a matter of public order. We are dealing with a colonial problem and we all know-experience has shown this on more than one occasion, particularly with respect to the present situation in the countries of Africathat the continuation of a de facto situation brought about by colonialism can only cause bloodshed and make a solution of the problem much more difficult. 124. Colonialism is obsolete; it is no longer inkeeping with the times; it can only lead to suffering and loss of human life and thus jeopardize international peace and security. The repressive measures taken by Portugal will impair its relations with the countries of Africa. It is no longer possible, in this day and age, to fight against a people demanding its right to self-determination and independence. In one way or another, force may delay the attainment of independence, but the nationalists will have the last word. 125., For all those reasons, my delegation has joined in l,.~lonsoring a draft resolution [S/4769] with the delegations of Ceylon and Liberia. We have attempted to find a solution to this problem and to prevent further incidents from breaking out in that part of 126. Basically, the operative paragraph 1 of our draft resolution simply caUs for the implementation of a resolution of the General Assembly which was unanimously adopted. 127. In the operative paragraph 2 of our draft resolution, we request the appointment of a subcommittee to consider the situation and to report to the Security Council as soon as possible. There is nothing new in that request. There are many precedents for it. The last was the resolution adopted by the Security Council on 7 September 1959 [848th meeting] on the question of Laos. Portugal rejects certain facts and certain charges made against it. In order to settle the dispute, aIl we need is to refer it to this sub-committee. 128. We hope that the members of the Council will vote in favour of this draft resolution, for it is aimed at finding a solution to this African problem, in cooperation with aU of you and, we hope, with Portugal too. You cannot abandon the Angolan nationalists who are fighting for their independence and for an ideal of freedom and justice which the United Nations repeatedly proclaims.

The last speaker 1 have inscribed on my list, to whom 1 now give the floor, is the representative of Portugal, and 1 request him to take a place at the Council t!i.ble. 130. Ml'. GARIN (Portugal): 1 thank you, Ml'. President, for again giving me an opportunity to address the Council. The most unfounded, gratuitous and outrageous accusations have again been made here today against Portugal in this entirely illegal debate in which this Council has decided to engage itself in violation of the very clear dispositions of the Charter. 131. We protest most vehemently against such accusations. They are fabricated accusations made for the purpose of pure political propaganda. They do not even merit a denial, although in due course 1 will reestablish the truth about some of the general topics raised, out of consideration for those representatives-fortunately they are still in the majority-who are here in good faith. 133. It really does not give us any pleasure, even while speaking in self-defence. to mention the antiwhite racial laws of Liberia. the constant accusations that have been made against that country. even very recently. of practising the worst kind of forcedlabour in Africa. or the deportations. lashes and five-years' imprisonment without trial to which are submitted the political opponents and subjects of Ml'. Nkrumah in Ghana. It does not give us any pleasure to mention these facts. We would prefer not to discuss aIl these weaknesses of our detractors. but. at the same time. we are not prepared to accept the unwritten premise that certain delegations should enjoy immunity when they pile abuse on selected victims. 134. As a nation. we have been in the world much longer than many of the countries which have launched attacks on Portugal in other organs of the United Nations and also in this Council. Our history is the evidence that we hold nothing of which we have to be ashamed. We have never lost the right to our national dignity and we have always known how to take care of ourselves. When a band of armed criminals cowardly slays police officers in Luanda and attacks civilians and public buildings. it is our responsibility to bring the criminals to justice and to restore order and the safety of the population by whatever means are necessary. It is the responsibility of the Portuguese authorities. and that is exactly what has been done. It is not the responsibility of this Council, ithas nothing to do with the representatives of those countries who have come here only to attack and insult us, and by no stretch of imagination can the attempted interference of these countries in Portugal's internaI affairs be excus"ed. Unequivocally and in a language which l hope will be quite clear to those malevolent delegations. the Portuguese people, the entire Portuguese people from Minho to Angola and Mozambique, people of black. brown or white skin. people of different creeds and even political ideologies. the entire Portuguese people has a message for them, "Mind your own business, as we mind ours". 