S/PV.9585 Security Council

In accordance with rule 37 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representative of Ukraine to participate in this meeting. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the following briefers to participate in this meeting: Mrs. Izumi Nakamitsu, High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, and Mr. Matthew Hoh, independent political analyst. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I give the floor to Mrs. Nakamitsu. Mrs. Nakamitsu: The Council meets once again against the devastating backdrop of war in Ukraine, with peace very clearly continuing to elude us. Just this morning, reports emerged of a massive wave of missile and drone attacks targeting power facilities in Ukraine, including in the country’s second-largest city, Kharkiv, leaving more than 1 million people without power. There are also reports of impacts on water supply. The scale and scope of that devastation are appalling. The targeting of energy infrastructure providing essential public services is a black-and-white issue — it is simply unacceptable. Civilians and civilian infrastructure must not be the targets of indiscriminate attacks. All parties to any armed conflict have a duty to protect civilians in armed conflict and to ensure compliance with applicable international law, including international humanitarian law. This large-scale destruction and human suffering cannot continue. Turning now to the subject of this briefing, since the previous discussion of this topic in January (see S/PV.9533), the provision of military assistance and transfers of arms and ammunition to the Ukrainian armed forces have continued, in the context of the full-scale invasion of Ukraine launched by the Russian Federation in violation of the Charter of the United Nations and international law. Much of the information from Governments about their transfers of weapons systems and ammunition to Ukraine is available through open sources. Those transfers have reportedly included 2/17 24- 07910 heavy conventional weapons — such as battle tanks, armoured combat vehicles, combat aircraft, helicopters, large-calibre artillery systems, missile systems and uncrewed combat aerial vehicles — as well as remotely operated munitions and small arms and light weapons and their ammunition. There have also been reports that States have been transferring, or planning to transfer, such weapons as uncrewed aerial vehicles, ballistic missiles and ammunition to the Russian armed forces, and that those weapons have been used in Ukraine. I strongly reiterate that any transfer of weapons must take place within the applicable international legal framework, including, of course, the relevant Security Council resolutions. Reports related to the use of anti-personnel landmines and the transfer and use of cluster munitions in Ukraine are deeply worrisome. Anti-personnel mines, with their inherently indiscriminate nature, have no place in our world; their eradication is imperative, and their use must be unequivocally condemned. In addition, unexploded cluster munitions have stalled socioeconomic development in the affected countries and had an impact on entire communities already traumatized by war. There must be an immediate end to the use of those inhumane weapons, which have severe and lasting humanitarian impacts. The supply of weapons and ammunition into any armed conflict raises significant concerns about the potential escalation of violence and the risk of the diversion of arms and ammunition. Importing and exporting States must act responsibly at every step along the arms and ammunition transfer chain to prevent diversion, illicit trafficking and misuse. In that regard, pre-transfer risk assessments, marking and record-keeping practices and tracing capabilities are of the utmost importance. The Secretary-General’s policy brief, A New Agenda for Peace, places arms control measures at the centre of preventing conflict and violence and sustaining peace. He called on States to take action to reduce the human cost of weapons. The full and effective implementation of the United Nations Programme of Action to Prevent, Combat and Eradicate the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects, the International Tracing Instrument and the Global Framework for Through-life Conventional Ammunition Management must be part of the answer to that call. Furthermore, in order to effectively combat the diversion, illicit trafficking and misuse of arms and ammunition, compliance with, and the effective implementation of, legally binding instruments, such as the Arms Trade Treaty and the Firearms Protocol to the Convention against Transnational Organized Crime, are necessary. Accordingly, their universalization must remain a priority. I also urge States to consider the risk of transferred weapons and ammunition being used to facilitate and perpetrate gender-based violence, while noting the continuing and alarming allegations of sexual violence related to the conflict in Ukraine. The Secretary-General has unequivocally urged all States to avoid the use of explosive weapons in populated areas in all wars and conflicts, as such use is highly likely to result in devastating and indiscriminate impact on civilians. The Political Declaration on Strengthening the Protection of Civilians from the Humanitarian Consequences Arising from the Use of Explosive Weapons in Populated Areas, which was adopted in November 2022, sits at the very core of human-centred disarmament efforts. It falls upon Member States to implement that Declaration in a broad and meaningful manner. From 24 February 2022 to 19 March 2024, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights verified that 10,756 civilians had been killed and 20,320 civilians had been injured in Ukraine. The actual figures are likely to be considerably higher. As was reported at previous briefings, the use of armed uncrewed aerial vehicles and missiles continues to negatively affect civilians, including by causing deaths, injuries and damage to civilian infrastructure. Just like any other weapons or weapons systems, armed uncrewed aerial vehicles and missiles must not be used in a manner inconsistent with international humanitarian law. Almost 25 months have passed since the Russian Federation launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine, in violation of the Charter of the United Nations. There have been more than two years of death, destruction and suffering. In the words of the Secretary-General, it is time to recommit to the Charter of the United Nations and renew respect for international law. That is the path to peace and security — in Ukraine and around the world. I wish to reiterate the commitment of the United Nations to support all meaningful efforts to bring a just and sustainable peace to Ukraine, guided by the Charter of the United Nations and international law, including the relevant General Assembly resolutions. 24- 07910 3/17

