S/PV.9613 Security Council

In accordance with rule 37 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representatives of the Dominican Republic and Haiti to participate in this meeting. On behalf of the Council, I welcome His Excellency Mr. Roberto Álvarez Gil, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Dominican Republic. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the following briefers to participate in this meeting: Ms. María Isabel Salvador, Special Representative of the Secretary- General and Head of the United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti; Ms. Ghada Fathi Waly, Executive Director, United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime; and Ms. Catherine Russell, Inter-Agency Principal Advocate for Haiti and Executive Director, United Nations Children’s Fund. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I wish to draw the attention of Council members to document S/2024/310, which contains the report of the Secretary-General on the United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti. I now give the floor to Ms. Salvador. Ms. Salvador: One year ago, almost to the day, I briefed the Security Council for the first time as Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Haiti and Head of the United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti (BINUH) (see S/PV.9311). I spoke at that time and have spoken in briefings since about the multiple protracted crises affecting Haiti, pleading for urgent action. Since April 2023, I have consistently called attention to the inexorable requirement to restore security conditions conducive to the holding of elections in Haiti but also to safety and dignity for the Haitian people. I welcomed the Council’s authorization of the deployment of the Multinational Security Support Mission in October 2023 (see S/PV.9430), in response to Haiti’s appeal one year before that to the international community. Today it pains me to note that all the speeches and calls have not avoided some of the worst scenarios for Haiti becoming realities in recent months and weeks. During the two private meetings the Council convened, on 6 March (see S/PV.9566) and 18 March (see S/PV.9580), I provided a detailed account of the dramatic and unprecedented never-ending spiral of violence in the country. It is impossible to overstate the increase in gang activity across Port-au-Prince and beyond, the deterioration of the human rights situation and the deepening of the humanitarian crisis. Meanwhile, only a small percentage — 8.1 per cent — of the $674 million 2024 humanitarian response plan for Haiti has been funded. In early March, gangs mounted coordinated attacks targeting key State infrastructure, including multiple police stations and two of the main prisons in Port-au-Prince, as well as educational and health facilities and religious sites. Just last week, the medical school of the Université d’Haiti was attacked and looted. Gangs have been constantly launching attacks against the Presidential Palace, which resulted in fierce confrontations with the Haitian National Police, leading to multiple casualties. Since 3 March, gang confrontations around the international airport in Port-au-Prince have forced all commercial airlines to halt services — a situation that continues to this day. Nevertheless, with the support and control of the Haitian National Police and the Haitian Armed Forces, work to secure the perimeter around the airport is under way, and some airlines have timidly announced that they will restart flights next month, which will allow the economy to reactivate and all Haitian or foreign travellers to move freely to and from Haiti. During the first quarter of the year, approximately 2,500 persons were killed or injured as a result of gang violence. That is a 53 per cent increase as compared to the previous reporting period, making the first quarter of 2024 the most violent since BINUH’s human rights unit started recording statistics in January 2022. Violent clashes between the two main gang coalitions have resulted in mass killings of the local population and the looting and burning of houses. Gangs have systematically targeted State infrastructure and have attacked those performing key roles in governance, including judges and police officers, as well as human rights defenders and journalists. Such attacks have further weakened State institutions and deepened the already critical challenges to the re-establishment of the rule of law. The impact of gang violence on the rights of children remains of particular concern. Gang activity has severely limited access to essential services, including health care and education, and has exacerbated food insecurity. Furthermore, pushed by the lack of socioeconomic opportunities, an alarming number of children have been recruited into the ranks of gangs, where not only are they at risk of being killed or seriously injured during clashes with other gangs or with the police, but they also commit acts of violence, including killing, kidnapping and rape. Women and young girls continue to be the victims of sexual violence, including collective rape, perpetrated by heavily armed gang members. In this context of extreme insecurity, the Haitian National Police, assisted by the modest Haitian Armed Forces and advised by BINUH and other international partners, has deployed immense efforts to contain the spiral of violence in the country while being targeted by armed gangs, with some successful operations. Nevertheless, the severity of the current crisis underscores the gaps in capacity within the national structures and the urgent need for international assistance, namely through the immediate deployment of the Multinational Security Support Mission. The dramatic increase in violence in Port-au- Prince forced the United Nations, some embassies and international organizations to adjust our footprints in Port-au-Prince. In that staggering situation, however, Haitian stakeholders have been working on putting differences aside to work towards a common path for the restoration of democratic institutions. A first important step was the commitment made at the meeting facilitated by the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) on 11 March on the establishment of a Transitional Presidential Council designed to pave the way towards democratic stability. Its priorities should include an action plan for near-term security, including through sustained cooperation with the international community for the prompt deployment of the Multinational Security Support Mission, and the organization of credible, participatory and inclusive elections. Needless to say, significant attention must also be paid to the thousands of displaced people, including women and children, who are victims of gang violence and who require humanitarian support. I recognize the commitment made by Prime Minister Ariel Henry’s last March to resigning immediately after the installation of the Transitional Presidential Council, thereby facilitating the appointment of a new interim Prime Minister and Government. The outgoing administration’s intention to manage ongoing affairs until a new interim Prime Minister and Government are in place avoids a dangerous vacuum and should help to achieve a seamless transfer of power to the new transitional Government. Since the 11 March announcement, a month-long consultation process among stakeholders led finally to the designation of seven voting members and two observers to the Transitional Presidential Council. The Presidential Council members represent nine groups across a broad range of political actors, the business sector and civil society. However, the participation of women and youth organizations is lacking. There is only one woman member on the council. The Transitional Presidential Council’s non-renewable mandate runs until 7 February 2026, by which date a new President is to be inaugurated and all elected authorities are to be sworn in. Alongside the Transitional Presidential Council, a number of other bodies are expected to be created, including a national security council and a provisional electoral council, which is urgently required in order to set plans in motion for the organization of elections. I encourage stakeholders to continue to work and maintain the same spirit of collaboration and compromise by setting aside differences in the sole interest of Haiti and its people and to facilitate processes in which women, youth and minority groups have their rightful place as participants in all decision-making bodies that will define the future of Haiti for years to come. I welcome the publication on 12 and 16 April of executive decrees establishing the Transitional Presidential Council and appointing its members. I urge all Haitian stakeholders to put in place the envisaged transitional governance arrangements as swiftly as possible, especially the appointment of an interim Prime Minister and Government and the prompt nomination of the provisional electoral council. Despite those recent positive developments on the political front, a much-improved security situation remains a sine qua non for further progress. Gang leaders and other spoilers have stated their intention to violently disrupt the current political process, and I cannot stress enough the need to assist Haiti with its efforts to re-establish security. One and a half years after Haiti requested assistance to enhance security, and more than six months after the Council authorized the deployment of the Multinational Security Support Mission, we must continue to stress the importance of its urgent deployment. The sanctions regime is also an effective tool to discourage destabilization attempts by spoilers and criminals, thereby moving towards transparent political and democratic advancement. I mentioned at the start of my remarks that only a small percentage of the $674 million humanitarian response plan is funded, yet the humanitarian situation continues to spiral in an unprecedented downward trend. Since the start of the latest round of violence, the number of people in need has continued to grow exponentially. Since 8 March, almost 100,000 Haitians have left Port-au-Prince for the regions, escaping gang violence in search of security. Food insecurity also remains rampant across the country, with half the population suffering from severe food insecurity. The multiple protracted crises — political, security and humanitarian — that Haiti continues to face must be worked out together. The international community has a role to play in support, but it will only be through an inclusive, participatory, credible and transparent process that leads the Haitian people to a renewed, democratically elected governance that sustainable development will become a real possibility for the people of Haiti. I would like to emphasize the commitment of the United Nations in Haiti and of United Nations personnel to continue delivering on its mandate and supporting Haitian stakeholders as they strive to enable a secure environment and restore democratic institutions. BINUH, always within its mandate, continues to be engaged with stakeholders. The CARICOM-facilitated process created opportunities for a new transitional governance arrangement that should permit a truly Haitian-led, Haitian-owned political process leading to the organization of inclusive, participatory and credible elections. I once again urge Haitian stakeholders to put their differences aside and deliver for the people of Haiti through the implementation of a sustainable, time-bound and commonly accepted road map. I encourage the international community to continue to stand in solidarity with the people of Haiti. In that regard, and at this very critical and unique juncture for Haiti, I urge all Member States to continue funding the humanitarian response plan and to firm up, without any further delay, their pledges for the deployment of the Multinational Security Support Mission in Haiti.

I thank Ms. Salvador for her briefing. I now give the floor to Ms. Waly.