135. For our part. the Portuguese people, and these emphatically include the Portuguese of African descent, have reached a point of saturation with outside troublemakers; whether theil' skin is white, black or brown. whatever are th,eir political affiliations or ideologies, whether they shout insults here at the 136. The insidious accusations brought in this Council against Portugal by the delegation of Liberia actually, as is fairlJ apparent, more on behalf of certain countries of the African group than on its own behalf, and by other delegations supporting it, appear to pretend to lend to the events in Luanda, which they have distorted beyond recognition, the character of a racial problem of colonial oppression which would justify the intervention of those delegations in the perturbed African Ufe of our days. Such insidious efforts cannot hide the true political manoeuvre into which they try to evolve the problem for reasons which should be alien to the intentions of the African- Asian countries. The anger of theil' speeches reveal their irritability, but not a single proof was presented. In the repetition of the speeches made by our detractors, nothing was proved. Theil' verbal accusations merely brought forth the same distortions of the facts which l have already announced. 137. The interpretation of the basic texts of the United Nations as well as the scope of the principles involved and the record of the facts do not offer a single vaUd argument which might lead to the conclusion that the matter might not be of the exclusive competence of Portuguese sovereignty. When we presented to the Council the truth about the events, ft is also evident that we are not accepting the premise that the just and orderly behaviour of the Portuguese authorities might be subject to examination here or, for that matter, that any other points pertaining to the legal exercise of Portuguese sovereignty could be examined here. What we wish to stress once again is the fact that the manoeuvre being designed within this Council and outside of it by successive interventions of African-Asian countries must be denounced, because such a manoeuvre attempts to draw a curtain to hide the true instigators of the attacks. 138. The true architect of this conspiracy against Portugal seeks to use the poison of racial strife and to exploit the African sentiment of emancipation so as to gather the fruits of this Machiavellian offensive under the guise of sympathy for freedom which that architect does not practise at home. 139. The African-Asian countries know that Portugal, the champion of anti-racism in the past, when anti-racism was not a popular notion, is far from representing a threat to the peace. They should not ignore that Portugal has always respected their sovereignties and they should not forget the good neighbourly relations which Portugal has always maintained with them, especially in the difficult moments of the internaI policies of some of them. The African-Asian countries have no legitimate motives of their own to attack Portugal, and it is grossly unjust that they should serve as instruments in a campaign which the other source has inspired and launched against Portugal. 141. One thing that no one can prove is the absence of guilt of the Soviet Union in the campaign against Portugal, a campaign of which the incidents of Luanda were the first test. The Soviet representative himself revealed before this Councn [943rd meeting] last Friday that an organization of so-called Angolan patriots on the eve of the events of Luanda had requested Soviet support by telegram. This telegram was addressed to IIthe man in charge of Russia Il, to paraphrase the expression which the Soviet representative used in relation to the Premier of Portugal. Of course, the man in charge of Russia is the same one in charge of international communism, which is a good indication of the communist inspiration in the preparation of the incidents of Luanda. 142. No one can deny that the Soviet representative in his intervention before the Council made the threat of armed conflict on Portuguese territory. May 1 ask: armed by whom? No one can deny that the representative of the World Federation of Trade Unions declared in Addis Ababa last February that this communist-oriented organization had sent agitators to the Portuguese overseas provinces of Angola and Mozambique. 143. These facts, which can be easily checked, demonstrate the real origin of the campaign against Portugal as weIl as the purposes behind that campaign. Can Portugal be 8.ccused of making up these arguments when they came from the very sources we accuse? 