S/PV.963 Security Council

Before calling on the speakers on my list, with the permission of the Council. l should like to call on the representative of France, who has asked for the floor in order to make a statement.

l have asked for the floor merely in order to transmit the following information to the Conncil: 3. In accordance with the decision taken this morning by the Council. AdmiraI Amman. who is in command of the Bizerta base. immediately received instructions to contact the Tunisian authorities at once. with a view to: first. the establishment of a cease-fire as soon as possible and, in any case, before the early hours of the morning of 23 July (Tunisian time); secondly. if, as is hoped. the cease-fire is concluded at that time, the organization of a meeting tomorrowafternoon ta commence discussions on the means of returning to normal conditions.

Before calling on the speakers on the list, l shall give the floor to the representative of Tunisia, who wishes to make a statement. 7. Ml'. SLIM (Tunisia) (translated from French): l am unfortunately not inthe same position as the French delegation-that is, l have not yet receivedan official communication from my Government, and the other members of the Council and you, Ml'. President, will understand why when you realize that my communications with Tunis, by radio or by telephone, must go through Paris. 8. l have as yet no official communication, but after the statement just made to us by the representative of France, l should like to say that, to the best of my knowledge, it was not the purpose of the interim resolution adopted fuis morning to conclude an agreement, under conditions to be defined, between the French military authorities at Bizerta andthe representatives of the Tunisian Government who are on their own territory. It merely dealt with an immediate cease-fire and-I quote operative paragraph 7 of the resolution- "a return of all armed forces to their original position". The resolution deaIs even lesswithadiscussion between the authorities representing the Tunisian Government on their territory and the Frenchmilitary authorities with a view to organizinga return to normal conditions. What is meant by "normal conditions", by "return to peace"? It seems to me that the Security Council is still considering the substance of the question which consists, as l defined ityesterday and again this morning, in ensuring that an aggression is halted and that aIl the foreign troops on Tunisian soil are evacuated. It is a matter which is still in the hands of the Council. At the moment we are dealing only with a cease-fire and a return of aIl armed forces to their original positions. 9. Although l have not yet received a communication, for the reasons which l have explained, l think that my Government will have no objection to all the decisions taken in the Security Council and will implement them in good faith as speedily as possible. 10. Ml'. WIJEGOONAWARDENA (Ceylon): It hasbeen a matter of the utmost concern for the Ceylon delegation to find that the relations between two Member States of the United Nations which havehadsuch close co-operation and have acted in such close collaboration should have come to what they are today. In fact, not so long ago it was a source ofgreat satisfaction to every one of us to find that, onthe northern littoral of Africa, was a Member of the UnitedNations functioning so actively as a peace-maker in that region in France's disput~ with Algeria-I refer, of course, to Tunisia. This "',mdly State, led by its distinguished Head of State, iiad beeu more than a ray ofhope in that region, which is subject to the irredentist feelings that we 12. Because of their historical relationship, there have also been one or two unresolved problems which concern both of them intimately. Theseproblemshave been brought to light in detail in the debate to which we listened yesterday. It is, therefore, not necessary for me to go over them once again. Suffice it to say that with the restoration of the tradition of understanding that these two countries have had, they are not insoluble. Indeed it is certainly possible to say that those problems are the relies of a colonial age, and indeed it is possible to say that their continuance is the symptom of a way of thinking which is characterized by the word "colonialism". But, we feel that whatever labels are to he attached to these problems, the important thing is to try to solve them-and 1 repeat, try to solve them. 13. From the statements made by the representative of France and the representative of Tunisia, there is ample reason to believe that both Tunisia and France have been trying to seek solutions to these problems. But it would seem that, as circumstances have proved, there have been sources of irritation which have brought about the present situation which the Council is considering. It would seem that some of the nettles have goaded the parties concerned to such an extent tnat the irritation had gone beyond the point of endurance; but no one studying closely the statements made by the representatives of France and Tunisia can help but feel that a solution can also be found. It is here, on this common grOl!nd ofa possible restoration of understanding, that the Ceylon delegation seeks to build a structure of hope. 14. We feel that no further opportunity shouldbe given for the destruction of human life or injury to human beings or damage to property. This mustbe considered as the first and foremost considerationin the restoration of harmony between Tunisia and France. For this objective to be achieved, it is necessary that there must be an immediate stop to the fighting that has broken out, and that conditions should return to those that prevailed prior to the present outbreak of hostilities. To this the Council addressed itself this morning, and adopted a resolution. We are happy about this. 15. In the view of the Ceylon delegation, it seems absolutely necessary, as an immediate step, for the