I thank you, Madam President, for the opportunity to address the members of the Security Council on the situation in Haiti, pursuant to paragraph 9 of resolution 2692 (2023). Since I last briefed the Council in January (see S/PV.9535), the already disastrous situation on the ground in Haiti has further deteriorated, leading to security and humanitarian disturbances. Gang violence has taken hold in the country, increasing in frequency and intensity and spreading geographically. That violence is made possible by the continued influx of firearms into Haiti and is supported by corruption. Previous United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) reports under paragraph 9 of the resolution have addressed the sources and routes of arms trafficking into Haiti. The report before the Council today aims to shed further light on the evolving security situation and gang dynamics on the ground, including in southern Haiti, on the implications for the displacement and exploitation of people and on the nature of illicit financial flows into Haiti. (spoke in English) As the Council has already heard from Special Representative of the Secretary-General Salvador, the past three months saw a 53 per cent increase in the number of people killed or injured owing to gang violence. Reports of gang attacks and the burning of houses over the past hours suggest that the escalation is ongoing, and rising insecurity continues to drive people to flee. Our colleagues at the International Organization for Migration report that since early March, almost 95,000 people have fled the capital, Port-au-Prince, where the violence is most concentrated. And last year, more than 338,000 Haitians are reported to have left the country, including more than 46,000 people looking to make the perilous journey across the Darién Gap. Growing displacement and situations of extreme vulnerability are heightening the risks of migrant smuggling and human trafficking. Those conditions warrant further attention and urgent action to protect Haitians, especially as “dark” or untracked vessels continue to be present in Haiti’s maritime zones and possibly engaged in criminal activity. Recent events suggest concerning signs of collusion between different gangs in Haiti. Only yesterday, a series of simultaneous attacks took place in several locations of Port-au-Prince, although police and community responses repelled the attacks and limited the damage. The latest wave of violence saw reported fighting between gangs, but also signs of collaboration between certain groups to carry out attacks. It is a trend that our Office has observed over the reporting period. The attacks against key infrastructure in March, which Special Representative of the Secretary- General Salvador has mentioned, saw the two main gang federations — the G9 and the G-Pèp — join forces. In addition to targeting transport and public service facilities, their assault on prisons in Port-au- Prince freed more than 4,600 inmates, including gang leaders and individuals suspected of involvement in the assassination of Haitian President Jovenel Moïse. The recent prison breaks saw gangs recruit thousands of former prisoners to their ranks, underlining that the prison system needs urgent attention and support. This is a security priority, as well as a human rights issue, as the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights has repeatedly flagged poor prison conditions and abusive treatment of inmates. The gang attacks targeting key infrastructure were another reminder that the firepower available to gangs in Haiti has increased significantly. UNODC recorded the use of automatic rifles and carbines, such as the AR-15, M4, Galil and the AK series among others, as well as 12-gauge shotguns, a diverse range of handguns and pistols, and higher calibre weapons such as the M60 machine gun. Firearms and ammunition continue to flow into Haiti, and a recent criminal trial in the United States gave some important insights into how that happens. According to information released by the United States Department of Justice, a former leader of the 400 Mawozo gang, Mr. Joly Germine, directed trafficking operations from his cell in prison. Using unmonitored mobile phone calls, Mr. Germine instructed the transfer of funds to criminal associates in Florida, who were given specifications for the armaments required and went on to procure them from gun shops, acting as straw buyers. The firearms, which included automatic and high-calibre weapons, were then smuggled to Haiti in containers disguised as food and household items. In previous reports, UNODC mapped the routes by which contraband is trafficked into the north, east and west of Haiti. In the latest report, we examine illegal activities in the south of the country, which is a growing area of concern for the trafficking of drugs and firearms, especially when considering its poorly monitored airspace and uncontrolled coastline. There is a long-standing vulnerability to illicit activities in southern Haiti, and today both weapons and drugs continue to be shipped to that part of the country by air and by sea. The southern departments have become critical entry points for cocaine from South America and cannabis from the Caribbean, with Haiti being a transit hub for both. Firearms and ammunition also enter through the southern coast. They are often transported directly to Port-au-Prince through routes reportedly controlled by gangs affiliated with the G-Pèp federation, who then play a central role in their distribution among the gangs. As the report notes, prominent political and business figures are suspected of being involved in criminal markets in southern Haiti. They invest in the infrastructure and equipment used in trafficking, showcasing the links between gang violence, trafficking and political and economic corruption in Haiti. Those networks of collusion are often linked to financial crimes and illicit financial flows, which undermine security, governance and development. Since the entry into force of the country’s 2014 anti-corruption law, Haiti’s Anti-Corruption Unit has reported dozens of cases of financial crimes involving Government contracts and public funds. Authorities have also observed criminal proceeds being laundered through the private sector, notably in the oil and gas sector, as well as through banks, real estate firms, lotteries and other businesses. In some instances, non-profit organizations established by public officials are suspected of facilitating money-laundering. Furthermore, gangs engage in kidnapping for ransom, as well as informal taxation on the use of critical infrastructure they control. Despite the good efforts of Haiti’s Anti-Corruption Unit, alongside Haiti’s Central Financial Intelligence Unit, there have been very few convictions in cases of corruption and organized crime. Reasons include limited capacities, acute politicization and arbitrary judicial fees. As the situation in Haiti continues to deteriorate, allow me to recall the recommendations made in previous UNODC reports to the Security Council. I wish to reiterate the importance of building Haiti’s national capacities on firearms regulation, as well as border and customs capacities, especially in ports and at the Haiti-Dominican Republic border. And I wish also to reiterate the need to improve anti-corruption frameworks and investigative capacities. Implementing those steps is extremely challenging in the current context, but it is also necessary. The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime continues to be present and active in Haiti. We are working in full and excellent cooperation with the United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti to deliver assistance on the ground to the extent that the situation allows it. Since my previous briefing, we have provided training to national practitioners on anti-corruption and financial investigations, as well as asset recovery, including in partnership with the United Nations Development Programme. And we have, until recently, been helping national stakeholders procure key border management equipment, though delivery will take place when the situation is more conducive. Given the current challenges, I want to commend the valiant efforts of Haitian law enforcement, who continue to fight on, as shown by the significant seizure of firearms that it recently made in Cap Haïtien in March. Nevertheless, in the absence of international action to improve Haiti’s security, through the deployment of the Multinational Security Support Mission mandated by the Council, alongside a long-term political solution, the circumstances will remain enormously challenging. The recent formation of the Transitional Presidential Council is a welcome step, made possible through the Caribbean Community’s key role. But as we have seen with the most recent wave of gang attacks, the obstacles remain daunting. We must stand with Haiti’s institutions and citizens in confronting violence, corruption and chaos and in working for a more stable and secure future for the people of Haiti.