I thank Mrs. Nakamitsu for her briefing. I now give the floor to Mr. Hoh. Mr. Hoh: By way of introduction, I am a United States Marine Corps combat veteran of the Iraq war. In 2009, I was a political officer with the United States Department of State in Afghanistan. I resigned my position over the escalation of that war. I have been a direct participant in the violence of war. I know its moral wickedness; I know its intellectual dishonesty. And that is why I sit here today with a white poppy on my lapel — to remember and to represent all the victims of war. It is my hope that by being here today I can represent those who do not very often have a voice at this table. I was last in this building as a Cub Scout when I was 10 years old. That was in 1983, the same year as the now well-documented near-nuclear war between the United States and the Soviet Union. If not for the actions of one man that September, I might not have had the opportunity to grow up and live my life. None of those here would have either. May God bless the memory of Stanislav Petrov. Eight years later, in 1991, the same year I graduated high school, the Soviet flag came down at the Kremlin and the Cold War ended. Collectively, we had been given the potential of a world no longer divided into two opposed nuclear-armed camps. The reality of that potential proved short-lived. And now here we sit, no safer and arguably at a greater risk of nuclear war than in 1983. Looking back, that lost potential for a world that could have been elicits a bitterness, part anger and part despondency, that casts a grave and sorrowful shadow over this institution. In the past 30 years, the number of nuclear-armed nations has grown. Arms treaties have been broken, including unilaterally and without merit by my own country. Modernization of nuclear forces by all parties has greatly increased the destructive capability of missile and bomber fleets. Therefore, even though the numbers and yields of nuclear weapons have diminished, improved accuracy has increased the destructive power of those fleets. There are warheads designated as usable nuclear weapons. Disturbingly, we have generals, diplomats and politicians who believe such things exist. The dissolution of arms control talks following the abrogation of the treaties leaves us with nuclear- armed Powers that not only do not have the mechanisms to restart talks but also do not have the means to talk even during a crisis. That speaks nothing of the lack of political will or the immense mistrust between the nuclear Powers. I have been speaking of the nuclear weapons at the top rung of the escalation ladder. Today it is the weapons being used in Ukraine that are leading us to that top rung, which is an apocalyptic point of no return. The United States and NATO strategy for the war in Ukraine has been two-pronged, economic and military. Neither has worked. And neither will work. As the strategy has failed, it has not been revisited, replaced or remanded, but reinforced. Therefore, we have seen a steady wave of escalation for two years. The United States and its allies never considered diplomacy, a needed third prong, which should have been the primary and dominant effort. Diplomacy was openly disparaged and repudiated. That was appalling diplomatic malpractice. Now, as a consequence, we sit here today as the killing, the destruction and the suffering enter their twenty-sixth month. The reality in warfare is that, whatever new technology or tactic you introduce, your enemy will counter it and, more often than not, do so in an escalatory manner, to which you respond in kind. It is circular by nature but also linear, hence the infamous escalation ladder. You escalate or you de-escalate. There is no neutral or parallel option. Ukraine is no exception to that. Attack the Kerch Bridge or blow up the Nord Stream pipeline, and Russia attacks Ukrainian energy infrastructure and port facilities. Send HIMARS rockets and Storm Shadow missiles to Ukraine and Russia introduces glide bombs and hypersonic weapons. On Monday, President Putin announced a Russian goal of buffer zones in Ukraine, presumably territory to the west of the annexed oblasts that will be taken as a response to the extended range munitions and F-16 fighters to be provided to Ukraine. In recent weeks, multiple NATO Heads of State and their generals, most prominently the French, have openly called for the deployment of NATO combat units to Ukraine. The Russian response has been to remind us of their nuclear capabilities. 4/17 24- 07910 That is an escalatory game for fools and madmen. We are lucky we have made it this far. The arguments for continuing the war reside in the domain of those whom the American political scientist C. Wright Mills labelled “crackpot realists” in the first decade of the Cold War. Yet those crackpot realists had the good sense not to engage in a war like Ukraine, and both sides had leaders like Jack Kennedy and Nikita Khrushchev, and Ronald Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev, men who had the courage and integrity to negotiate. I do not condone or support Russia’s invasion. Although provoked, it is a pre-emptive war that violates international law and is a strategic error. However, it must be noted that Russia attempted negotiations in 2021, 2022 and 2023, efforts that may have prevented, concluded or frozen the war if those diplomatic offers had been responded to in kind. The war is a brutal and unwinnable meatgrinder. The toll is shocking and disgusting. It is a moral horror. There are hundreds of thousands of casualties and 10 million refugees; incalculable environmental and infrastructure damage. Eastern Ukraine is a land depopulated, devastated and destroyed. Its fields and towns are saturated with mines and unexploded ordnance, and the toxic residue of modern war poisons its air, land and water. Generations of unborn Ukrainians will pay for the war, either in land made uninhabitable or through mothers who give birth to dead, deformed and disabled babies. Ask the representatives here from Iraq, Cambodia, Laos, Viet Nam and other nations if members believe war ever comes to an end. I believe the representative of Algeria can tell them what land mines do to a people and a land. The escalatory trajectory of the war points to a risk greater than anyone should be willing to accept. This institution must do everything in its power to preclude any further escalation of the war and everything possible to force a ceasefire and initiate a political process for a lasting peace. If a ban on the transfer of weapons and munitions to the war is what is needed to force a ceasefire and negotiations, then so it must be. The Council must accept the responsibility of the moment and act to end the existential peril we face. Finally, I wish to make a plea to abolish the Security Council veto. Whatever justifications the veto may have had, specious and self-serving as they often were, the ongoing genocide in Gaza has forever nullified such arguments. Claims made at this table that to protect civilian lives, ceasefire draft resolutions must be vetoed are as Orwellian as the assertions made in Washington, D.C., and Tel Aviv that genocide is self-defence. As the Palestinian people are being defiled and destroyed, for five months the United States has defied the world, providing diplomatic cover and unlimited military assistance to Israel as it carries out its unholy genocide in Palestine. In order for this institution to honour its founding commitments and principles, the permanent member veto must be abolished. Never again should a nation be able to protect occupation, oppression, apartheid and genocide.

I thank Mr. Hoh for his briefing. I shall now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements.