l was about to speak at the last meeting in order to introduce the resolution sponsored by the United States and my own delegation [S/4879). Before l could do so, however, the 8ecretary~Generalmade his helpful proposaI which has resulted in the wise initiative of the representative of Liberia in proposing the resolution which this Council has adopted. 17. My delegation was happy to vote for this resolution and sincerely hopes that it will lead to an immediate cease-fire so that the loss of life and damage may cease. The statement justmade by the representative of France is further hope thatthis may come about very soon. This, in turn, should give an opportunity for passions to. subside and peaceful methods through negotiation to come into their own. 18. The circumstances ofthe present conflictbetween Tunisian and French forces has greatly distressed Her Majesty's Government. We would in any circumstances have deplored discord between two Members of this Organization, with whom the United Kingdom enjoys such friendly relations. We are aIl the more distressed that the situation has been so aggravated as to lead to fighting between the two sides and the death of many Frenchmen and Tunisians, both civilians and members of their respective armed forces. 19. The COUDcil will, of course, recall earlier disagreements between Tunisia and France. The repre- "sentatives of both France and Tunisia have given an historical account of these, and particularly of the events of 1958 when this Council met to discuss the situation between France and Tunisia. 20. On that occasion, as was only natural, the Governments of the United Kingdom and the United States did a11 they could to reduce the intensity of these disagreements and to bring the two countries closer together. These efforts met withsome success, notleast because of the considerable fund of mutual goodwill and statesmanship that was found on both sides. The United Kingdombelieves that that goodwill stillexistsas weIl it might in view of the long and historical ties of sympathy and interest in common between Tunisia and France. 21. l have already spoken of the good relations the United Kingdom has with both countries. This also in 22. Both coUntrles have indeed made valuable contributions to the purposes of the United Nations. We aIl know the valuable l'ole playedbyTunisianforces in the Congo and the benefit the whole Organization has derived from the wise influence of President Bourguiba and of the representative of Tuni(3ia here today. France has done no less. We have only to see the new countries in this Organization who bear tribute to the speed and skill with which it has brought so many countries to independence. 23. My delegation has listened very carefully to the statements which have been made in this Council, particularly those made by the representatives of France and Tunisia. It is clear from these that now that there are strong hopes for an early cease-fire. The essential requirement in the situation with which we are confronted is that the two countries should negotiate promptly with each other. 24. None of the regrettable events ofthe past few days has removed this need for negotiations; indeed they have reinforced it. Nor is it unreasonable to hope that these negotiations can in fact lead to a successful conclusion. 25. The representatives oÏ both France and Tunisia made it clear that the will to negotiate exists on both sides. But plainly negotiations cannot readily take place while fighting continues, and therefore it is of the utmost importance that both sides should agree upon the implementation of the resolutionwhich this Council has just adopted for an immediate cease-fire, to be followed by a speedy return of aIl forces to their previous positions• 26. My delegation is confident that the Governments of both France and Tunisia will soon reach agreement in the terms of this resolution. This in turn will give room for statesmanlike policies to operate. 27. At the same time, of course, it will be essential that aIl parties concerned should refrain from any action which might prejudice the restoration of peace in the area and what we may reasonably hope to be a building-up of mutual confidence between the two sides. 28. With these considerations in mind my delegation has therefore joined with the delegation of the United States of America in submitting to the Council the draft resolution which is contained in document S/4879. We have done 130 in the belief that the action there recommended for this Councilwill be widely supported, and will commend itselfnot onlyto France and Tunisia, but to aIl who have the restoration of good relations between these two countries at heart. 29. Before concluding, my delegation wishes to explain why it prefers the draft resolution which it has co-sponsored with the delegation of the United States to that submitted by the delegations of Liberia and the 30. We think it would be wiser fortheSeeurity Council in the diffieult eireumstances whieh now exist not to preseribe too closely the limits within which the parties coneerned should settle their differences. The draft resolution submitted by the United States and my delegation seems, therefore, to my delegation to be preferable on these points and 1 therefore wish to commend it to this Couneil. 31. Ml'. BARNES (Liberia): When 1 addressed this Council yesterday [961sL meeting] on the matter ofthe complaint of Tunisia, charging France with aets of aggression infringing the sovereignty and security of Tunisia and threatening international peace and security, 1 stated elearly and without prevarication that my Government views with complete understandingthe position of the Tunisian Government in this matter. 