I thank Ms. Waly for her briefing. I now give the floor to Ms. Russell. Ms. Russell: It is very good to be with the Security Council today. I would like to specially thank Ambassador Frazier, who is not here, for hosting this discussion during Malta’s Security Council presidency and for inviting UNICEF to brief Council members on the worsening humanitarian situation in Haiti. I will just say that the attention of the international community is absolutely critical. And given all the challenges going on in the world, I think it is important that we not lose sight of Haiti. Today I am speaking both as UNICEF Executive Director and as the designated Principal Advocate on the Humanitarian Situation in Haiti for the Inter-Agency Standing Committee. The situation in Haiti is catastrophic, and the humanitarian situation is growing worse and worse. Five and a half million people, including 3 million children — or two in every three children across the country — need humanitarian assistance. In many areas, essential services have collapsed, while people are losing access to food and safe drinking water. And in some communities, life is more dangerous now than it has ever been. At its heart, the crisis in Haiti is a protection crisis. Years of political turmoil and devastating economic conditions have led to the proliferation of armed groups. Today an estimated 2.7 million people, including 1.6 million women and children, live in areas under their effective control. When I last visited Haiti, I saw first-hand how horrific violence and fear are tearing apart the very fabric that binds families and communities together. Each day, children are being injured or killed. Some are being recruited or they are joining armed groups out of sheer desperation. Recent UNICEF data indicates that anywhere from 30 to 50 per cent of armed groups in Haiti currently have children within their ranks. Women and girls continue to be targeted with extreme levels of gender-based and sexual violence. Last year, thousands of cases of sexual violence were reported, many of which were perpetrated against children. With multiple grave violations regularly being committed against children every day, Haiti has the tragic distinction of having been removed and then reintroduced to the Council’s children and armed conflict agenda. So far in 2024, the violence has continued and even intensified. Since the start of the year, more than 2,500 people have been killed, injured or kidnapped, and the United Nations has verified more than 400 grave rights violations against children. At the same time, families continue to be displaced by the violence. In fact, we estimate that more than 180,000 children are now internally displaced. Armed groups have also strangled major transport routes from Port-au-Prince to the rest of the country — destroying livelihoods and restricting access to services. And as the armed groups gain more territory, neighbourhoods are setting up barricades and self-defence teams to protect against the violence. The result is that hundreds of thousands of children and their families in besieged communities are largely cut off from humanitarian aid and essential services. This life-threatening mix of conditions has caused a deepening food security and nutrition crisis, especially for children. Recent findings from the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification analysis indicate an alarming 19 per cent increase in the number of children projected to suffer from severe acute malnutrition in Haiti this year. The analysis also showed that 1.64 million people are facing emergency levels of acute food insecurity, which increases the risk of child wasting and malnutrition. At the same time, the insecurity in Port-au-Prince has made it virtually impossible for health and nutrition supplies to reach at least 58,000 children suffering from severe wasting in the metropolitan area. The Martissant road, the only humanitarian corridor from Port-au- Prince to the southern regions, remains blocked, leaving an estimated 15,000 children suffering from malnutrition at risk of death. Making matters worse, cholera has re-emerged, with more than 80,000 cases, plunging the country further into crisis and uncertainty. The violence is also compromising the work of humanitarian actors on the ground. Our access to the port of Port-au-Prince has been cut off because of armed groups operating in the area — leaving nearly 300 containers loaded with life-saving humanitarian supplies stranded. That includes 17 UNICEF containers filled with nutrition supplements, as well as neonatal, maternal and medical supplies. Port-au-Prince is now almost completely sealed off because of air, sea and land blockades. But despite the risks and operational complexity, our organizations and partners are still reaching the most vulnerable children and families with life-saving services. Together, we are doing our utmost to provide nutrition and health services, to respond to the cholera outbreak and to support mobile child protection teams. Humanitarian partners are now establishing a logistics platform in Cap Haïtien, where a secondary international airport and a port remain operational. We have also opened new supply lines outside of Port-au-Prince in order to ensure the delivery of humanitarian cargo. We are delivering for the people of Haiti, and we are committed to staying on the ground to meet the soaring humanitarian needs. But, quite simply, we need more support. The 2024 humanitarian needs and response plan, which requires $674 million to reach 3.6 million people, is only 8 per cent funded. We need donors and Member States to urgently increase flexible humanitarian funding. That will help us to provide life-saving aid, while also implementing solutions for longer-term development and resilience-building. We recognize the Council’s efforts to bring peace and security to Haiti. Today we are asking the Council to use its leverage with State actors and armed groups to protect human rights and to create safety and security for the Haitian people. We respectfully, but urgently, request that, in its efforts to address the crisis, the Council reiterate the need for adherence to international law, norms, standards and principles and for prioritizing the protection of people in need. And we ask that in those efforts, the Council does everything in its power to facilitate impartial, independent humanitarian action in Haiti. We strongly believe that we can reach all people in need across the country only through sustained humanitarian dialogue with all armed actors. It is imperative that the humanitarian response is perceived as being independent from political and security objectives. Recognizing that the Multinational Security Support Mission in Haiti will likely be deployed in dense urban environments, the safety of the civilian population is paramount. The use of force in and around populated areas must be avoided, and the Mission must only use the least harmful means necessary and proportionate to the legitimate law enforcement objective. Preventing sexual exploitation and abuse will require thorough predeployment and on-the-ground training. Once deployed, police-contributing countries must take all necessary steps to conduct any investigations of allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse as expeditiously as possible and to hold perpetrators accountable. All children associated with armed groups encountered by security forces must be treated primarily as victims and safely handed over to child protection actors. The international community should prioritize active engagement with Haitian partners, including civil society, local stakeholders and community leaders. That will help to strengthen the capacity of Haitian organizations and institutions, protect human rights and facilitate a more efficient humanitarian response that reflects the local context and experience of the Haitian people. The time for action is long overdue. The Haitian people need an immediate scale-up in both regional and international support, without which the situation could become unrecoverable. But even if all the rights steps are taken to quell this crisis, it will not be solved quickly. We must deliver comprehensive political and financial support, now and over the long term. And we must work hand-in-hand with the Haitian people to develop the innovative solutions needed to deliver their vision of a peaceful, prosperous society.

I thank Ms. Russell for her briefing. I shall now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements.

I thank Ms. Salvador, Special Representative of the Secretary- General, Ms. Waly, Executive Director of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, and Ms. Russell, Executive Director of UNICEF, for their briefings today and for all the work they and their teams are doing — often in challenging, even dangerous conditions — to foster a more secure Haiti. I also welcome the representative of Haiti and the Foreign Minister of the Dominican Republic to this meeting. Since we last met on this topic (see S/PV.9580), we have seen signs of progress in Haiti. The United States commends the Haitian National Police, including its specialized units that have conducted successful counter-gang operations, who continue to improve coordination and incident management. And we welcome the announcement of a Presidential Transitional Council. The inclusive, broad-based Presidential Council brings together most of the major political parties in Haiti, as well as key stakeholders from the private sector, religious communities and civil society, and its establishment is a positive step towards resolving Haiti’s political and security crisis, laying the groundwork for free and fair elections and deploying the Multinational Security Support Mission in Haiti. Much work lies ahead. Still, this announcement is a much-needed glimmer of hope for the Haitian people, who continue to suffer from indiscriminate violence and horrific human rights abuses. Today power-hungry gangs continue to attack civilians, police units and critical infrastructure. Gang control of key transport routes and economic activity has restricted freedom of movement, while increasing the difficulty, cost and risk involved with obtaining necessary goods and services. As a result, a growing number of Haitians face food insecurity. It is clear that the people of Haiti need humanitarian assistance. They need the violence to abate, and they need a more stable political situation, with a clear return to a democratic path. The deployment of the Multinational Security Support Mission will help achieve those goals. That Mission seeks to build capacity and provide operational support to the Haitian National Police, helping them counter gangs and improve security conditions. It will help prevent, mitigate and address human rights abuses, while engaging with Haitian civil society and communities to build trust. And it will operate with accountability and oversight, including through measures to prevent sexual exploitation and abuse, and meaningfully include women-led and civil society organizations. In other words, it will help stabilize security and humanitarian conditions, while the Transitional Presidential Council works to pave the way for free and fair elections. But in order for the Multinational Security Support Mission to succeed, it needs the Council’s support, both financial and in-kind. And so, as we look towards the future, let us all commit to rallying international assistance for this effort and supporting partners like the Caribbean Community as they work to improve the situation on the ground. Let us back the renewal of the mandate of the United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti as a sign of support and solidarity with the Haitian people. And let us work to not only address the crisis facing Haiti today, but tackle its root causes, encouraging wider participation and engagement. Together, we can help efforts like the Multinational Security Support Mission succeed and set the country back on the path to stability and democracy. The people of Haiti deserve nothing less.

I am grateful for the information provided by Ms. María Isabel Salvador, Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti (BINUH), as well as Ms. Catherine Russell, Executive Director of UNICEF, and Ms. Ghada Waly, Executive Director of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). We welcome the presence of the representatives of Haiti and the Dominican Republic in the Chamber. The growing coordination among criminal gangs in Haiti in order to carry out simultaneous attacks against the population, critical infrastructure and State institutions demands the urgent implementation of all the tools that the Security Council has adopted to restore security and stability to the country. The rapid deployment of the Multinational Security Support Mission, authorized by resolution 2699 (2023), is required. The support of the international community in that task is vital, both in terms of contributions to the trust fund and of personnel. That is the first step towards strengthening fragile institutions and re-establishing governance in Haiti. It is essential to update the sanctions list in accordance with resolutions 2653 (2022) and 2700 (2023). States should take the necessary measures to prevent the supply, sale or transfer of arms to unauthorized actors in Haiti in accordance with the territorial arms embargo. There is concern that gangs are better equipped, and equipped with state-of-the-art technology. Determining the routes traffickers use will help us to combat trafficking, and the technical work of the UNODC is essential to that end. It is crucial that the political dialogue among Haitian actors continue, in order to achieve coordinated and rapid responses to restore the rule of law in Haiti. Haitian institutions must be supported to investigate and punish crimes such as mass killings, kidnapping and the recruitment and use of children, as well as sexual violence. Strengthening the judicial system and the capabilities of the security forces in Haiti is essential to ensure that perpetrators of such crimes will be brought to justice. Threats made by criminal gangs against human rights defenders, journalists and persons affiliated with State institutions, including members of the Transitional Presidential Council, must also be investigated and punished. The fight against impunity is essential. In this complex scenario, it is crucial to move forward with the transitional governance arrangements and to materialize their results. We welcome the adoption of the decree of 12 and 16 April formally establishing the Transitional Presidential Council and appointing its members. The good offices of the Caribbean Community are key to continuing the dialogue. It is also essential to continue the political dialogue process, which should ensure a detailed plan with a view to elections, and facilitate a peaceful transition of power through free, fair, inclusive and participatory elections. We urge all actors involved to take prompt action, especially on pressing issues such as security. The active and meaningful participation of women and youth needs to be encouraged in all dialogue processes. We highlight the role of BINUH in supporting Haitian-led and Haitian-owned dialogue. We also recognize BINUH’s efforts to carry out its mandate, especially in such an adverse scenario; it absolutely must have sufficient resources to continue to fulfil its mandate. The multidimensional crisis can be observed in all aspects of civilian life and is one of the factors that caused Haiti to suffer one of the worst food crises in the world, with 44 per cent of the population experiencing acute food insecurity, a clear indication of the magnitude of the problem. Now more than ever, the international community must redouble its coordinated and sustained support and solidarity with Haiti.