We wish to thank our briefers. We consider it very timely to gather in the Chamber again to discuss the issue of the continuing deliveries of Western arms and military equipment to Ukraine and the implications of that situation for the search for a peaceful solution to the Ukrainian crisis. That is particularly important amid the escalatory rhetoric regarding the conflict in Ukraine by those who handle the Kyiv regime and the emergence of new evidence of direct involvement by NATO countries in it. Since the beginning of the special military operation, our former partners insolently assured the whole world that Kyiv is supposedly fighting for its independence and the ideals of democracy on its own, and that the West supports it to the best of its ability. I will leave aside the true goals of the Kyiv regime and its eight-year war of extermination against the population of Donbas, which our special military operation is designed to stop. I will make a different point. We can now say for certain that the scale of NATO involvement in keeping Kyiv protégés is much broader than Washington and Brussels have been trying to portray. But despite the military, financial and political assistance provided, Ukraine is inexorably moving towards a military defeat. On the battlefield, the situation for the Kyiv regime is woeful. Thanks to the successful advance of Russian troops in all directions, the Armed Forces of Ukraine is retreating, and the defection rate has increased dramatically because many have finally realized what is happening and are not willing to die for others’ geopolitical ambitions. At the same time, Western 24- 07910 5/17 puppeteers are persistent and are calling for more and more Ukrainians to be thrown into the meat grinder. Just a few days ago, United States Senator Lindsey Graham said the following in Kyiv: “We need more people. No matter what we do, you should be fighting.” Following that tenet, the recruiters continue to round up men of conscription age in the streets and in public spaces to then deploy them to the front lines. Some are more fortunate and are able to escape that road to certain death. There have been media reports about attempts to illegally cross the border. It is noteworthy that officials and even diplomats who have an opportunity to do so are fleeing the sinking ship called Ukraine. According to Ukrainian media outlets, a significant share of them simply do not return to their country after official travel abroad. Ukraine’s current economic state is best described by its leadership. Volodymyr Zelenskyy has said that without foreign financial infusions, 11 million pensioners would die. And Deputy Minister of Economy Taras Kachka divulged an open secret, stating that half of the country’s budget is being subsidized by the West. It is worth repeating here that senseless casualties in the battle, with horrific consequences for Ukraine’s socioeconomic life, could have been avoided had the conflict ended in April 2022. It was then that Boris Johnson, British Prime Minister at the time, forbade the Kyiv regime from signing a peace agreement with Russia that had already been initialled, condemning hundreds of thousands of young Ukrainians to death. Since then, the situation for the Bandera junta has significantly deteriorated both politically and militarily. Given that the Armed Forces of Ukraine ran out of its own weapons a long time ago, it can be said that the goal of our special military operation to demilitarize Ukraine itself has been achieved. Now the fighters are surviving exclusively on supplies from NATO. But despite the forced transfer of the most expensive Western equipment to the front, Russian armed forces continue to destroy Abrams and Leopard tanks, as well as high mobility artillery rocket systems. At the same time, a new factor has been the increasingly clear policy embraced by Western sponsors to deliberately escalate the crisis because the war against Russia, through Ukrainians, has not been yielding the desired results. Instead of forcing their protégés to sit down at the negotiating table, they continue to dissuade them from engaging in diplomacy. According to recent leaks and statements made by certain politicians, we can conclude that, in a desire to inflict a strategic defeat on Russia, the West has been engaged in delusional rhetoric about its readiness to begin an acute phase of the conflict — a direct confrontation between the Russian Federation and NATO. That is the takeaway, for example, of a 38-minute conversation among German generals that has surfaced on the Internet, in which they casually discuss scenarios for carrying out strikes against the Kerch Bridge and other Russian civilian infrastructure and speculate how many long-range Taurus missiles would be necessary to achieve that objective. In other words, they were plotting a terrorist attack. Remarkably, after the conversation was made public, German authorities voiced concern only about the leaking of said discussion, not about its content, and they rushed to block its distribution online, clearly trying to cover up the scandal and hide it from the public. They simultaneously acknowledged the authenticity of the recording and accused us of a disinformation attack. Against that backdrop, we are strongly alarmed — even if not surprised — by Emmanuel Macron’s hawkish anti-Russian rhetoric. In recent weeks, he made provocative statements about France’s lack of any red lines with regard to the conflict and about France’s readiness to send troops to Ukraine to take part in combat operations. According to some reports, that could amount to 2,000 soldiers for deployment, including in regions bordering Belarus. Of course, such reckless statements can be written off as self-promotion, but it is worth recalling that Paris was one of the first to become complicit in the crimes of the Kyiv regime, while consistently pursuing escalation. France initiated a coalition in support of Ukraine, including for the procurement of tanks, artillery and long-range missiles. Moreover, Paris encourages the deployment of mercenaries from among its own citizens, although France continues to deny that fact, hiding behind French legal provisions regarding the prohibition of mercenaryism. At the same time, we know for certain that there are French mercenaries who are members of the International Legion of Territorial Defence of Ukraine and are carrying out command functions in the rear. As a matter of fact, since the beginning of the special military operation, more than 13,000 foreign fighters have arrived in Ukraine. Most 6/17 24- 07910 of them have already been liquidated. When planning to send regular troops, Paris needs to remember one important thing — those troops will be considered a legitimate and even a priority target for our forces. Perhaps the time has come for France to respond honestly: what is more valuable — the lives and welfare of its own citizens or the delusional fantasy of weakening Russia? Incidentally, today marks 210 years since Russian troops entered Paris when France’s previous attempt to unite Europe against Russia failed. Our advice to France and Germany is to remember the lessons of history so that they do not regret it later. In general, the recent levels of hypocrisy and duplicity of Western politicians has truly skyrocketed. The leaked discussion among German generals, Macron’s rhetoric and admissions from a number of other representatives of Western political establishment clearly show the direct — not by proxy — engagement of NATO countries in the conflict. It is futile to deny that fact, which is borne out by hundreds of other foreign military advisers and mercenaries whom Western capitals are vainly attempting to conceal from their own societies. At the same time, a false logic is emerging regarding recent allegations that Ukraine should be admitted to NATO because Russia would not dare to attack allied countries. Now we hear the exact opposite — that Ukraine cannot be allowed to lose, because Russia will not stop in Ukraine and will then attack NATO countries. Is there even an iota of consistency in their allegations? I now turn to the representatives of Western countries seated here in the Chamber. They have already brought Ukraine to the edge of the precipice, draining virtually all of its resources, stripping the population of their right to a dignified future. Now they are beginning to get cold feet and feel ambivalence because their actions to defeat Russia strategically — or at least to weaken it — have not yielded the desired result. Do they realize that their irresponsible rhetoric is raising the stakes and risking escalating the conflict into a new acute and unpredictable phase? Are their countries ready to wage war against Russia on their territory, and does the general European public realize the potential consequences of their actions? Perhaps the time is ripe to consider the consequences of their reckless actions and rhetoric for European regional security. In any event, that security has already suffered enormous damage, including through the spread of weapons supplied to Ukraine, the reverberations and fallout of which will continue to be felt for many years to come. As is now clear from a recent report published by the United States Government Accountability Office, Washington is not in a position to reliably establish how many weapons and ammunition have been delivered to Ukraine because the Pentagon lacks the relevant standardized guidance. The Pentagon’s audit uncovered an absence of records on the delivery status of nearly half of the shipments to Ukraine. Moreover, the agency’s leadership was unable to identify the reason why that was the case. According to the same report, the Department of Defense is also unable to monitor the status of deliveries after their arrival in Ukraine. In other words, it is impossible to exercise independent control and ensure that the supplied weapons do not spread beyond the borders of Ukraine. Military personnel also cannot boast of accurate data on the fate — whether they were used, destroyed or lost — of products from the United States military industrial complex. What is clear is that it is difficult to get an unbiased assessment of whether United States arms have found their way to the black market or not. Prague continues to play a particularly malign role in pumping weapons into Ukraine. The Czech Minister for Foreign Affairs, Jan Lipavský, just a few days ago announced the forthcoming delivery of 300,000 shells collected from all corners of the world. At the same time, a poll conducted by the Centre for Analysis and Empirical Studies shows that nearly two thirds of the Czech public oppose the ongoing weapon deliveries to Ukraine, and more than 70 per cent believe that the Government should support the start of peace negotiations. Perhaps such shifts in the sentiment in Czech society are influenced by Ukrainian nationalists’ use of Czech multiple-launch rocket systems to target peaceful Russian cities, including Belgorod. Unfortunately, our Czech colleague once again was unable to summon the courage to present himself in the Security Council to explain to us all and to all those who follow our work why the Czech authorities, disregarding the opinion of their own citizens, continue to hand over deadly weapons to Ukrainian Banderites, which are then used in strikes against peaceful civilians on the territory of the Russian Federation. We note the growing number of calls from our foreign partners to move to negotiations to end the hostilities. Setting aside the fact that the Kyiv regime is unable to negotiate in principle, as we have seen repeatedly, 24- 07910 7/17 and the fact that the Kyiv regime itself has prohibited through its own legislation any negotiations with Russia, I would like to ask everyone present a question. With whom should we hypothetically engage in negotiations with? The Kyiv dictator unilaterally made a decision not to hold presidential elections — clearly, he is afraid of losing those elections — in violation of the Ukrainian Constitution, thereby making his presidency illegitimate as of 21 May. At the level of the country’s political leadership, confusion and vacillation continue to grow and members of the Verkhovna Rada are fleeing to all corners. Centrifugal trends have also been observed in Ukrainian society as a whole. Given that and the plummeting support for the head of the Kyiv junta, the question arises: whom is he representing? With whom should we maintain a dialogue and negotiate when and if it becomes necessary? I call on everyone to think about that issue, and I call on the sponsors and the puppet masters of the Kyiv regime to think about what their support for the dictatorship in Ukraine, which is growing stronger every day, looks like from the outside. Their slogans about defending the freedom and independence of Ukraine ring false and insincere, as they have long been defending only Zelenskyy and his clique. Ukraine and Ukrainians have not been and are not threatened by anyone. We have been and remain ready to live with them with good neighbourly relations in peace and harmony. To that end, it is necessary to fully implement the goals of our special military operation, which does not include the destruction of Ukraine or its de-Ukrainization. We stand ready to achieve our goals both militarily and diplomatically, of course, taking into account the realities on the ground. The sooner they understand that the better.