144. The African-Asian countries joining in this attack against Portugal should be aware of the risks they are taking when they ally themselves with such a campaign, for the security of their own populations is not immune to the same type of subversive schemes from the same source. If any doubts remain in their minds, they need only look at the examples of the victims of Soviet alliances and so-called friendship. The campaign which is now aimed at Portugal in Africa will some day be directed to the African- Asian countries now supporting it; the elimination of the firm stand in the Portuguese territories would only bring closer the day of reckoning for some of those countries now supporting the communist campaign against Portugal. 145. A study of intelligence during recent months has amply confirmed the close and continuing interest 146. All the emphasis of Soviet strategy is on the recognition of the fact that traditional African tribal societies cannot progress directly to communism and that they must reconcile themselves to an intermediate period of "African capitalism" in which the emerging educated African professional and commercial classes, rather than the masses, will be dominant. This development is calculated to attract the professional and commercial classes to one end through apparently innocent cultural, social and political contacts. It is in this way that the Soviet Union is encouraging, exploiting and fabricating "African nationalisms" with a view to bringing about, as rapidly as possible, the conditions which would be most favourable for their own purposes. 147. The day wlien Soviet aggression touches the countries which today join in the attack against Portugal, and that day will come, the present incomprehension of such countries will give place to their recognition of our reasons. 1 hope that it is not yet too late for such countries to see the danger. 148. The representative of the Congo (Brazzaville) today made sorne charges against the Portuguese administration in Cabinda, Angola. Actua11y he has merely repeated the charges we heard from Ml'. Tchiche11e, Minister of the Interior of the Republie of the Congo (Brazzaville) during the General Assembly.M This 'statement has surprised us as much as the former one by Mr. Tchiche11e. Actua11y Portugal and the Republic of the Congo (Brazzaville) have always maintained excellent relations. This fact had one reflection, for instance, during the fruitful co-operation between Congolese and Portuguese authorities, which made possible the operation of the airlift between Luanda and Brazzaville for the evacu~ ation of refugees from the other Congo which existed during the most acute period of the Congolese crisis; this was really a crisis and not a simple fabrication. 149. In fact it is rather surprising that this belligerency against Portugal and criticism of conditions in Cabinda have come from an official of the Congo, where the population recognizes that the prevailing conditions in Cabinda have something to GIrer as far as living conditions are concerned. Aetua11y thousands of them emigrate into Caoinda eve;':)" year to work in the timber industry. They are loca11y known as "basutas" and spend between six and eight menths every year on Portuguese soil. The reasons for their coming are obviously: good salary, fair workinglaws, good treatment, good housing and good living con- 150. The complaint of Mr. Tchichelle surprised us even more because it came from a frequent and welcome guest at Cabinda. 1 mention Mr. Tchichelle because what the representative ofthe Congo (Brazzaville) said today only repeated what Mr. Tchichelle said three or four months ago. Mr. Tchichelle has shown through the years a marked and rather flattering preference for Portuguese olive oil and Portuguese wine, which he finds in such abundant quantity in Cabinda. Although this is a region of "terror and oppression", he goes there aIl the time-to enjoy it, 1 suppose. ":'he supply of these commodities has been the reason for the frequent trips of Mr. Tchichelle to Cabinda, and we hope it will continue to be so. 151. We aIl recognize that Mr. Tchichelle is familiar with conditions in Cabinda, and just because of this, it was indeed surprising when he stated that dancing had been banned in Cabinda. It just happens that there is a tradition in Cabinda of holding the village Saturday baIl. Those are especially gay and lively during the season known as "casas da tinta" during which occurs the ceremony of the pre-nuptial initiation of the girls. Mr. Tchichelle probably never stayed in Cabinda over the weekend, otherwise he could not speak of a dancing ban. But even then, if he should really be interested in dancing, he could watch it at five different places in the city of Cabinda and at three places at Landana, which are open the whole week and greatly frequented by elements of the local population. 1 hope the present representative of the Congo (Brazzaville) will pass this information on to Mr. Tchichelle. 