I would like to extend my gratitude to the Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti (BINUH), Ms. María Isabel Salvador; the Executive Director of UNICEF, Ms. Catherine Russell; and the Executive Director of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, Ms. Ghada Fathi Waly, for today’s briefings. I would also like to welcome His Excellency Minister Roberto Álvarez Gil to today’s briefing. We express our deepest appreciation for the invaluable work of the United Nations country team amid the challenging environment in Haiti. In the three months since the previous briefing (see S/PV.9535), Haiti has continued to experience a concerning deterioration in its security, political, human rights and humanitarian situation. After what has been described as the most violent trimester in two years, Haiti once again finds itself trapped in an endless pit of human suffering. Let me begin by condemning, in the strongest possible terms, the coordinated gang attacks against State institutions and critical infrastructure. Those attacks have not only severely challenged the State’s authority but also fostered unprecedented chaos and terror within the civilian population, preventing their access to basic health services and education. We recognize the commendable efforts of the Haitian National Police, which, despite facing significant challenges, has continued to protect critical and strategic locations, including the international airport. However, the Haitian National Police simply cannot address the dire security situation alone. In that vein, we echo the Secretary-General’s call for the swift deployment of the Multinational Security Support Mission. We also call for the enhancement of the Haitian criminal justice sector, including the penitentiary system, to ensure accountability for human rights violations and abuses and effectively combat impunity. Together with the effective implementation of the arms embargo to stem the flow of illicit arms and ammunition, that is imperative for the success of the efforts of the Haitian National Police and the Multinational Security Support Mission in addressing the security challenges. It is critical that progress be made simultaneously on both the security and political fronts. In that regard, we urge all actors to hold nationwide dialogue and cooperate with the goal of achieving peace in Haiti. We take note of the recent formal establishment of the Transitional Presidential Council and the appointment of its members, and encourage its swift operationalization, including an action plan for short-term security. We join the Secretary-General in underscoring the importance of ensuring the representation of Haitian women in transitional governance arrangements and their active participation in the ongoing political dialogue. We also call for the prompt appointment of an interim Prime Minister and the selection of a provisional electoral council. Let me be clear: the restoration of democratic institutions in accordance with the rule of law and through peaceful, credible and participatory elections is the only path towards a stable and secure Haiti. Finally, I would like to address what is perhaps the most concerning aspect. Human rights abuses and the humanitarian situation mean Haitians desperately need an immediate return to stability and security. We condemn, in the strongest possible terms, any sexual and gender-based violence, in particular by armed groups, with women and girls suffering the most. We express alarm over the increased recruitment and use of children for the perpetration of crimes. In addition to unprecedented levels of targeted killings, collective rape and kidnappings, among other human rights abuses, gangs are also restricting access to markets and basic services, exacerbating acute food insecurity, child malnutrition and disease. It is once again women and children who bear the brunt of those conditions. In that regard, we urgently call for an immediate end to the blockade of the seaport and the removal of roadblocks to ensure unhindered and safe access for humanitarian aid without any preconditions. Humanitarian access must be unimpeded and sustained, and humanitarian personnel must be kept safe. We also call on the international community to intensify its support for humanitarian, development and violence-reduction efforts in Haiti. The Haitian population can count on Slovenia’s continued engagement in that regard.

I have the honour to deliver this statement on behalf of the three African members of the Security Council, namely, Algeria, Mozambique, Sierra Leone and my own country, Guyana (A3+). I thank Special Representative of the Secretary- General María Isabel Salvador, Executive Director Catherine Russell and Executive Director Ghada Fathi Waly for their briefings and also wish to recognize the presence of the Permanent Representative of Haiti and the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Dominican Republic at today’s meeting. The A3+ recognizes and applauds the critical work being done by the United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti (BINUH) in increasingly challenging conditions in the country. We are deeply grateful for the dedication and tireless efforts of BINUH staff and the wider United Nations country team, who are operating under significant personal risk to their health and safety to support Haiti and its people in overcoming the multidimensional crisis in the country. We appreciate the critical reporting provided by BINUH, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, UNICEF and other United Nations agencies operating in Haiti. Their efforts to keep the Security Council apprised of the rapidly evolving situation are essential to maintaining our active engagement and responsiveness to the growing needs on the ground. The A3+ remains deeply concerned about the dire security situation in Haiti, as heavily armed gangs continue their coordinated attacks and rampage in Port-au-Prince and surrounding areas, leaving the local population in a constant state of fear and peril. Recent incidents once again highlight the pressing necessity for the deployment of the Multinational Security Support Mission in Haiti and the urgent need for vital support to the Haitian National Police. We continue to call for the early deployment of the Mission and welcome the notifications received from Benin, Jamaica, the Bahamas, Bangladesh, Barbados and Chad conveying their intention to participate in the Mission. We are hopeful that all remaining hurdles will soon be overcome, allowing Kenya to fulfil its commitment of leading the Mission. We also encourage States to contribute to the trust fund established to support the Mission and provide other forms of support, including personnel, equipment and logistical resources. Stabilizing the security situation in Haiti is necessary to establish conditions conducive to making significant progress on both the humanitarian and the political fronts. We believe that the deployment of the Mission and building the capacity of the Haitian National Police are critical in that regard. The A3+ once again underscores that lasting stability in Haiti cannot be achieved without a political solution that is led and owned by the Haitian people. In that regard, we extend our appreciation to the Caribbean Community and other international partners for playing an instrumental role in facilitating a constructive way forward aimed at resolving Haiti’s political crisis. In particular, we commend their efforts in lending support to relevant Haitian actors in finding a path towards the holding of inclusive, free and fair elections in Haiti. The A3+ welcomes the publication on 12 April of the decree formally establishing the Transitional Presidential Council and the gazetting of the names of its members on 16 April. We hope that those important steps will provide the impetus to reach further consensus among Haitian stakeholders for the implementation of the Council’s mandate and, more importantly, to create a pathway for progress in Haiti. The A3+ notes with grave concern that the humanitarian situation in Haiti continues to worsen and that the humanitarian response plan is just about 8 per cent funded, as we have just heard. We are also alarmed that almost 5 million Haitians are facing acute food insecurity. The Integrated Food Security Phase Classification indicates that almost half of Haiti’s population is experiencing high levels of acute food insecurity and that nearly 300,000 children aged 6 to 59 months are facing or expected to face acute malnutrition between December 2023 and November 2024. As Executive Director Russell just mentioned, children are now at risk of death in Haiti as the humanitarian crisis worsens. Action must be taken to increase humanitarian access and facilitate aid deliveries. We also call upon all those who can to substantially scale up their support for the Haiti humanitarian response plan. The A3+ strongly denounces the violence, human rights violations and employment of heavy weapons against innocent civilians, in particular women and children. Given the widespread use of such weapons, consideration should be given to disengagement and disarmament initiatives, learning from the experiences of other countries. Such initiatives focus on the regulation, possession, use and distribution of weapons and ammunition. We encourage Member States to continue to support measures to combat the trafficking and proliferation of illegal arms and illicit financial flows that enable criminal activity in Haiti. We look forward to the expansion of the sanctions regime and to considering further appropriate measures. The A3+ maintains its strong support for and solidarity with the Haitian people and calls upon the Council and the wider United Nations system to maintain our attention to this multidimensional crisis. With the sustained and collective action of the international community, working closely with regional and national stakeholders, we can and must achieve progress. The millions of Haitian people deserve no less.