I thank you, Madam President, convening this briefing. Let me also thank Under-Secretary-General Nakamitsu for her insightful briefing. I also wish to note the contribution of Mr. Hoh. I also welcome the Permanent Representative of Ukraine to this meeting. Sierra Leone reiterates its commitment to the Charter of the United Nations and respect for its principles and international law, including the principles of sovereign equality of all United Nations Member States, the territorial integrity and political independence of Member States, non-interference and the peaceful settlement of disputes. It is in that regard that we continue to express grave concern about the regrettable serious situation created in Ukraine by the conflict with its serious ramifications for international peace and security. That is based on our fundamental belief in the sanctity of the Charter of the United Nations, its principles and the purposes of the Organization. In that vein, we reiterate our call for the full respect of the national sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. The war in Ukraine has been going on for more than two years without an end in sight. In that regard, Sierra Leone notes the Russian Federation’s claim that the increasing Western arms supplies and transfers to Ukraine are prolonging the war and undermining efforts to resolve the conflict. Additionally, Sierra Leone also takes note of the claims by some members of the Council that the Russian Federation is receiving arms from sanctioned Member States, in violation of the relevant Security Council resolutions. In view of those claims, we note that the Deputy to the High Representative of the United Nations Office for Disarmament Affairs, in his brief to the Council on 22 January (see S/PV.9533), emphasized that any transfer of weapons in the conflict in Ukraine must occur within the applicable international legal framework. Although we would rather see the immediate cessation of the conflict, with full respect for the internationally recognized borders of Ukraine, Sierra Leone, in recognizing the need for pragmatism, expresses its strongest disapproval of any form of transfer of weapons that does not take place within the applicable international legal framework. We therefore call for measures to prevent the diversion of ammunition and weapons — such as pre-transfer risk assessments and end-user verification — that can help to support conflict prevention and post-conflict recovery in Ukraine. Sierra Leone is of the firm view that the supply of weapons in any armed conflict creates risks of escalation and diversion of resources from socioeconomic development. That is manifest in the Ukraine conflict. There is also an unacceptably high human cost. The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights has verified a total of 30,457 civilian casualties during the conflict in Ukraine as of 15 February. That figure comprises 10,582 killed and 19,875 injured, with the actual numbers likely to be 8/17 24- 07910 much higher. More than 10 million have been forced to flee their homes, including more than 6.3 million who have sought refuge outside Ukraine. The humanitarian situation in Ukraine is not improving, and we have previously stated in the Council that more than 14.6 million people — approximately 40 per cent of the Ukrainian population living in Ukraine — will need humanitarian assistance in 2024. In the light of the foregoing, we have the strong conviction that the parties to the conflict, as well as the involved parties, must take meaningful steps towards protecting civilians, avoiding targeting civilian infrastructure in the conduct of military operations, and most importantly, the immediate cessation of hostilities. We therefore urge for good-faith diplomatic efforts in that regard, acknowledging the legitimate concerns of the parties.

I would like to thank Under-Secretary-General Izumi Nakamitsu for her briefing. I also listened carefully to the remarks by Mr. Matthew Hoh. Our stance on this conflict is expressed unequivocally at every meeting of the Council: Algeria believes that a just and lasting peace that is rooted in the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and that addresses the legitimate security concerns of all parties is the key to resolving this crisis. At today’s meeting, I would like to stress the following. First, the use of increasingly lethal and destructive weapons and ammunition in conflict zones remains a source of deep concern. The influx of such arms will lead only to more loss of life, prolonged suffering for populations and further obstacles to finding solutions. Secondly, we once again urge the parties to abandon the mindset of confrontation and to prioritize the protection of civilians and civilian infrastructure. No effort should be spared to alleviate human suffering. Also, it is of the utmost importance that the parties fully respect their obligations under international law, including international humanitarian law. Thirdly, the increasing polarization does nothing but escalate tensions and prolong this crisis. It is critical to enhance international diplomatic efforts to achieve peace. Finally, we reiterate our call to the parties to engage in an inclusive and constructive dialogue guided by the principle of the peaceful settlement of disputes. Algeria remains ready to support any efforts to maintain international peace and security in the region and in the world.

I thank Mrs. Nakamitsu for her briefing. With this, the thirteenth meeting since September 2022 devoted to arms deliveries, Russia continues its disinformation campaign. Two years ago, it attacked a free and sovereign nation that was not threatening or attacking it, in violation of all the rules of international law and the Charter of the United Nations. Since then, the escalation in Ukraine has been entirely Russia’s doing. The latter can decide at any time to withdraw its troops, without the slightest harm to its security. Instead, it is razing neighbourhoods and entire cities: Mariupol, Marinka, Bakhmut, Avdiivka. In Bucha and Izyum, it committed massacres. It continues to target civilian infrastructure, in contempt of international humanitarian law. On the night of 20 to 21 March, 31 Russian missiles were fired at Kyiv, injuring 15 people. Last night, 87 missiles and 63 drones were fired at the whole of Ukraine, killing at least three people and injuring 22. France condemns those new strikes, which have damaged numerous facilities in the dam of the Dnipro hydroelectric station and several electrical substations. Those strikes come on the heels of last week’s tragic events in Odesa, Sumy, Kryvyi Rih and Myrnohrad. In order to carry out those strikes, Russia is violating Council resolutions by sourcing drones from Iran and ballistic missiles from North Korea. The only way to get Russia to stop its war is to help Ukraine. Russia is ignoring the International Court of Justice’s order of 16 March 2022 to withdraw its troops from Ukrainian territory. It makes a mockery of the General Assembly’s numerous calls, adopted by an overwhelming majority. We cannot allow Russia to win this war, because Ukraine’s surrender would be the defeat of us all. That would open the door to further acts of aggression by States intent on territorial conquest and annexation by force. That would send the message that we have given up on defending the principles of the Charter. The law of the jungle would prevail. That is why France will continue to support the Ukrainian people in their right to self-defence, both bilaterally and through the European Union. We will 24- 07910 9/17 continue to deliver equipment to enable it to resist, strengthen its air defence capabilities and recapture lost territories. We will step up our efforts to supply the Ukrainian army with the ammunition it needs. That is the purpose of the bilateral security agreement we signed with Ukraine on 16 February and of the meeting we organized in Paris on 26 February with the Heads of State and Government of 27 countries. We will continue to develop our military support and adapt it to the needs articulated by our Ukrainian partners. Russia maintains its unrealistic objectives, and it has no intention of engaging in good-faith negotiations. It has shown that it understands only power relations. It is therefore only by helping Ukraine that we will be able to create the conditions for negotiating a fair and lasting settlement to the conflict. That is the only way to achieve a peace in accordance with international law and the Charter of the United Nations — a peace that respects the rights of Ukraine and its people.