32. As we see it, the basic problem, which has produced the tragic spectacle of two friendly countries confronting eaeh other in a eonflict which has so far caused many deaths of French and Tunisian people, arises from the faet that the French Government continues to remain in possession of the base at Bizerta, a possession which may be traced to an acquisition duri~g colonial days. 33. There is perhaps an even more significant moral that ean he drawn from this situation. Does it not demonstrate once and for aU the necessity for immediate liquidation of every vestige of the colonial pattern? For we have on the one hand. a small nation uniquely distinguished for its moderation and its responsibility, yet ehafing at the bit under the restraints of its freedom inherited from its colonial pasto Obviously, the pace of colonial liquidation must be accelerated, when we see a true friend of democracy and peace which can no longer accept what it considers as indignities, springing from the remnants of colonialism. We must recognize the intensity ofthe desire for complete and unfettered independence. In this process our Organization must continue to play a leading l'ole, by implementing boldly new categories of political thinking which have been outlined in the Charter of the United Nations-a Charter which will become areality only as we utilize its principles to master the powerfuI forces abroad in the world today. 34. Having said this, 1 wish to reiterate what 1 said here yesterday, that this Council must act promptly and vigorously to bring an immediage cessation tothe armed conflict now raging and take steps to remove the causes ofthis conflict. The Security Council, having already acted to bring the conflict to an immediate end, by calling for a cease-fire and the return of all armed forces to their original position, the next step

Allow me at the outsetto express my warm thanks to the Secretary-General for his happy initiative in bringing about the adoption of an emergency measure to put a stop to the bloodshed. It was undoubtedly a humane and urgent measu:rd as all members of the Council recognized when theyadopted the draft resolution submitted by the delegation of Liberia [S/4880]. This resolution was in full accord with the views of all the members of the Security Council and its terms were included in the draft resolution submitted by our delegation and that of Liberia [S/4878]. 36. Although this urgent measure has been adopted, and for a very good purpose, that does not alter the fact that there is still a dispute for which a settlement must he found; first, because this conflict must be settled, and secondly andprincipally to preventfurther misunderstandings from leading to more disturbances and loss of life. 37. That being the case, l must speak once more on this subject and set before the Council the reasons why my delegation considers that France, and France alone, bears the responsibility for the present situation in Tunisia. 38. Yesterday, l told the Council [961st meeting] how deeply moved we were by this shameful act of agression a.gainst Tunisia. The people and Government of the United Arab Republic were outraged by the actions of the French forces against a country whose only desire was to live in peace. Today, the whole Arab would has made its voice heard through the Council of the League of Arab States. Here are the terms of that decision of the Council: "The Council of the League of Arab States has learnt of the unjust French attack on the Republic of Tunisia and of the breaking of diplomatic relations between Tunisia and France. The Council declares that it vigorously denounces this French imperialist aggression against the people ofTunisia. Itproclaims that it whole-heartedly supports the sister country of Tunisia in its battle against French imperialism and upholds it in its struggle to rid itself of French imperialist forces. It is with the same feeling of indignation that it protests against the acts of French imperialist forces." 39. l do not wish to render these discussions still more acrimonious by relating all the acts of French troops in the different countries in which have been stationed, on various pretexts. Ido not orl:mC)Se today to analyse the reasôns that they have for each of their acts of aggressionj but l cannot relnajin silent about the latest example, the one which COltlCElrnlS us now: the aggression against Tunisia, which 40. Yesterday, the representative of Tunisia gave us a clear picture of the situation in his country and of the' events which preceded the aggression. He replied eloquently, and, above aIl, sincerely, to the representative of France and to the defence which the latter sought vainly to bring forward, ifnot in justification of the aggression, at least as an attempt to explain iL 41. The representative of Tunisia gave facts and figures the accuracy of which cannot be disputed, and it is, first and foremost, in the records that we find the most unanswerable documents, includingthe letter of 17 June 1958 [8/4869] which clearly set out the position with regard to the French occupation forces which Tunisia was obliged to keep in a sector of its territory, at Bizerta, but only for a certain period. This affair has dragged on for more than three years, and no one can accept the allegation of the representative of France that the responsibility for the delay lies with Tunisia, when that country's only desire was to free itself from the last vestiges offoreign occupation. Of course, it might perhaps have been possible to settle the matter if Tunisia had bowed to aIl the wishes of the occupying Power; but Tunisia, it seems to me, could not have been expected to accept any solution which did not respect its dignity as a sovereign and independence 8tate. No one can believe aIl that we have been told today, when the responsibility for delay in the reaching of a settlement was placed on Tunisia and legitimate self-defence was invoked as a pretext without foundation or proof for aIl the attacks which have followed one after another, firstly at 8akiet-8idi- Youssef in 1958, and now at Bizerta. 