152. As regards the allegation that there are no hospitals, ports, roads and houses of certain standards, Mr. Tchichelle should know better. In the region of Massabi where Mr. Tchichelle owns one house, there are three hospitals and sixteen auxiliary health centres and laboratories, twelve schools, besides many other public buildings and private houses. 153. As for communication facilities, 1 can list the existence of a seaport at Landana, with crane equipmeüt for heavy loading, another seaport at Cabinda with small but adequate facilities, five river-docks with proper facilities to handle the river traffic, a network of roads including fifteen bridges connecting aH the population centres of Cabinda and this in spite of the wooded character of the country. It is a very small region; it has about 40,000 inhabitants. There is an airfield in Cabinda with concrete airstrips and facilities for passengers and cargo, and so on. 154. It is a fact that there is no railroad. Surveys have proved that this operation would be ruinous. One reason against a railroad is the very existence of the river Chiloango, navigable on aH its course, which provides a more economic and ra"the:r efficient means 156. It will suffice at this stage to recall a statement in The New York Times-everybody talks about The__New York Times in the Security Counoil and l think it is now our turn-in its report on recent developments in Cabinda of 20 February 1961, which confirms all the data l have presented to the Councn. The reporter said: "There is no race or colour distinction. Here, it is a 'culture' bar, and not a colour bar. The Portuguese have been in Africa five centuries and they intend to stay, whatever the cost." 157. l apologize for having deviated from the course of my intervention, but l deem this finding of the correspondent of The New York Times rather relevant to this question which the Council has decided to debate. l would like to offer it for the meditation of the members of the Council. l repeat: "The Portuguese have been in Africa five centuries and they intend to stay, whatever the cost". And l may add, the Portuguese of all colours, creeds and races intend to stay in Africa, whatever the cost. 158. This has been the finding of another visitor to Angola, Ml'. Christian Jayle, former President of the National Assembly of the Congo (Brazzaville) whose views are stated in No. 66 of the Lettre de Brazzaville. l ask your permission, Ml'. President, to read a passage of it to the Council. 'The Portuguese are building under the cover of silence. What they have done and are continuing to do all the time is scarcely known to the public at large. Apart from those who have actually visited Luanda, how many know that the capital of Angola is four times as large as Brazzaville, and that it Is a great modern city? The Congolese nationll1 radio and the press of Leopoldville have been putting Angola in the dock. Not a day passes without some gibe at Portuguese colonialism. The latter makes no response, as if the attacks were dlrected at some other target or as if it were endowed with the quiet strength of the elephant oblivious to the stings of insects. Nevertheless, Luanda has recently made a point of demonstrating this elephantine strength in an unprecedented military parade, the only reply offered to Lumumba. "The events at Leopoldville are of all the more concern to Angola as it has a very long common frontier with the former Belgian Congo and as the peoples of the North are related to the Bakongo. But neither in ruling clrcles nor among the population is the slightest anxiety noticeable. The C\i.rrent view is that in Angola there are not and could not be any problems. Angola is not a colony but a pro- This might interest the representative of China, because he said that 1 did not know anything about the country. 1 am therefore giving him some information. "However European penetration is much older there and goes back to the sixteenth century. The city was founded in 1575 by Paulo Diaz de Novaes as Sao Paulo da Assumpçao de Loanda. It has preserved a number of ancient monuments: Fort Sao Miguel, which dominates the city and dates from the first years of the occupation; the Church of Nazareth and the Church of the Carmelites, built in 1663 and 1664 respectively, with pure seventeenthcentury interiors. "It is a prosperous modern city, welliaid out and admirably built. The great circular boulevardwhich rings the bay is very reminiscent of the 'Promenade des Anglais'. The city is built on an amphitheatre of hills, so that the sea is visible from most districts, and huge ten and fifteen-story buildings are gradually replacing the old low-built houses which still remain. Only those French cities that have more than 500,000 inhabitants can compare with Luanda as regards the extent of urban development. "The city is administered by the Municipal Council, whose President, Major Cancio Martins, an officer of the Corps of Engineers, is not only very competent but also a man of great intellectual distinction. "This determination to remain a piece of Portuguese soil on an African continent seems perfectly natural to the Portuguese of Angola. The sense of historical