Today the Russian representative has once again attempted to recast Russia’s war on Ukraine as a product of Western aggression. We have of course heard many different explanations from our Russian colleagues in this Chamber. When Russia’s full-scale invasion began, we were told that occupation of Ukraine was not part of the plan, and that the goal was apparently to protect people who had been victimized and exposed to genocide — a claim that the International Court of Justice of course dismissed. We have subsequently been subjected to spurious meetings on biolabs, on persecution of the Russian Orthodox Church and on Russophobia as a threat to international peace and security. Russia’s attempts to obfuscate and distract from reality are not only a waste of the Council’s time, but they are also ineffective. No amount of linguistic gymnastics from our Russian counterparts can change the facts. The truth regarding Russia’s aggression is clear. For more than two years now, Russia has been engaged in a neo-imperial war of aggression, in flagrant violation of the Charter of the United Nations. President Putin is creating a Russia and a Russian economy that are geared for constant war, with 40 per cent of the country’s federal budget dedicated to military and security spending alone. It is clear that President Putin has no intention of peace any time soon — and indeed, that raises the question of his plans beyond Ukraine too. In conducting its war of aggression, Russia has relentlessly targeted Ukrainian civilian infrastructure, including through double-tap strikes targeting first responders. Just last night, Russia attempted to carry out a massive missile attack on Ukraine’s critical infrastructure. Russia has kidnapped Ukrainian children. It has deployed uncrewed aerial vehicles from Iran and ballistic missiles from North Korea, in violation of the Council’s resolutions, and it has press- ganged foreign nationals to fight in its war, from Ghana, from India and from Nepal. As the United Nations reported this week, in the areas of Ukraine that Russia temporarily occupies, it has attempted to consolidate control through a climate of fear, by using execution, torture, sexual violence, arbitrary detention, censorship, surveillance, political oppression and movement restrictions — all of that is a stark contrast to the image of happy citizens expressing their democratic rights that the Russian Ambassador attempted to paint in the Council last week (see S/PV.9578). The cost to Russia and the Russian people of President Putin’s neo-imperial vanity has also been profound. The Russian economy has lost $400 billion through sanctions. Hundreds of thousands of young Russians have left for opportunities abroad. For those who have stayed, free speech has been silenced. More than 20,000 have been imprisoned for opposing Putin’s war. Russia’s Black Sea fleet has been decimated, and nearly 3,000 tanks and 105 fixed-wing aircraft have been destroyed. The Russian military has suffered more than 350,000 casualties. Of course, that will not be heard from Russian television, but it is all too real for the more than 1 million Russian mothers, fathers, sisters and brothers touched by the tragedy of President Putin’s hubris. All that for a war that Russia cannot win. Russia cannot win because, through their courage and ingenuity, Ukrainians have shown that they will not be subjugated. Russia cannot win because the international community will not abandon Ukraine. We do not have cold feet. We will continue to provide Ukraine with the weapons it needs to defend its territory from Russian aggression. Finally, Russia cannot win because it is vital that imperialism and colonial ideology be consigned to the past. Therefore, once again, we call on the Russian Federation to stop wasting the Council’s time, to end its war of aggression and to uphold the Charter of the United Nations. 10/17 24- 07910

I thank High Representative Nakamitsu and Mr. Matthew Hoh for their briefings. The Security Council has considered the issue of arms supplies to Ukraine on many occasions, and the Office for Disarmament Affairs has briefed the Council multiple times. All parties have been very clear about each other’s positions. I would like to reiterate that the continued influx of weapons to the battlefield will only exacerbate the cruelty, danger and unpredictability of war, accelerate the spread of the spillover effects of the Ukraine crisis and make the hope of peace and end to the war more elusive. I would like to once again call upon all the parties concerned to act responsibly and devote their resources and energy to diplomatic efforts for a ceasefire and an end to the war, so as to promote a political settlement of the crisis at an early date. China’s position on the Ukraine issue is consistent and clear. We have always maintained an objective and impartial position and are committed to promoting peace talks. China supports the holding, in due course, of an international peace conference recognized by both Russia and Ukraine, with the equal participation of all parties in full discussions of all peace plans. We are ready to strengthen dialogue and exchanges with all the parties concerned and to continue to play a constructive role in promoting a political settlement of the crisis.

I thank Mrs. Izumi Nakamitsu, High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, for her briefing. We paid close attention to Mr. Hoh. We welcome the presence of the Permanent Representative of Ukraine in the Chamber. It is indeed unfortunate and worrisome to see the situation in Ukraine becoming increasingly complex, painting a picture of uncertainty. Continued reports of attacks on civilians and civilian infrastructure confirm that, unfortunately, it is the population, women and children, who continue to bear the worst consequences of the conflict. International humanitarian law is unequivocal in that regard: civilians and civilian infrastructure must be protected at all times. Ecuador recognizes the right of every country to defend itself legitimately, in accordance with international law and the Charter of the United Nations. Similarly, we are aware of the dangers posed by the massive influx of arms and ammunition, which could facilitate escalations of tension and entail risks of diversion and proliferation of those weapons, even after the conflict has ended. I therefore reiterate the call to uphold and intensify the standards of marking, record-keeping and traceability of arms and ammunition. All arms supplies must comply with the relevant international legal framework and be subject to safeguards to ensure respect for the principles of distinction, proportionality and precaution. Ecuador stresses the need to respect international law, including the relevant Security Council resolutions and international treaties that seek to regulate the use of conventional weapons and prohibit those that cause indiscriminate or unnecessary harm, such as cluster weapons and anti-personnel mines. It is important that the use of explosive weapons in populated areas be stopped immediately, that international humanitarian law be strictly respected and that civilians and civilian infrastructure be protected at all times. In the face of rising tensions, it is crucial and urgent to make way for a peaceful solution, within the logic of the Charter of the United Nations, guided by the principles of justice established by the General Assembly and respecting the orders of the International Court of Justice. Only then will we be able to speak of a just and lasting peace in Ukraine.

I thank the Under-Secretary- General and High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, Mrs. Izumi Nakamitsu for her insightful briefing. I also thank Mr. Hoh for his contribution and welcome the participation of the Permanent Representative of Ukraine in this meeting. We have passed the two-year mark of the start of the war, a war that continues to claim the lives of innocent civilians; that has injured tens of thousands of men, women and children; and that continues to cause grave damage to critical civilian infrastructure in Ukraine. The urgent humanitarian needs in Ukraine remain critical and will continue to escalate as the conflict wages on. The immeasurable physical and emotional harm faced by the nearly 1 million displaced Ukrainian children only further highlights the devastating impacts of the war. As the High Representative has stressed many times in her briefings to the Council, the influx of weapons and ammunition into any armed conflict not only contributes to its escalation but also presents the dangerous risk of diversion. Those are serious concerns that cannot be overlooked. We reiterate our call that all 24- 07910 11/17 parties must take necessary precautions to ensure that any transfer of weapons and ammunition takes place within the applicable international legal framework and with respect for relevant resolutions that have been adopted by the Council. We also again stress that all transfers must be conducted with transparency and with stringent controls that prevent their diversion, both now and after the conflict. We once more voice our firm belief that the only way to adequately address the myriad consequences that have resulted from the conflict is to swiftly end it. It is imperative that the parties fully commit to taking the necessary actions that will bring about a peaceful resolution, with full respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine. The Ukrainian people have demonstrated unimaginable resilience in the face of brutal and seemingly unending warfare. The time for concerted diplomatic actions that will bring an end to the war has long passed. We can — and must — pursue a just and lasting peace in Ukraine.