I thank the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Ms. Salvador, for her briefing. I also thank Executive Director Russell and Executive Director Waly for their updates and welcome the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Dominican Republic, Mr. Álvarez Gil, and the representative of Haiti. Japan remains deeply concerned about gang violence, criminal activities and acts of destruction, including those targeting governmental institutions, prisons and police facilities. Such acts undermine Haitians’ human security, including access to basic necessities, such as water, food, health services and education, as well as security and justice, exacerbating the country’s multidimensional crisis and allowing for even worse human rights and humanitarian situations. In that regard, Japan commends Ms. Salvador and her Office’s support for the efforts to improve the situation. With respect to Haiti’s political efforts, we welcome the promulgation of the decree formally establishing the Transitional Presidential Council. We recognize that that progress is one of the vital milestones for Haiti. Haitian stakeholders have a responsibility to commit to a swift and inclusive transitional governance arrangement, including the establishment of the Provisional Electoral Council. We acknowledge the continued efforts of the Caribbean Community in supporting Haiti’s political process. Turning to security, we call for close coordination between the Transitional Presidential Council and Kenya on a prompt deployment of the Multinational Security Support Mission to support the Haitian National Police (HNP). It is crucial that the Mission be deployed as soon as possible and that it be able to operate effectively. Timely financial and logistical contributions from the international community to the Mission are therefore necessary. We also call on the leadership of the Mission and participating Member States to utilize the knowledge and experience of other relevant United Nations entities, such as those of the United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti (BINUH) and the United Nations sanctions regime, and collaborate with them in the Mission’s operations on the ground. I would once again like to stress our respect and praise for the cooperative commitments by Haitians to improve the situation. The HNP is courageously and tirelessly protecting the country, including critical and strategic areas and institutions. We also acknowledge that Haitian stakeholders and local organizations, such as non-governmental organizations, are facilitating and participating in dialogue and collaborating to improve the humanitarian situation, together with BINUH and the United Nations country team. All those Haitian- led and Haitian-owned efforts represent the greatest hope for Haiti’s future. Such national will and action will create a solid base for resilience towards achieving sustainable security, stability and prosperity, capable of withstanding and addressing challenges in the long run. We strongly encourage Haitians to continue those efforts comprehensively, including through inclusive political dialogue towards holding elections to restore democratic institutions and the rule of law. Japan remains committed to supporting Haiti and its people in those endeavours and calls on all Member States and the international community to do the same.

We would like to thank Special Representative of the Secretary-General Salvador for her briefing about the situation in Haiti. We are grateful to the Executive Director of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), Ms. Waly, and to Executive Director Catherine Russell. We welcome the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Dominican Republic and the Permanent Representative of Haiti to this meeting. As we all can clearly see, there are two parallel realities in Haiti at the moment. The first reality involves endless political wrangling and frantic behind-the-scenes attempts to come to an agreement under external pressure and in line with parameters required by Western players. That has resulted in agreements on paper that are rewritten many times over but seldom implemented. The second reality is the horrifying daily life of ordinary Haitians, who have become accustomed to surviving in the absence of State authority and the basic services it is supposed to provide. True power is now in the hands of armed militias that control large swathes of the country and neighbourhoods in its capital. For years now, the political process has not produced any results. Meanwhile, the current administration has lost all credibility, in part because it is unable and unwilling to investigate the assassination of the President of the country, which was committed almost three years ago with direct foreign intervention. People are tired of waiting for change and are taking responsibility for their lives and taking matters into their own hands, organizing themselves and defending their homes. To them, all our discussions here in this Chamber seem divorced from reality, and the Security Council looks helpless and useless. The reality is that the international community and the Security Council have not yet managed to put the interests of the Haitian people first. We are constantly distracted by yet another externally imposed ambitious political arrangement, the feasibility and legitimacy of which are questionable. Now we are being told that the Transitional Presidential Council would be a panacea for Haiti. To be frank, we have serious doubts that the solution was designed on the basis of a Haitian approach, as opposed to one belonging to external players, which is often the case. Our doubts are fuelled by the requirement that members of such a Council regard foreign military presence in their country as unequivocally positive. Why was that requirement suddenly placed at the top of the agenda? We are convinced that the establishment of transitional power structures in Haiti must take place with the direct participation of all Haitian stakeholders and without any outside interference. Otherwise, we simply take another pointless turn that will do nothing to stabilize the situation in the country or give its citizens hope for a better future. Unfortunately, throughout its history, Haiti has been unable to escape that very external interference, despite its best efforts. That interference has cost Haiti thousands of lives, decades of instability and billions of dollars spent, for example, on paying France shameful reparations for independence — reparations that were paid up until 1947. When discussing such unflattering situations — for them — our French colleagues plead that we leave history to the historians. However, Haitians themselves find that historical fact unacceptable, as is evidenced by the just demand of a number of Haitian non-governmental organizations that Paris compensate them and channel the money towards the development and security of Haiti. That initiative was recently launched at the Permanent Forum on People of African Descent, a platform where, for the first time in a long time, the terrible consequences of centuries of slavery and oppression of the peoples of the global South were discussed at the United Nations. Without a doubt, Haiti is one of the main victims of the legacy of colonialism, and it now continues to suffer from modern day neocolonial practices, such as the engineering of the country’s political landscape, targeted unilateral sanctions and the imposition of decisions that are external, not, as is claimed, Haitian. At the same time, a certain State — which more than 200 years ago declared the entire American continent its “back yard” and which, according to publicly available information, has carried out at least 56 military interventions in Latin American countries, including four in Haiti — has not shown any genuine interest in helping to solve that country’s problems. Rather, that State is exacerbating them. For example, according to UNODC, the main route for smuggling weapons to Haiti is by water and small aircraft from Florida. Neither the arms embargo imposed by the Security Council nor the numerous requests by the Panel of Experts of the Security Council sanctions committee has been able to stop that illegal flow. Washington just swats them away like pesky flies. And yet, when faced with the current dramatic deterioration of the situation in Haiti, the United States promptly evacuated its own citizens, while at the same time resuming the repatriation of Haitian migrants. It is obvious that their subsequent fate, just like the fate of millions of Haitians who remain on the island, is of no interest to the United States, despite its lofty pronouncements in this Chamber. The prospects of implementing the decision — a decision that was hastily pushed through the Security Council — to send the Multinational Security Support Mission to promote Haiti’s security remain hazy. When a resolution authorizing that non-United Nations Mission was hastily adopted by the Council more than six months ago (see S/PV.9430), accompanied by claims that action was urgently needed to save Haiti, we abstained from voting. We were not satisfied with the lack of a clear concept of the mission, a clear mandate for its financing and staffing and other aspects that are usually worked out in advance. After adopting the resolution and proclaiming in the Security Council how much they cared about Haitians, the champions of that initiative have clearly lost interest in it. As a result, the mission has yet to be deployed, and we have not had any clarification on any of the issues that we raised. That is a clear example of how the Security Council should not work. We will not be surprised if, a year after the adoption of resolution 2699 (2023), the Multinational Security Support Mission will still not have made it to the island. That raises the question of why it was necessary to rush and, in fact, betray the expectations of ordinary Haitians. No one actually asked them whether or not they wanted the presence of a foreign military on their soil, as evidenced by external players’ imposition of the criteria I mentioned earlier for the selection of Transitional Presidential Council members. It is clear to all of us that there are no simple or obvious solutions to the multifaceted crisis in Haiti. Many factors, both external and internal, have converged. It is disappointing that those who have caused problems for Haiti for many decades have no intention of correcting their mistakes. We would like to responsibly proclaim that Russia has no intention of playing along with them, even though Haiti is located thousands of kilometres from our borders. We stand in solidarity with ordinary Haitians, and we insist that their interests, and not those of external players, be placed at the centre of any plans for a settlement. On that basis, the Russian Federation, as a permanent member of the Security Council, will continue to consistently advocate for the well-considered and careful use of measures and instruments of international influence on the situation in Haiti, to ensure that they lead to an improvement in the security situation and the rule of law, and facilitate a transition to a genuine and inclusive intra-Haitian political dialogue, which we believe to be the key to finding a lasting solution to the protracted crisis in the country.