continuity, strongly sustained by nearly 500 years' presence in the country, is combined with the conviction that the régime established is not a colonial régime. "As there is no racial segregation, these people live in the midst of the blacks. In Luanda, the African city forms a whole with the European city, of which it is an extension, and 10,000 European Portuguese live in the same districts as the Africans and in the same conditions, their houses being side by side. "Angola resembles a South Africa without 'apartheid', a fact which goes to show that 'apartheid' is not necessary for the preservation of a race, its culture and its traditions. An African 'élite' exists. It already has doctors, lawyers, priests and civil servants in its ranks. "There is a considerable measure of industrial development, the rule being that everything possible should be manufactured locally. Numerous enterprises have been established: a brewery, a cement factory, a tobacco factory, a tile works, mechanical workshops, an oil refinery, etc. A dam, which will be the third in Africa, is under construction on the Cuanza 'and will supply an alu- 2/ Quoted ln French by the speaker. 'l'his to me seems an impartial opinion concerning Luanda and Angola and 1 wish to caU particulnr attention to the statement which may be of interest to aH, particularly the represelltative of the Congo (Brazzaville). 159. It is really e.~traordinary, the cynicism of certain d0legations$ when they maintain that Portugal threatens the peace and that a state of insubordination e.~ists in Portuguese territories. In fact, it is the Governments, which those delegations represent, which promote the dispatch of agitators into the Portuguese overseas provinces, financing them directly, and tlms interfering in the internaI liCe of a sovereign State and attempting to upset tlle peaceful conditions which prevail in it. 160. This is definitely a case of unprovoked aggression which 1 shaH proceed to denounce before the Council. The documents to which 1 am going to refer were seized l'rom agitators who were sent from foreig11 soil into Portuguese territory. These documents are at the disposaI of the Council for whatevel' examination is considered necessary. 161. The Secretary of the Bureau of African Affairs in Ghana wrote, in a letter dated 6 July 1960 and addressed to the agitator Lunga, in whose possession the document was found, as follows: "The Prime Minister, now President of the Ghana Republic, has passed on your letter dated 30th March, to this Bureau which deals with African Affairs. He is very sorry that he has not been able to deal witll such an important matter at an earlier date but has been absent from Ghana during April for tlle Commonwealtll Prime Ministers' Conference and has since been very busy with preparations for tlle inauguration of the new Republic. Il For obvious reasons, however, we feel that it would be better if the matters you refer to were not discussed by letter and we suggest that you send an envoy here at an early date to discuss the practical measures that we can take to support you in your struggle. We would, of course, be prepared to pay tlle air passage of such an envoy. "Please be assured of the President' s unfailing sympathy and support.Il 1 have this letter here, and perhaps the representative of Ghana himself might recognize the signature. Tt is certainly a most extraordinary document, revealing, as it does, how a chief of state indulges himself in intervening directly, almost personally, in the internaI affairs of another sovereign nation, giving 163. But there is more. In another letter, dated 9 September 1960, Mr. J. C. Ansah of the same Bureau of African Affairs wrote: "1 am directed by the Chairman, Ml'. Barden, to acknowledge receipt of your letter dated 18th August 1960, and ta apologize for the delay in replying to your previous letter, which was occasioned by his absence first in Ethiopia, and next in the Congo from where he returned only last week. "He wishes to assure you that your case is dear to our heart but hopes you will agree that Congo is, at the moment, more important, since it is in a strategie position and could be effectively used as a spring-board to the realization of your aspiration." 1 think that this document throws a very revealing light on the subversive nature and on the very detailed organization of the plans of Nkrumah regarding the United Nations action in the Congo (Leopoldville) and also on his proposaI presented to the General Assembly on 7 March.§J 164. Next in turn cornes another important document signed by Ml'. J. C. Ansah, Secretary of the Bureau of African Affairs. Photostatic copies of this document can also be made available ta the members of the Council. It is dated 2 December 1960, and the instructions conveyed in it aim at the subversive struggle going on in Mozambique. 