I thank High Representative Nakamitsu for her briefing. I also welcome the Permanent Representative of Ukraine to this meeting. The Russian delegation called for this meeting to once again complain that assistance to Ukraine for its self-defence is prolonging a war that the Kremlin started. Nevertheless, hours before this meeting, Russia launched yet another unconscionable large-scale missile and drone strike against several regions of Ukraine and energy infrastructure. Early reports indicate several dead and over 1 million people without electricity. We should all see that — the cynicism in today’s meeting — for what it is: Russia is complaining about the very assistance to Ukraine that is protecting civilians and critical infrastructure from its attacks. On 31 January 2022, as Russia amassed over 100,000 troops along Ukraine’s borders, the Russian representative denied to the Council any intent to invade and claimed, “The discussion about the threat of war is provocative in and of itself. They are almost calling for it; they want it to happen. They are waiting for it to happen as if they want to make their words become a reality” (S/PV.8960, p. 11). It was not discussions about a threat of war that invaded Ukraine. Russian troops did that. It bears repeating. It was Putin’s decision — and his alone — to wage this war of territorial conquest. Since then the Secretary-General and more than 140 United Nations Member States have been clear in condemning Russia’s aggression and violations of the Charter of the United Nations. Ukraine’s right of self-defence is reflected in Article 51 of that same Charter. Meanwhile, Russia procured weapons from rogue regimes, in violation of Security Council resolutions. It continues to procure weapons to fuel its war of aggression. Today Russia’s military relationships with Iran and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea are deeper than ever. We are concerned that Russia now intends to purchase ballistic missiles from Iran. We call on Iran to not provide such destabilizing weaponry to Russia. The United States previously brought to light clear evidence of Iran’s transfers of armed Iranian uncrewed aerial vehicles (UAVs) to Russia, in violation of binding restrictions under resolution 2231 (2015), which were in place at the time of the acquisition. Iran has continued to provide Russia with significant numbers of UAVs, guided aerial bombs and artillery ammunition, which Russia has been using for its attacks on Ukraine that have wounded and killed numerous civilians. Since late December 2023, Russian forces have fired more than 40 North Korean ballistic missiles, procured from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea in violation of Security Council resolutions, against Ukraine. It has done so on at least 10 occasions. Since September 2023, Russia has procured more than 10,000 shipping containers, the equivalent of 260,000 metric tons of munitions or munitions-related materials from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea — again, in violation of the United Nations arms embargo on the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. We recall those facts today as Russia again feigns victimhood in a war that it started. According to a report released last week by the International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine, there is evidence of violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law in many regions of Ukraine and in the Russian Federation. The report confirms the determination of a previous report by the Commission of Inquiry (A/HRC/52/62) that many of those violations: “amount to war crimes and include wilful killings, attacks on civilians, unlawful confinement, torture, rape and forced transfer and deportations of children”. 12/17 24- 07910 We applaud the Government of Ukraine for allowing investigators access to establish the facts on the ground, while also noting with concern the Commission’s inability to establish meaningful communication with the Russian Federation. We again take this opportunity to call for all feasible protections of all civilians on all sides of every conflict. All parties to a conflict must take feasible precautions to minimize civilian harm. We renew our calls for Russia to immediately withdraw its forces from Ukrainian territory within its internationally recognized borders, cease its unlawful procurement of Democratic People’s Republic of Korea-origin material and meet its responsibilities as a member of the Council.

I wish to thank High Representative Nakamitsu for her briefing. I also take note of the statement by Mr. Hoh. Let me focus on three messages that I would like to convey. Firstly, appearances matter, and we see this meeting as yet another attempt by the aggressor to portray itself as a victim. My country is willing to discuss arms transfers at length. However, we believe that there is just one point that needs to be made — the arms that are being supplied to Ukraine are there for its self-defence against an aggressor that is waging an illegal and immoral war against it. After yet another massive Russian aerial attack today on hard civilian, especially energy, infrastructure, that cannot be emphasized enough. We condemn the attack in the strongest possible terms. Secondly, as underlined by Mrs. Nakamitsu, any transfer of weapons must occur within the applicable international legal framework. While we are discussing arms transfers in support of the self-defence of a sovereign country, rest assured that we will also call out illegal arms transfers supporting the aggression against Ukraine. A number of countries, including my own, are responding to the call to aid Ukraine, with one sole purpose — helping Ukraine to protect its citizens and its territory. My country’s aid to Ukraine was delivered in support of Ukraine’s right to self-defence, enshrined in Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations and in line with our international obligations. On the other hand, there is a growing body of evidence that Russia is procuring arms to feed its aggression against Ukraine from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea — in contravention of multiple Security Council resolutions. Thirdly and finally, peace must return to Ukraine, and the Council needs to step in and take up its responsibilities. As we have stated numerous times, the Council is the most important tool at our disposal for the maintenance of international peace and security, in particular when united. We need Russia to stop pushing the rest of the Council away with its belligerent rhetoric and unconstructive attitude and to make trustworthy steps towards peace, instead.

I extend my gratitude to Mrs. Nakamitsu for her comprehensive briefing and take note of Mr. Hoh’s remarks to the Council. I welcome the participation of Ukraine’s delegation in this meeting. Let me begin by reiterating an obvious fact — the war in Ukraine began as a result of Russia’s armed invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, in blatant violation of international law and the Charter of the United Nations, and Ukraine has been exercising its inherent right to self-defence, as enshrined in Article 51 of the Charter, with the assistance of the international community. Ukraine’s endeavour to protect its people and territories against external aggression are totally legitimate and therefore deserve international support. Meanwhile, Russia’s persistent war against Ukraine is chipping away at international law and the United Nations Charter, which have served as the foundations of global peace and security for nearly eight decades. The international community’s repeated condemnation of Russia’s ongoing invasion against Ukraine demonstrates its firm commitment to defending our shared principles — that no country should be allowed to invade a neighbouring country and annex its territories through the use of force. In that connection, my delegation would like to once again emphasize that the permanent members of the Security Council bear a special sense of responsibility, as they play a critical role in discharging the Council’s primary responsibility of maintaining international peace and security. In particular, any self-contradictory measure taken by Council members, especially by those that have led efforts to establish the current non-proliferation regime against their own resolutions, would erode the authority of the Council and undermine the integrity of the non-proliferation framework. 24- 07910 13/17 We once again urge the Russian Federation to uphold the global non-proliferation regime by immediately stopping its military cooperation with the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, which is in violation of multiple Security Council resolutions. All in all, the Russian Federation must uphold the United Nations Charter by withdrawing its forces from the territory of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. The war has already inflicted enormous losses on Ukrainians, and ordinary Russian people are also paying the price. The global impact the war may have on non-proliferation, refugees, energy, food and even nuclear safety will ultimately undermine Russia’s security and interests. There is an old Korean saying: “the one who ties a knot has to untie it”. Russia’s war against Ukraine has undermined that shared principle, which the international community has been defending, putting the fabric of multilateralism in tangles. In the Ukraine war, it is therefore Russia that should untangle the situation at hand. In that vein, we urge Russia to answer the international community’s call to end the brutal war and to redress its serious violations of international law. For its part, the Republic of Korea will continue to stand with the Ukrainian people until they achieve lasting peace on their territories.