I thank Special Representative of the Secretary-General Salvador, Executive Director Waly and Executive Director Russell for briefing us today. I also welcome the participation of the Permanent Representative of Haiti, as well as Foreign Minister Álvarez Gil of the Dominican Republic. I would like to express our gratitude to Special Representative of the Secretary-General Salvador and her team for their steadfast commitment to the Haitian people in these difficult times. We pay tribute to all United Nations efforts, especially the establishment of a humanitarian air bridge to facilitate the delivery of humanitarian supplies and personnel. We commend the courage of the Haitian National Police. Criminal armed gangs cannot be allowed to hold the country hostage and to continue the appalling violence against the Haitian people. There are continued reports of indiscriminate killing, the burning of camps for internally displaced persons and sexual and gender- based violence. We hear chilling accounts of girls facing collective rape by gangs on their way to school. No child should have to choose between their personal safety and education. We are calling on all those with influence over the gangs to reign them in now, for the good of the Haitian people. And we should use our United Nations sanctions regime to change the behaviour of those who are destabilizing Haiti. The United Kingdom will continue to work with all Council members to that end. A political solution remains critical to resolving the crisis. We commend the efforts of the Caribbean Community to secure an agreement on a new power- sharing transitional Government. The transitional Government should be in place as soon as possible to begin its work towards inclusive, free and fair legislative and presidential elections. The United Kingdom will continue to support the rapid deployment of the Multinational Security Support Mission to help to deliver the security the Haitian people deserve. We welcome Kenya’s leadership of those efforts and thank all countries that have contributed personnel and funds. Those efforts are critical, and the United Kingdom has pledged over $6 million to the United Nations trust fund.

At the outset, I would like to thank the briefers for their insightful briefings. I also welcome the Foreign Minister of the Dominican Republic and the representative of Haiti, who are joining today’s meeting. The Republic of Korea remains deeply alarmed by the multidimensional crisis in Haiti. Looking at the series of recent developments on the ground, as elaborated by the briefers today, my delegation would like to highlight the following three points. First of all, my delegation welcomes the 12 April decree of the Haitian Government establishing the Transitional Presidential Council of Haiti, which was followed by the appointment of the members of the council. Recent progress on the establishment of the Transitional Presidential Council is an important preliminary step towards the realization of the Haitian-led political process. We encourage all Haitian stakeholders to accelerate relevant processes, including the formal appointment of the interim Prime Minister, to pave the way for a free and fair election of the next Haitian President. While my delegation reiterates its full support for a Haitian-led, Haitian-owned solution to the crisis, simultaneously it also acknowledges the pivotal assisting role of important partners, including regional and international organizations, in facilitating the Haitian-led process. In that vein, we commend the essential role played by the Caribbean Community and the United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti (BINUH) moving forward. Secondly, my delegation calls for an immediate cessation of gang violence and all heinous criminal acts, which are enabled and fuelled by the illicit flow of arms and ammunition. In that respect, the Member States should take the necessary and effective measures to implement the arms embargo in accordance with resolutions 2699 (2023) and 2700 (2023). We also reiterate the need to promptly deploy the Multinational Security Support Mission at the earliest possible juncture, as requested by Haiti and authorized by the Security Council through resolution   2699 (2023). We expect the recently established Transitional Presidential Council to serve as a catalyst for the deployment of the Multinational Security Support Mission. As it was reported that armed gangs have launched a fresh attack on Haiti’s capital city in response to the establishment of the transitional council, the Haitian National Police clearly requires critical support from the Multinational Security Support Mission to help the nation stand on its own feet against the widespread scourge of gang violence. As such, we are now going through an internal process to identify the best ways to contribute to the successful operation of the Multinational Security Support Mission. We commend the pledges made by Member States to provide assistance to the Multinational Security Support Mission in Haiti and encourage all Member States to join those efforts. Lastly, we note with grave concern that continued gang violence is aggravating the already severe humanitarian crisis in Haiti, pushing hunger to the worst levels on record. More than 4 million people, or 44 per cent of the population, face acute food insecurity, and approximately 50,000 people have been displaced in the first quarter of 2024 owing to increased gang activities. The disproportionate impact of gang violence also requires that greater attention be focused on the humanitarian situations of the most vulnerable populations, namely, women and children. Haitian children are denied basic social services and education. Furthermore, the lives of innocent children are being sacrificed amid heightened clashes among the gangs and between the gangs and police. Women and girls are increasingly being subjected to deplorable gender- based violence. We strongly condemn the unacceptable and deliberate targeting of women and children by the gangs in order to instil fear among civilians. In the light of the multidimensional nature of the crisis in Haiti, we highlight the crucial work of United Nations workers in ameliorating the humanitarian, human rights, security and socioeconomic dimensions of Haiti’s crisis. It is important to collaborate and coordinate among BINUH and other agencies, such as the World Food Programme, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, UNICEF and the United Nations Development Programme in Haiti. That will create productive synergies to ensure unhindered access for Haiti’s people to essential goods and services, including hot meals and shelter, medical aid and education. I would like to conclude my remarks by reiterating the Republic of Korea’s continued solidarity with the people of Haiti and its unwavering support for the work of BINUH and the United Nations country team. I thank them for their dedication and tireless efforts, despite the very difficult circumstances.

I would like to thank the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Ms. María Isabel Salvador; the Executive Director of UNICEF, Ms. Catherine Russell; and the Executive Director of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, Ms. Ghada Fathi Waly, for their briefings. I also welcome the representative of Haiti and the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Dominican Republic to this meeting. The wave of violence unleashed by gangs since the end of February is unprecedented in its intensity and in the nature of its targets. By attacking strategic infrastructure and public institutions, it is the authority of the State that is under attack. In the face of that violence, the Haitian National Police is on the front line. It continues to courageously carry out its mission. France salutes its resilience. However, even before the recent deterioration in the security situation, the police force was already haemorrhaging personnel. It is now being put to the test by recent events. It is sorely short of personnel and equipment. We must therefore provide it with all the support it needs. To that end, the rapid deployment of the Multinational Security Support Mission is essential. France welcomes Kenya’s commitment in that regard and the financial and personnel contributions announced by a number of Member States. France is doing its part by contributing to the dedicated United Nations trust fund and by financing French and Creole language training for the police officers who will be deployed. We are also providing bilateral support to the Haitian National Police, to the tune of €1 million in 2023, and we have renewed that for 2024. France welcomes the publication of the 12 April decree, establishing the Transitional Presidential Council, and the 16 April order, appointing its members. This marks an essential step in the inter-Haitian process and in the implementation of the Kingston agreement. France fully supports the inter-Haitian process. A coordinating president of the Transitional Presidential Council must be appointed quickly, followed by the appointment of a new prime minister. That is essential for the new transitional Government to establish a road map for elections. To address the deep crisis in Haiti, we need to restore the country’s democratic institutions, guarantee humanitarian access for all those in need, fight impunity and protect human rights. At the same time, as stipulated in resolution 2699 (2023), the deployment of the Multinational Security Support Mission to support the United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti (BINUH) will help create the security conditions required for the elections to take place. It is important for the Council to fully support this transition process, using all the levers at its disposal. Individual sanctions must help to curb the actions of those who destabilize the country and participate in illicit trafficking. To that end, sanctions must be extended to those who finance gangs or support their objectives. France has reiterated that on several occasions within the Council and is ready to act. The immediate priority, of course, is to restore access to humanitarian aid in the form of nutrition, water and sanitation, health, education and protection. France will continue to support United Nations teams and non-governmental organizations on the ground and, in particular, their efforts to combat food insecurity. Finally, I would like to pay tribute once again to the work carried out by BINUH, despite the extremely difficult conditions. France encourages it to continue leveraging its good offices, pursuant to the mandate entrusted to it by the Council.