42. What a mockery is this "legitimateself-defence" in the name of which France sends aircraft and ships against a country which has made plain its desil'e to become completely sovereign once and for all. Blood is still flowing, as if there were not already sufficient bloodshed on the other side of the border. 43. The words spoken by the representative of France yesterday might he ofsome value if only the authorities put them into practice. But they were merely vain hopes and how much at variance with the facts and all that is going on at Bizerta: shooting and bloodshed; and it is always the innocent who are killed. Discussions, talks? Yes-but on what basis? Yesterday, a direct question was putto the French representative by the representative of the 80viet Union: what purpose was intended by the talks? That question unfortunately remained unanswered, much to our disquiet. 44. Today, we cannot go on merely waiting in hope, while blood continues to flo\'i. l trust that effect will he given to the 8ecurity Council's decision in favour of a cease-fire in form and in spirit. l sincerely believe that it is for France alone to put a stop to its aggression in order that the situation may return to normal. Tunisia has committed no act of a kind to justify the 46. My delegation, echoing the feeling of indignation which has stirred aIl the Arab countrief' and aIl peoples valuing justice and freedom, and moved by pity for aIl who have died for a holy and just cause and are even now dying for that cause, hopes that a speedy and complete solution will be found to this sad affair. 47. A draft resolution has beensubmittedby our delegation and that of Liberia. We hope that the Council will adopt this draft, which could have been infinitely more severe in tone if human considerations had not led to its being given its present form. 48. The representative of the United Kingdom has said that there is a slight difference betweenhis draft and ours. The difference is in fact very slight but it affects the most essential point of aU. We consider that the decision adopted must have as its final and immediate aim the withdrawal of the French troops and the liquidation of the bases. As for saying: "Go both of you and come to an agreement" l ask how often the Security Councn has found that countries have reached agreement after such a wish has been expressed. 49. And why not say: "For the immediate departure of the troops and the liquidation of the bases"? If that is not to be.the r-esult of the talks, there is no reason to hold talks, since l cannot imagine that a country would be willing to accept talks which were not designed to lead to the liquidation of bases which had no justification or had lost their justification, and to the departure of troops stationed on its territory. Forthat reason l feel that our draft resolution should perhaps receive some sort of priority, not on the basis of its nature but of its effects, since it is the only text which can bririg about the liquidation of the situation. 50. As to the other draft resolution, it seems to me that it would merely have the effect of postponing a solution to the affair sine die. Already a mission of conciliation has been sent; Tunisia and France have held discussions; and today we must deplore bloodshed and loss of life. The draft resolution submitted by the representatives of the United Kingdom and the United States cannot have any immediate effect; at any rate, it will not be able to give satisfaction. It can only have a temporary effect. But for our part, we are anxious that, following the talks, steps should be taken which will make it possible to dispose of the matter once and for aU.

The Security Councn has been convened to consider one of the most sudden and senseless conflicts to have arisen duringthe lastfewyears. A spark 52. The Government and people of Chile bow their heads in respect for the innocent victilllS of a tragedy which no one 8eems to have wanted, which could have been avoided and whose prolongation would bring upon the main protagonists, and upon aU of us, the stigma of apathy and ineptitude. 53. We regret the present conflict. We are bound by close ties to France and Tunisia. France is one of the Latin nations which has contributed to the awakening of freedom and intelligence in the Latin American countries. Tunisia is a young and givorous nation which, like our Latin American countries, fought to secure its independence and to establish its free personality in the international community. 54. The demands of modern times make it essential that between the mother country and its Tunisian daughter, there should he a community ofinterests and an interdependence, based on mutual respect and on equality of rights, which can contribute to the weUheing of both peoples and of mankind in general. A rupture of relations between the two nations, uncontrolled violence and hatred, can only trouble the waters of the Mediterranean, those waters resplendent in history, and turn this marvellous region into a cancer in the worId and a danger to international peace and security. 55. We have listened with the deepest respect to the representative of Tunisia, Ml'. Mongi Slim, a former member of this Council who is profoundly imbued with the principles of the United Nations and has made a brilliant contribution to our Organization. He has spoken with moderation andwithoutanimosity, butwith the emotion ~atural to a man who comes from the place of the tragedy. We fully understand his attitude. A people's independence is a total thing which willallow of no limitations or restrictions except those resulting from treaties. Among the indisputable attributes of sovereignty are territorial integrity and the country's free use of its own land and resources, and only the will of a sovereigll people, acting according to the principle of self-determination, can authorize concessions granted through legal forms. Although we cannot entirely agree with the case he has put, we realize that Tunisia has appealed to this Council because weak and small peoples must always find in the United Nations a forum to which to bring their problems and a defender of their rights. 