I would like to thank the High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, Mrs. Izumi Nakamitsu, for her briefing. I have also taken note of Mr. Matthew Hoh’s comments. Last week, the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine presented its new report, revealing distressing details of violations of obligations under international humanitarian and human rights law. After more than two years, violations committed during the conduct of hostilities, as well as those relating to the treatment of civilians and persons hors de combat, including torture, intentional killings of protected persons and sexual and gender-based violence, continue. In that context, and in line with Switzerland’s previous statements on today’s issue, allow me to underline three key points. First, we recall that today’s situation is a direct consequence of Russia’s military aggression against Ukraine, in clear violation of the Charter of the United Nations. We condemn the military aggression and reject any attempt to shirk that responsibility. Ukraine has the right to ensure its security and defend its territorial integrity and sovereignty. Secondly, we underline the importance of maintaining the non-proliferation architecture through the effective implementation of multilateral arms transfer agreements and instruments. All States must respect their obligations under those frameworks, including the relevant resolutions of the Council. We are dismayed by reports of arms and ammunition transfers from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea to Russia, in violation of the resolutions of the Council, as we are by reports of drone transfers by Iran, despite the restrictions in force until October 2023. Thirdly, we urge all parties to take all possible precautions to ensure the protection of civilian lives and objects. Attacks with explosive weapons in populated areas remain the leading cause of civilian casualties in Ukraine. In recent weeks, new strikes have left dozens of civilians dead and wounded, including in a new wave of massive attacks on Ukrainian energy infrastructure this morning. Returning to the conclusions of the Commission of Inquiry, we recall that it established that the Russian armed forces are showing a lack of consideration for the possible damage caused to civilians. Switzerland stresses the urgent need for strict compliance with international humanitarian law and human rights. In response to the major humanitarian challenges, Switzerland reaffirms its solidarity with the Ukrainian people. We remain committed to ensuring accountability and enabling reconstruction and have redoubled our peacebuilding and humanitarian efforts, including humanitarian demining. Switzerland will continue to advocate peace in Ukraine — a comprehensive, just and lasting peace, in line with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.

I also thank Under-Secretary- General Nakamitsu for her comprehensive briefing. It is unfortunate that the Russian Federation continues to call for repeated meetings on this topic and use the Council’s resources to distract the international community with a narrative that does not reflect reality. Malta reiterates its strong condemnation of the Russian Federation’s aggression against Ukraine, which constitutes a manifest violation of the international law. 14/17 24- 07910 We reiterate that Ukraine has the inherent right to defend itself from that aggression, as enshrined in Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations. Ukraine has the right to protect its citizens, its democracy, its sovereignty and its territorial integrity. The arms transfers that we should condemn are those between the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the Russian Federation, in violation of multiple Council resolutions and the sanctions regime. The use of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea-origin ballistic missiles in Ukraine does not only further the suffering of the Ukrainian people, it also gravely erodes the non-proliferation regime and undermines the authority of the Security Council. Furthermore, the Russian Federation’s illegal seizure and militarization of the Zaporizhzhya nuclear power plant, the largest nuclear power plant in Europe, has threatened nuclear safety and security across the continent. That is unacceptable. We urge the Russian Federation to withdraw from the site and return full control to the legitimate Ukrainian authorities. Russia’s war has also caused widespread death, destruction, displacement and human suffering and left at least 18 million people in need of humanitarian assistance. To date the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights has recorded more than 10,000 civilian deaths, an estimated 20,000 civilian injuries and an undisclosed number of combatant casualties. Furthermore, while millions of people remain internally displaced in Ukraine, around 6 million Ukrainians, mostly women and children, have sought refuge abroad, being one of fastest and largest refugee exoduses in history. Russian strikes on civilians and critical infrastructure have continued unabated in several regions. Last week, Russia shelled the southern city port of Odesa destroying civilian facilities, killing at least 21 people and injuring another 75 in a single attack. We remain firmly committed to ensuring full accountability for that aggression and for all the other serious crimes committed, as well as for the massive damage caused by Russia’s war. In conclusion, Malta urges Russia to immediately withdraw its forces from Ukraine’s internationally recognized borders and comply with its responsibilities as a permanent member of the Security Council. We believe that the maintenance of international peace and security can be ensured only through a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine.

We thank you, Madam President, for accommodating the request by the Russian Federation to convene this meeting, the fourth this month dedicated to the conflict between Ukraine and Russia. We are also grateful to High Representative Nakamitsu and Mr. Hoh for their important insights. Throughout this conflict, which is entering its third year, we have consistently and repeatedly voiced two main positions, namely, first, a warning against its dangerous escalation and the overreliance on military- driven solutions; and secondly, consistent advocacy for a swift pivot towards diplomatic engagement as the primary mode of solving the conflict. Regrettably, while our first apprehension has been proven prescient, our second stance towards negotiated peace remains elusive. The continued reliance on military transfers, including the potential deployment of ground troops and nuclear brinkmanship, raises the spectre of a widened war with grave and global existential consequences. As friends of both Russia and Ukraine, our appeals for peace are based on insights as ancient as humankind and gained throughout our own nation’s emancipation process. From time immemorial, war has resulted only in death, destruction, massive devastation and ultimate failure, only to eventually return to negotiations. War follows a zero-sum cost-benefit logic: for some to gain, others must lose. As your signature event a few days ago, Madam President, chaired by Foreign Minister Kamikawa, abundantly illustrated, we now face an even more irrational prospect, namely, the notion of a military confrontation with the capacity to end all human civilization. In the haunting words of Mr. Hoh a few moments ago, we are sleepwalking towards “an apocalyptic point of no return”. Thus, our second position in favour of the primacy of dialogue and diplomacy is firmly anchored in the other ancient counterfactual statement, namely, humankind is always better served by peace. Peace favours innovation, economic development, trade and crucially the avoidance of senseless destruction of human lives. The logic underlying the unregulated massive transfer of weapons to both sides of the conflict is thus based on an ultimately flawed rationale. The assertion that Europe’s security is better served by fuelling a war risks dragging all of us into a broader conflict. 24- 07910 15/17 We are witnessing global signs heralding a world where the counsel of peace is less and less heeded. Resources are going towards military self-reliance and less towards the tools and platforms that promote peace, trade and development. In calling for peace, Mozambique aligns itself with the humanistic and historical perspective that recognizes the often devastating and futile outcomes of war and favours the incremental gains of peacetime. In conclusion, Mozambique’s reiterates its call for the immediate cessation of hostilities and a return to direct negotiations, respecting the tenets of the Charter of the United Nations and based on international law.