1 quote from it: "The question of Mozambique and your proposaIs have been placed on the agenda for the aU-African Conference ta be held in Cairo next May and will be brought before the Steering Committee early next year. "In the above connexion, you are requested ta send your proposed delegation ta Accra as saon as you can, to enable this office ta have first-hand information. The Ghana Government has been generous enough ta issue six special permits ta you and your party ta enable you ta travel via Tanganyika to Accra. "The Bureau of African Affairs will pay aIl your travelling expenses, etc., and will make necessary arrangements to that effect. UNIP offices, Lusaka, Northern Rhodesia, has been advised to advance you with funds ta pay your expenses to Tanganyika. In any case, should you find things difficult priaI' your departure contact the Secretary-General, Ba- "You will collect your tl'avel permits and air tickets from the officiaIs of TANU, Dar es Salaam. The officiaIs of TANU will make air booking, etc., and you will have nothing of which to complain. nRe the special scholarships awarded to fourteen members of your party to enable them study party organizations in Ghana, a full discussion to that effect will be made during your stay in Accra, as it is not wise to discuss these vital matters in letters which may land in the hands ofour imperialist enemies. "Inform this office telegraphically as soon as you are in Dar es Salaam." That document, and 1 have it here, cleady reveals how far this international conspiracy stretches. And it is worthwhile. to note how this conspiracy pushes aside the very same principles it claims to defend. It also shows how interwoven are its elements. 165. What should rightly be said of a Government which promotes steps of this nature in clear disregard of the rules that apply between civilized countries? What can the cause of peace expect from people like these, who maintain schools for the organized subversion of territories of other nations? 166. 1 admit that attitudes such as those to which 1 have referred might seem incredible to representatives of countries which, fortunately, have a different concept of the rules of international law and human rights. For that reason, 1 shall make available photostatic copies to anyone 'who might wish to examine them. The delegation of Ghana will perhaps not find it difficult to identify sorne of the signatures on these letters. 167. Thus, 1 ask this Council: Is it Portugal that is disturbing the peace and security of Africa? 168. 1 have sorne other comments to make. An organization known by the name of the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) and referred to in the instructions sent from Accra to an agitator residing in the British Protectorate of Swaziland, is attempting as part of the same conspiracy to foster on Portuguese territory the organization of a political society. To this end, instructions were sent in the Swahili language, and 1 also have in my possession the text of those instructions. In fact, the following instructions were conveyed in a handwritten letter by Ml'. Daud Atupali of Dar es Salaam: "In regard to the idea of sending a person to the United Nations, that person should be from here and not from Portuguese Africa. Money for this 169. 1 do not wish to impose any more on the patience of the members of this Counci! with regard to these questions, and 1 shaH therefore not make any more quotations. Those which 1 have made establish irrefutably the existence of a conspiracy, which seeks, in any Portuguese territory, a pretext offering that conspiracy the opportunity of bringing up a problem before the Security Council, even li it has to be done under false pretences. 170. 1 should like to reply to something which the Liberian representative said in this debate. That representative declared that there were several classes of Portuguese. He is right, in a way. What he neglected to say was that they are aH Portuguese. NaturaHy, they are not aH entitled to the same privileges. For example, to be licensed as a notary public the candidate, whether of African or of European de- $cent, needs a law degreej there a class distinction exists. 1 shaH give another example: the European Portuguese of rudimentary education, li he is in oompetition with a Portuguese African of higher eduoation for the same government job, will lose. There is indeed some kind of social distinction, as there is in every country of the world, but it is based on individual merit, not on conditions of birth. Incidentllly, the statistics given by the Liberian representative on "assimilados" in Angola are completely erroneous and out of date. 171. Any person of good faith can see for himself that peace and complete calm l'eigu in our overseas territories, without the use of force and merely out of the habit of peaceful living in common. The incidents of Luanda, provoked by outside terrorists, cannot be invoked to deny that truth. On this matter 1 can quote quite a good authority, a gentleman who has been coming to the United Nations for years to represent a country which suffers constantly from internal disturbances, sometimes inv01ving tremendous bloodshed. Such disturbances, by the way-and 1 have a rather long list of them here with me-have never been discussed in the Council, despite the fact that at time.s the dead and wounded have l'un into the hundreds, and in one case into the hundreds of thousands. 