I thank the briefers for their presentations, and I welcome the presence of the Foreign Minister of the Dominican Republic and the representative of Haiti at today’s meeting. In recent months, the crisis in Haiti has deteriorated and continued to worsen. That is deeply worrisome. How to reverse the crisis and how to help the Haitian people out of their plight are questions that will require concerted global efforts in order to translate existing consensus into concrete action. In that connection, China would like to make several points. First, the political process in Haiti must urgently be accelerated. The prolonged absence of a legitimate Government is the root cause of Haiti’s predicament. Recently, thanks to the mediation efforts of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), relevant Haitian parties and factions have made progress in advancing the political transition, and the issue of Government legitimacy, which has dragged on for years, is expected to take a turn for the better. We hope that the Haitian parties will put the future of the country and the best interests of the people first and promote the political transition on the basis of thorough consultations and inclusive dialogue. We further hope that they will ensure that the relevant arrangements are well suited to Haiti’s realities and supported by the Haitian people in order to lay the groundwork for the holding of free, fair, transparent, and credible elections at an early date. External partners must stay impartial, play a constructive role in advancing the political process, and help create a favourable atmosphere. In that regard, we welcome the efforts of CARICOM and countries of the region, as well as the continued support and cooperation of the United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti (BINUH). Secondly, collective efforts are required if we are to successfully address the humanitarian crisis. As the political and security crises drag on, Haiti faces a struggling economy, the massive displacement of people and harsh living conditions for women and children, exacerbating an already dire humanitarian crisis. China supports the United Nations and regional partners in scaling up their support for Haiti in the humanitarian and development fields. We encourage all agencies and departments to better coordinate and synergize their efforts to provide greater assistance to the Haitian people, especially to vulnerable groups such as women and children. Thirdly, a multipronged approach is needed to crack down on gangs at the source. It has been six months since the Council adopted resolution 2699 (2023), on the deployment of a Multinational Security Support Mission in Haiti. We hope that the lead country will expeditiously carry out consultations with Haiti in order to discuss specific plans of action and ensure that the relevant arrangements are supported by the Haitian people. As indicated in reports by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) and media coverage, large quantities of weapons and ammunition are still flowing — unimpeded and unabated — into Haiti, with the United States as one of the main sources. Strengthening Council sanctions and, in particular, ensuring effective implementation of the arms embargo on Haiti, is critical in the current fight against gang violence in Haiti. In that connection, the Panel of Experts of the Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 2653 (2022), concerning Haiti, should expedite its investigations to trace the sources of arms and ammunition and should keep the Committee informed of its progress in a timely manner. Member States should effectively implement what is required by Council resolutions, strengthen export controls on firearms and ammunition, cooperate with the Panel on its tracing work, enhance information-sharing and operational coordination and report relevant information to the Sanctions Committee in a timely manner. The Haitian authorities should assume their responsibilities by requiring all departments to tighten control on inflows of illicit weapons and close loopholes in domestic regulation and oversight. BINUH should step up its advocacy so as to enable all segments of Haitian society to better understand and implement Council resolutions and should work together with the UNODC and others in order to help bolster the capacity of Haitian customs and border control authorities. In conclusion, let me reiterate our support for Special Representative Salvador, BINUH and all United Nations agencies operating in Haiti. I also express my appreciation to the Government of the Dominican Republic for its enormous assistance to various countries in the previous personnel evacuation. Together with the international community, China will continue to support and assist the Haitian people in finding the right path to lead them out of this multidimensional crisis and towards achieving long- term peace and security at an early date.

I would like to thank Ms. María Isabel Salvador, Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Ms. Ghada Waly, Executive Director of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, and Ms. Catherine Russell, Executive Director of UNICEF, for their briefings. I also welcome Mr. Roberto Álvarez Gil, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Dominican Republic, and the Permanent Representative of Haiti to this meeting. The multidimensional crisis in Haiti continues to worsen. The pursuit of an inclusive and participatory intra-Haitian dialogue, notably one that includes women, is the key to a political solution and should enable the attainment of the goal for which it was set up — the holding of free, participatory, fair and safe elections. Switzerland welcomes the recent formation of the Transitional Presidential Council and commends the Caribbean Community for facilitating that process. Given the importance of the political transition phase initiated by those encouraging measures, it is essential that they are implemented swiftly and comprehensively, without creating a political vacuum that could further disrupt the security situation. In that respect, I would like to highlight three points. First, humanitarian aid must be significantly increased in order to meet the needs of the Haitian population. Almost half of Haitians, especially children, suffer from food insecurity. Due to restrictions on movement and supply issues related to gang violence, there is a real risk of famine. The humanitarian situation could further deteriorate with the onset of the hurricane and tropical storm season in June. We commend the humanitarian workers on the ground for their unfailing commitment and reiterate that they must be protected and have freedom of movement. Switzerland is therefore currently preparing a draft resolution to ensure the protection of all humanitarian and United Nations personnel providing assistance and protection, including national and locally recruited staff. Switzerland is also continuing to respond to the situation on the ground, for example by supporting the World Food Programme’s emergency response. Secondly, the United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti (BINUH) is a central element of the international response in Haiti. Switzerland salutes its work and the efforts of its staff. BINUH’s human rights monitoring mechanism, as well as its community violence reduction and Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration programmes, are commendable. It is also important that the Office continue to work with the Haitian authorities to re-establish a judicial and penitentiary system that guarantees the rule of law. The upcoming discussion of BINUH’s mandate renewal, in July, will provide an opportunity to reassess the resources at its disposal, including human and security resources. Thirdly, the international community must use all available means to support the Haitian National Police. Time is running out, and too many months have passed since the Council authorized the Multinational Security Support Mission. We thank the States that have confirmed their participation in the Mission, and call for its deployment as soon as possible in order to enable the Haitian National Police to regain the ground lost to the gangs. The flow of arms and ammunition continues to fuel armed violence. The sanctions regime and the embargo on arms and ammunition must be effectively and fully implemented. The cases previously reported by the Panel of Experts of the Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 2653 (2022) concerning Haiti must be followed up, to cut off the gangs’ sources of supply. That effort must not be hindered by political considerations. Switzerland calls on all States, in particular those in the region, to redouble their efforts to put an end to the proliferation of weapons in Haiti. The situation is at a tipping point, and it may soon be too late to act. The Council and the international community must continue their efforts to respond to the hopes of the Haitian people.

I shall now make a statement in my national capacity. I begin by thanking Special Representative of the Secretary-General Salvador, United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime Executive Director Waly and Inter-Agency Standing Committee Principal Advocate for Haiti and UNICEF Executive Director Russell for their briefings. I welcome the Permanent Representative of Haiti and the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Dominican Republic to this meeting. Over the past three months, we have witnessed an alarming and rapid deterioration of the security situation in Haiti. That has led to a surge in human rights violations and humanitarian needs. On the political front, we welcome the establishment of the Transitional Presidential Council. We urge all Haitian stakeholders to continue to make progress in putting in place transitional governance arrangements. We also underscore the importance of ensuring the full, equal, meaningful and safe representation of women. We commend the Caribbean Community for facilitating efforts to overcome the stalemate and reaffirm our support for a Haitian-led and Haitian- owned political process. That can be achieved only by holding free, fair and inclusive elections when security conditions are met. It is critical that the political and security tracks advance in parallel. We echo the Secretary-General in calling for the swift deployment of the Multinational Security Support Mission to support the Haitian National Police, as mandated by resolution 2699 (2023). We commend all Member States that have pledged their support and urge for funding to be made available to the United Nations trust fund. The Mission must act with the highest standards of conduct and discipline, based on clear human rights protocols and with effective oversight. Malta strongly supports the use of targeted sanctions. The Council should update the list of designated individuals and entities, particularly in relation to those supporting or financing gang activity. The full implementation of the arms embargo to stem the illicit flow of weapons is also key. The unprecedented levels of human rights abuses committed by gangs are alarming. Violations include targeted killings, collective rapes, kidnappings and extortion. The mass recruitment and use of children is also of critical concern. Gangs have reportedly abducted children to be used on the frontlines, while girls are victims of rape and sexual exploitation. Sexual violence is used as a systematic weapon to spread fear and subjugate and punish the population, with perpetrators acting with impunity. We condemn all violations and abuses of human rights in the strongest possible terms. The international community must urgently scale up support for institutions of the State, including the police, judiciary and penitentiaries. Civil society space is rapidly shrinking, and social leaders, not least women leaders, risk their lives by performing essential work. Any forms of violence, threats or intimidation against human rights defenders, peacebuilders and civil society leaders must be strongly condemned. Meanwhile, the humanitarian situation remains dire. More than 360,000 persons have been displaced. Freedom of movement is severely restricted, with gangs impeding the delivery of humanitarian aid. Many health-care facilities are being forced to close owing to the violence or lack of medical supplies. Haiti’s food security is among the worst in the world. Half the population is expected to suffer acute food insecurity. Increased support for Haiti’s humanitarian response plan is of the utmost importance. In conclusion, Haiti urgently needs international solidarity and support to address the political, security and humanitarian challenges. We commend the efforts of the United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti and humanitarian partners on the ground, who are operating in very challenging circumstances. Democratic institutions and the rule of law must be restored in Haiti to end the cycle of violence and bring about lasting and sustainable peace. I now resume my functions as President of the Council. I give the floor to the representative of Haiti.