I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the representative of Japan. I thank High Representative Nakamitsu and the other briefer for their briefings. At the outset, I would like to express our condemnation of the recent attacks across Ukraine and express our condolences for the victims. We reiterate that attacks on civilians and civilian infrastructure are unlawful and totally unacceptable. On numerous occasions, we have heard the same narrative from Russia in this Chamber. The aggressor, violating the Charter of the United Nations, has been blaming the victim, Ukraine. The aggressor has been condemning the nations that are assisting Ukraine in its fight against the aggression. Despite Russia’s narrative, which it has repeated over and over again for more than two years, those facts will never change. The record of Russia’s heinous acts since the beginning of its aggression has grown immensely. Russia has conducted numerous attacks against civilians, as well as civilian infrastructure, in violation of international law, including international humanitarian law, resulting in countless casualties and injuries of innocent civilians, as well as damages to facilities. Russia has used weapons procured from North Korea, which are in violation of Security Council resolutions. We continue to monitor closely what North Korea gains in return. Furthermore, Russia has used nuclear threats, which is absolutely unacceptable. The evidence of Russia’s actions will never disappear. Justice based on international law must and will be done, and there will be no impunity. Russia’s aggression against Ukraine threatens the very foundation of the international order that the international community has built through lengthy efforts and great sacrifice. The support of the international community for Ukraine is completely just and legitimate. Attempts to unilaterally change the status quo by force can occur anywhere in the world, and we must prevent them from occurring. To that end, we renew our determination to stop Russia’s aggression and realize a just and lasting peace in Ukraine. It is Russia that must act. Calls for peace must be directed at Russia, which launched the aggression in violation of the Charter of the United Nations. A Russian decision to immediately end the aggression unconditionally and withdraw from Ukraine will open the path to peace. We continue to stand with Ukraine. I resume my functions as President of the Council. I now give the floor to the representative of Ukraine.

I would like to thank Under-Secretary-General Nakamitsu for her briefing and strong condemnation of attacks on critical civilian infrastructure. I also recognize Putin’s envoy in the permanent seat of the Soviet Union. With a perseverance worthy of a much better cause, his delegation persists in attempting to portray Russia as a victim, while staying silent, as if in a grave, about today’s strikes on Ukraine. The propaganda nonsense from Russia sounds extremely cynical, as just a couple of hours ago, Russia resorted to a massive missile strike targeting the critical energy infrastructure across the entire Ukraine. I would like to thank all Security Council members who expressed their condemnation of that act of terror. According to preliminary information, Russia launched 151 weapons units, including 88 missiles of various types and 83 unmanned aircraft. In particular, Ukrainian objects were shelled with 40 Kh-101, Kh- 555 and Kh-55 cruise missiles, 5 Kh-22 cruise missiles, 7 Kh-47M2 Kinzhal air-ballistic missiles, 2 Kh-59 missiles, 22 S-300 and S-400 ballistic missiles and 12 Iskander-M ballistic missiles. The defence forces of Ukraine were able to intercept 37 missiles and 55 Shahed drones. 16/17 24- 07910 Hundreds of thousands of households are now cut off from electricity and heating in the Kharkiv, Zaporizhzhya, Dnipropetrovsk, Odesa, Poltava, Sumy, Kivohrad, Khmelnytskyi, Ivano-Frankivsk and Lviv regions. That is the result of the damage inflicted to power generation, transmission and distribution systems in those regions. In particular, Russia attacked the Dnipro hydroelectric power plant in Zaporizhzhya — the largest one in Ukraine — damaging the dam and plant’s hydraulic structures. One of the two stations on the Dnipro dam, Hydroelectric Power Station-2, suffered critical damage. Hydroelectric Power Station-1 is also out of operation. That is how terrorists perceive the lack of response to their previous crimes — as an invitation to new attacks. Russia occupied the Zaporizhzhya nuclear power plant. Russia blew up the Kakhovka dam. Now Russia is hitting another critical technological object. Unfortunately, there were casualties among the civilian population following the overnight attack. Every day people in Ukraine endure the hardships of the war. Yesterday, for instance, Russia attacked the capital city of Kyiv with 29 Kh-101 and Kh-555 cruise missiles and 2 Kinzhal ballistic missiles. All were shot down. We in Ukraine greatly appreciate all international support for our air defence. It keeps residents in our cities and villages alive. But the current number of air defence systems does not allow us to protect our entire territory from Russian terror. We need to protect our cities and their residents. We also need to ensure reliable protection of the skies above the front line. If Putin loses the battle for the Ukrainian skies, he will lose the land as well. The situation in the northern part of the Sumy region of Ukraine, adjacent to the border with Russia, can be equated with a humanitarian catastrophe. In that region alone, over 200 aerial bombs have been dropped on towns and villages during the past week, in addition to relentless artillery shelling and drone attacks. In that regard, Ukraine has been compelled to conduct evacuations from 115 towns and villages of the Sumy region within a five-kilometre area along the border with Russia. The intensity of shelling often makes evacuation impossible, as evacuation teams cannot approach settlements on the border, not even on foot. Moreover, as evidenced by recent footage and pictures posted online, Russia is bombing its own territory with the same level of cruelty and disregard for civilian infrastructure. For instance, Russian warplanes effectively destroyed the village of Kozinka, in the Belgorod region of Russia, with aerial bombs. The strike was allegedly intended to eliminate the anti-Putin forces there. Local residents openly report that the village practically no longer exists. It appears that Putin’s envoy regularly monitors Ukrainian social media. Perhaps it would be beneficial for him to review the Russian segment as well from time to time. Ukraine continues to exercise its inherent right to self-defence, under Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations, in extremely challenging circumstances. Russia continues to use the whole range of conventional weapons in its war against Ukraine. And these are not only Russian weapons, as we know. It is particularly cynical that Russia laments Western weapons while actively receiving significant supplies of munitions from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, including ballistic missiles and artillery shells. We are concerned about reports that the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s military shipments to Russia have reached a total of around 10,000 containers. We are therefore grateful to our allies, who continue to support our fight. We know quite clearly what we are fighting for and what will happen if we stop fighting before the threats posed by Russia are removed. Solidarity with Ukraine is critical to sober the aggressor as its appetites are not limited to Ukraine alone. Such a perception is gaining a foothold in Europe, 24- 07910 17/17 which is now developing its defensive capabilities and intensifying its defensive cooperation with Ukraine, as well as in other States throughout the world. Sufficient support for Ukraine will demonstrate to Putin and his accomplices that there will be decisive support if he decides to expand aggression to other countries. We should not wait for further escalation if we can destroy Russia’s aggressive potential now. Every effort made to protect Ukraine will also serve to safeguard the entire continent and beyond. We therefore urge the Council to focus on ways to remove these threats, to put an end to the Russian aggression and to ensure war criminals are held accountable. The Secretary-General acknowledged recently in Munich that the global order is not working for anyone. One could hardly argue that it is, given the latest attack of the terrorist State. Later today, the members of the Council are going to vote on extending the mandate of the Panel of Experts of the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1718 (2006), concerning the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. Let us prove that the global order can work. Let us prove it by thwarting the attempts to silence the independent and objective experts. And let us prove it by ensuring that the relevant sanctions regime works and that the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is unable to help the Russian terrorists.