1 am thinking, of course, of Ml'. Krishna Menon. At the mef~ing of the Council on 5 November 1957, he said: "Terrorism does not get anybody anywhere. What is more, it is only when there is no niass support of a movement by individuals that there is sporadic violence." [799th meeting, para. 154.] Those, for once, are rather wise words. 172. In any case, as 1 have said, peace and complete calm have always reigned in our overseas territories. 173. One of the representatives here referred to one of the above-mentioned groups, the Union of the Populations of Angola (UPA). The UPA aims its propaganda against Portuguese sovereignty and peace in Portuguese territories. It is headed by Robert Holden, who, as a good orthodox in the art of observation, also bears the na~es of GUmore, Ventura andAldane. This group has large means at its disposaI. Its leader is the same person who, in November 1960, was indicted by Ml'. Moanda Vital and Ml'. Kuyena Escrie-:respectively, President-General and Inspector-General of the Abako-before Ml'. Diomi Gaston, Vice-President of the Provincial Government of Leopoldville, as a militant communist. 174. In fact, Holden was one of the signatories of the UPA secret instructions of November 1960, which proclaimed the advantages of the communist revolution and closed with this phrase: "Long live communism". The same Holden, this time bearing the name GUmore, was in Tunis on 29 January 1961-a few days before the events in Luanda-having met in Rome shortly before with representatives· of the movement headed by Galvào, to whom the Soviet representative has referred here as a Portuguese leader. 175. Thus the net of activities and its source, organized by international communism against the peace in the Portuguese territories, cannot remain any more in hiding notwithstanding the benevolent attitude displayed by certain delegations to the United Nations. 176. The picture became even more clear on 15 February 1961 when Radio Moscow made a statement to the effect that the only political force in opposition to the Portuguese Government, a force which was fighting for the independence of the overseas territories, was the Communist Party. The same evèning Radio Prague transmitted a communiqué from the Portuguese Communist Party expressing its solidaritywith the terrorists of Luanda. 177. The representative of the Congo (Brazzaville) has suggested that 1 have practised demagogism in my intervention of 10 March [944th meeting]. In making such a charge against me, the repre~entative of the Congo has obviously revealed that he did not hear the charges made against Portugal on the morn- 178. If the representative of the Congo (Brazzaville) expects me to sit here passively while he and others pile abuse on my country, he is wrong. He will have to go on calling me a demagogue for 1 shaH not cease to uphold the truth against such accusations. The representative of the Congo (Brazzaville) mentioned Portuguese forces of extermination sent to Angola. Manifestly, this is an example of cIeal' demagogism. There are not and there never were any forces of extermination in Angola. The regular police officers of the beat were the ones that were murdered in Luanda by terrorists. 179. Out of courtesy to the members of this Council, in my intervention on 10 March 1961, 1 described the events that took place in Luanda on 3, 4 and 5 February. Despite this courtesy, some members of the Council have been trying to distort the facts and to produce fabrications that conform better with their present political convenience. This only proves that the incidents, as they actuaHy occurred, do not provide the grounds to justify their action in bringing up this matter in the Security Council. Due to this vicious practice, a certain confusion has been established and 1 deem it necessary at this stage to restore the truth of the facts. 180. During the night from 3 to 4 February a few gangs of men armed with katanas, pistols and tommy guns attacked simultaneously the house of military detention, the civil prison of St. Paul, for common ciiminals, and a station of police of public security. The assailants killed the sentries at the police station and at the civil prison. As a result of the fight that then ensueèl, several agents of the city police and military police were gravely wounded and they are still hospitalized. Among them there were three Portuguese police officèrs of African race. 181. When the alarm was given and the police entered into action, the criminals fled leaving some casualties behind. The task of capturing the responsible ones immediately was rendered possible thanks to the spontaneous co-operation of the population of both the African and European races, who were the first to furnish the leads and assistance which led to the capture of a great number of culprits. The criminals also shot down eight innocent bystanders, aH of them of African race, and perpetrated violence against others who refused to join them. The assailants had been the victims of deception by their leaders, a group of terrorists interested in causing disturbances without risking their skins. 