First of all, I would like to congratulate the Security Council for holding, under your dynamic presidency, Madam President, this latest meeting devoted to the situation in my country, Haiti, in a troubled global context marked by tensions that pose serious threats to international peace and security. I am therefore very pleased this meeting is being held, and it is an opportunity to express our gratitude to the members of the Council for their sustained attention to my country, which is facing multifaceted challenges. This is also another opportunity for me to pay tribute to the remarkable work being carried out by the Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti (BINUH), Ms. María Isabel Salvador, and her team, in an extremely difficult environment. She has just presented a very bleak picture of the situation in the country, in which glimmers of hope are nevertheless beginning to appear. My delegation endorses the many pertinent observations contained in the Secretary-General’s report (S/2024/310) and its perspective on many issues. I would also like to welcome the statements by previous speakers and thank them for their pertinent comments and wise advice. I would like to welcome the presence of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Dominican Republic, His Excellency Mr. Roberto Álvarez Gil, who will be speaking later on the situation in Haiti. This most recent update on the work of BINUH takes place against a backdrop of a further deterioration in the country’s situation, which has in turn exacerbated the humanitarian crisis facing the country. According to the report published by BINUH, the quarter from January to March 2024 was the most violent period in Haiti’s history, during which at least 2,505 people were killed or injured as a result of gang-related violence, an increase of more than 53 per cent compared to the previous period. At least 438 people have also been kidnapped for ransom. Since the end of February, gangs have carried out large-scale coordinated attacks against public institutions and strategic infrastructure in the capital. At least 22 police stations and substations and other police buildings were ransacked or set on fire, and 19 police officers were killed or injured. During the same period, the Artibonite department continued to be heavily affected by violence. Gangs relentlessly attacked the local population in that area, either by burning down their homes or by executing people who challenged their authority, as BINUH reported. The report also highlighted the sexual violence perpetrated by criminal groups. The Haitian security forces, despite their superhuman efforts, do not have adequate human and material resources to undertake the difficult task of restoring security. Attacks on police forces and kidnappings continue to be reported, as well as gunfire in the area of the Port- au-Prince international airport, which has remained closed since 4 March. The Presidential Palace has also been the target of multiple attempted attacks, which were all repelled by the security forces. This week, gangs have engaged in piracy in the country’s inland seas by attacking boats carrying goods to other departments in the country. The humanitarian situation continues to deteriorate. In total, 4.97 million Haitians are suffering from hunger and require some form of food assistance, while 1.64 million Haitians are facing emergency levels of acute food insecurity, according to recent figures from the United Nations. An estimated 362,000 people are now internally displaced and struggling to feed themselves. Children are particularly affected, with an alarming 19 per cent increase in the number of children suffering from severe acute malnutrition in 2024. The main drivers of the current food insecurity are increased gang violence, rising prices, low agricultural production, as well as political and civil unrest, growing poverty and natural disasters. Armed gangs continue to systematically loot commercial businesses operating in the medical sector. There is in fact a severe shortage of medical supplies, including medicines, essential equipment, hospital beds and blood supplies. Restricted movement owing to insecurity and improvised roadblocks remains a major obstacle to the delivery of urgent medical supplies. In that regard, we welcome the efforts of United Nations agencies to help some of the remaining hospitals to cope with that situation. In view of the increase in violent gang activity in the country, it can be concluded that the gangs are still finding it easy to stock up on arms and ammunition illegally. We therefore sound the alarm on the need for the international community to push countries to redouble their efforts to enforce the arms embargo imposed by resolution 2700 (2023). We will never cease to reiterate that it is imperative to act swiftly to prevent the perpetration of serious crimes of genocide in the country. We welcome the call made by the Group of Seven Ministers for Foreign Affairs in their statement of 19 April to encourage the international community to strengthen its humanitarian support to the Haitian people. In that context, we are pleased that, in their statement, they recognized that the Haitian people cannot wait any longer. In that regard, the deployment of the Multinational Security Support Mission in Haiti is becoming more than urgent. Robust support for the Haitian National Police, which continues to relentlessly confront security challenges, will make it possible to combat the heavily armed gangs and restore a climate of security. We welcome the international community’s willingness to facilitate the deployment of the Mission as soon as possible. Allow me to highlight, against that sombre backdrop, some tangible signs of hope. On the political front, great progress has been made with the mediation of the Eminent Persons Group of the Caribbean Community. That progress can be summarized as follows. First, political actors, civil society and the private business sector were able to reach an agreement, entitled “Political agreement for a peaceful and orderly transition”, published in the country’s official gazette, Le Moniteur. Secondly, a decree was issued establishing the Transitional Presidential Council, composed of seven members with voting rights and two members as observers. Thirdly, a decree appointing the nine members of the Presidential Council was published in the official gazette. The Transitional Presidential Council will be established this week. That will be followed by initiatives aimed at selecting a Prime Minister and a transitional Government. Despite those significant steps forward, the security issue remains the main priority for a return to normal life, a sine qua non condition for organizing general elections in the country to promote the re-establishment of sovereign State institutions. The international community must intensify its efforts to facilitate the swift deployment of the Security Support Mission, which can help the Haitian National Police to enhance security, consolidate the political gains and put the country back on the path of democracy and the rule of law.

I now give the floor to the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Dominican Republic.

I thank Ms. María Isabel Salvador, Special Representative of the Secretary-General in Haiti, Ms. Ghada Fathi Waly, Executive Director of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, and Ms. Catherine Russell, Executive Director of the United Nations Children’s Fund, for their briefings and dedication. I would like to begin my statement by acknowledging the leadership that Malta has shown throughout its presidency this month. We would like to acknowledge the work that the Security Council has been doing to combat the mindset of confrontation, which rejects dialogue and the right to live in peace. We note with satisfaction the recent formation of the Transitional Presidential Council in Haiti, as that suggests that the situation is beginning to evolve favourably after weeks of uncertainty. We are confident that the Transitional Presidential Council will be able to appoint an interim Prime Minister and a Cabinet as soon as possible, thereby completing the first part of the new journey. We hope that that important step will mark the beginning of the return to normal levels and the imminent deployment of the Multinational Security Support Mission. Haiti faces a historic challenge. Its leadership must rise to the enormous challenge that it faces. Today the only reason to look to the past is to learn from mistakes, without sterile recriminations. History will be unforgiving when it takes stock of this decisive hour for the Haitian people. In that context, I would like to thank the Caribbean Community, and in particular President Ali of Guyana and Prime Minister Holness of Jamaica for their determined leadership, President Ruto of Kenya for his steadfastness at the head of the Mission and the United States, Canada and all the Governments that have contributed funding, training or equipment to the Mission. Their continued support in the medium and long term is transcendental and will be even more so in the future. It has been almost two years, in October 2022, since the Council adopted resolution 2653 (2022), establishing a sanctions regime for those most responsible for financing the violence and chaos in Haiti. In compliance with that mandate, the Dominican Government has twice hosted the Panel of Experts of the Sanctions Committee, and we are now preparing for a third visit in the coming days. It is inconceivable that, so far, the Council has sanctioned only four known criminals, without identifying or punishing any of the real financers and perpetrators of the generalized violence in Haiti. If the sanctions regime is not rigorously enforced and if there are no consequences, the actors behind the financing of criminal gangs may derail the delicate political process that Haiti is undergoing. That must be one of the most consequential forms of support that, at this moment, the Security Council can offer Haiti. Likewise, the embargo on arms, ammunition and military supplies — which are flooding Haiti — must be applied more rigorously. I would like to recall that the Dominican Republic is neither a producer nor an importer of any type of armaments. Widespread violence and insecurity have forced us to take exceptional measures to combat arms trafficking, at a very high cost to the national budget, because such measures divert resources that the Dominican people need. We strongly urge exporting countries to take effective measures to stop this illegal traffic into Haiti. According to the Secretary-General’s most recent report, issued just a week ago (S/2024/310), the news from Haiti remains grim, a sad repetition of the constant that has characterized life in that country since the assassination of President Moïse in July 2021. For its part, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights recently described the situation in Haiti as cataclysmic, based on terrifying figures. According to the 15 March report of the World Food Programme, Haiti is at risk of a massive humanitarian catastrophe, owing to the spiral of violence and political instability. For its part, UNICEF has warned about the impact of the alarming increase in armed violence in Haiti, which increases the risk of malnutrition and wasting among the entire population. In that context of chaos and insecurity, the Dominican Government has continued to cooperate, most recently with the evacuation through our territory of personnel from the United Nations and other organizations and of diplomats and nationals from more than a dozen countries, including several Security Council members. In that regard, we thank the representative of the People’s Republic of China for his remarks and reiterate that we will continue to collaborate with his country and with all nations that require us to do so. The Dominican Republic has maintained its solidarity with Haiti despite the sacrifice involved in doing so. However, we cannot go beyond our material possibilities, let alone adopt measures that undermine the stability and security of our country. We simply will not allow it, whoever asks that of us. Two years ago, there seemed to be no way out of the situation in Haiti, only darkness; today a faint but hopeful light dawns, heralding the beginning of a new path. We certainly hope so.