182. The sworn statements of the prisoners clearly traced the responsibility for this sad event to organizations established beyond our borders, engaged in subversion at large, and to the leadership of communist feHow-travellers known for their low moral calibre. The weapons in possession of the assailants proved, by their origin, the unquestionable source of 183. The unusual appearance of a Soviet fishingboat, so far south in African waters, may verywell provide the answer for the enigma of how the weapons were smuggled into Angola. l hav,- been describing in detai! the nature and character of the incidents which occurred in Angola in the hope that the final truth will prevail. Those who are interested in exaggerating the proportions of the incident for political expediency, will find themselves in great trouble to explain the solid calm prevailing in the aftermath. This was reported by Mr. Benjamin Welles in The New York Times of 18 February, direct from Luanda, and l will quote him: "This is •.. an easy-going city, inhabited byan easy-going, mixed population. There is a comfortable inter-mingling of whites, mulattos and blacks. Children of all races play happily together and· workmen of different skin colour labor side by side without friction." In the same newspaper the same reporter, who could never be suspected of partiality in favour of Portugal, wrote the following: "Once more life in the cities and countryside of Angola is reported tranquil. Here in the capital one can see white and African Portuguese working side by side on construction jobs or mingling amiably in streets, shops and public places •••" 184. l think the hour is late and l do not want to abuse the patience of the Council. l will therefore finish my remarks for today.

Mydelegation, representing the African countries, has shown restraint as regards vituperation against Portugal. This is the highest Council in the world, where men are earnestly seeking peace. This delegation is greatly tempted to launch a counter-attack beyond the imagination of the representative of Portugal. We cannot believe that he speaks for the majority of the Portuguese people. 186. Look at the representative of Portugal, gentlemen of the Council, and see if he does not really represent a die-hard colonialist. Listen to his words and analyse them. Does he really live inthis century? He said that Portugal would stay in Africa, whatever the cost. This is only the result offour hundred years of exploitation. Africa must be free. The Security Council, therefore, needs no further evidence, and the intervention of the African-Asian countries is justified in its assertion that the situation in Angola is a threat to world peace. The representative of The meeting rose at 6.45 p.m. Ag~nce et Messagerie. de la Presse, S.A., 14·22, rue du Per.i1, Bruxelle•. BOUVIA.BOLIVIE llbreria S~lecctone., Ca.iIIa 972, la Pa•. BRAZIL.BRE5Il livraria Agir, Rua México 98·B, Coixa Pot'~1 3291, Rio de Janeiro. BURMA.BIRMANIE Curator, Govt. Book Depot, Rangoon. CAMBODIA.CAMBODG~ Entrepri.e khmère de librairie, Imprl· merle & Papeterie Sarl, Phnom·Penh. CANADA The Queen'. Printer/lmprlmeur de 10 Reine, Ottawa, Ontario. CEYLON.CEYLAN Lake Hou.e Book.hop, Assoc. New.papers of Ceylan, P.O. Box 244, Colombo. CHILE·CHILI Ediforial dei Paclfico, Ahumada 57, Santiago. libreria Iven., Ca.iIIa 205, Sc,"tiago. CHINA.CHINE Thè World Book Co., L1d" 99 Chung King Road, 1" Section, Taipeh, Taiwan. The Commercial Preos, L1d., 211 Honan Rd., Shanghai. COLOMBIA.COlOMBIE Librerla Buchholz, Av. Jimén"z de Que· •ada 8·40, Bogota. COSTA RICA Imprenta y Libreria Treio" Apartado 1313, San Jo.é. CUBA i,: La Ca.a Belga, d'Reilly 455, La Habana. CZECHOSLOVAKIA. TCHEC05LOVAQUIE ëe.kosloven.kY Spi.ovatel, Narodni Trida 9, Praha 1. DENMARI(.tlANEMARK Ejnar Munk.gaard, L1d., Nfrregade 6, K,benhavn, K. DOMINICAN REPUBLIC. REPUBLIQUE DOMINICAINE libreria Dominicana, Mercede. 49, Ciudad Trujillo. ECUADOR.EQUATEUR Librelia Cientifica, Casilla 362, Guaya· quil. EL SALVADOR.SALVADOR Manuel Navas y Cla., la. Avenida sur 37, San Salvador. ETHIOPIA.ETHIOPI5 International Press Agency, P.O. Box 120, Addis Ababa. FINLAND.FINLANDE Akateeminen Kir,akauppa, 2 Kesk~skatu, Helsinki. ~RA!'lCE Editions A. Pédane, 13, rue soumot, Paris (V"). GERMANY·ALLEMAGNE R. Ei.enschmidt, Schwanthaler Str. 59, Frankfurt/Main. Elwert und Me;;rer, Hauptstrasse 101, Berlln.Schoneberg. Orders and Înquiries Irom cDuntries nof Ii~'ed above may sent to: Sales Section, PublisMug $'t)vice, United Nations, New York, U.S.A.; or Sales Sectio~, United Nations, Palais des Nations, Geneve, Switzer/and. Priee: $V.S. 0.50; 3i6 (or equivalent in other Litho in V.N.