56. We have also listened with true respect to Ml'. Bérard, an active and intelligent participant in the work of this Council, whom no one could accuse of exaggeration or intolerance. He has declared tous that the French people feel nothing but friendship for the Tunisian people and that his Government is willing to continue negotiations with Tunisia and to discuss conditions for an end of the hostilities. We do not doubt the good will of the French Government or its intention of bringing about a settlement of the conflict. 58. We intended to lay special stress on the urgency with which the Council should act and to insist on the need to find a formula forthwith which would put an Immediate end to hostilities and make the opposing forces return to their original positions, so that, once calm has been restored and armed violence has ceased, the way to conciliation will be open. The interim resolution unanimously adopted at the last meeting [Si 4882] is particularly auspicious. The Secretary- General, in accordance with his lofty functions, made a solemn appeal, which the COlmcil heeded, acting on the wise and timely initiative of the Liberian representative, whom we wish to thank publicly. As a result of the action taken by every member who took part in this debate and of the Secretary-General's fortunate intervention, we are now in the position of having satisfied the Councilrs immediate duty by bringing about the end of a reprehensible armed struggle, thus clearing the atmosphere and making it more suitable for the calm consideration of the substance of the problem. 59. We also think that it wouId be useful-apart, of course, from the action taken by the United Nations itself and by its appropriate organs-ifcertainPowers were to offer their friendly mediation for the resumption of relations between Tunisia and France, which have unfortunately been interrupted. It would, however, be childish simply to proclaim the urgent need for an armistice unless both parties show themselves willing to go to the root of the problem and to reach a peaceful agreement on the question of Bizerta. The Council should make an urgent appeal to both parties with the definite purpose of bringing about a resumption of negotiations, to be carried out without delay or obstruction and with aU proper consideration for the interests of Tunisia and France. These two countries have so much in common, both by nature and by history, and so many opportunities for harmonious development for the benefit of both peoples, of the region inwhich they are situated and of aU mankind. H 60. In aIl parts of the world apparent paradoxes or contradictions spring up and must be reconciled; on the one hand, for instance, we have independence and, on the othel', Integration. France and Tunisia, a great and a small Power, by means of law, submission to the principles and methods of the Charter, and the free conclusion of treaties, can give anexample ofpolitical wisdom and fruitful co-operation which can help the economic and social development and the well-being of peoples eager for social justice and real progresse 61. We do not think it proper for a country such as Chile to intervene in this debate except to make a friendly appeal to both countries; which for the time being are sundered by the aftermath of blind and uncontrolled forces. We shall most fervently support any formula which will help to restore peace and open the 63. Ml'. YOST (United States of America): The United States views the wise decision taken this morning by the Council, in caUing for an immediate cease-fire and the return of aU armed forces to thei!' original positions, as an act of statesmanship conforming to the finest traditions of the Charter. This initiative will, it is hoped, result in anearlyend to a cruel conflict between two friendly peoples. 64. We welcome a180 the statemellts made this afternoon by the representatives of France and Tunisia in regard to the prompt implementation of this resolution. The Council's call for a cease-fire is only the first step toward the re-establishment of peace. It will take statesmanship of the highest order by the leaders of France and of Tunisia to calm the passions and ovel'come the mistrust which the deplorable events of the past few days have aroused. 65. It will take even more statesmanship and moderation to re-establish the good relations which have existed in the past between these two countries and which we profoundly hope will exist in the future. We are convinced that the Council can play a useful l'ole in this respect. It is for this reason that, together with the United Kingdom, the United States has introduced a draft resolution [S/4879] calling uponthe twoparties to negotiate promptly a peaceful settlement of their differences. 66. If peace and security are to be maintained, it is essential that contact between the French and Tunisian Governments he re-established at the earliest moment and that an intensive effort be made not only to eliminate the immediate frictions which led to the unhappy outbreak of the fighting, but also the deeper causes of tension between Tunisia and France. 67. The Charter sets forth clearly the principles on which a solution of the problems at issue should be based: respect for the territorial integrity and political independence of all States, the settlement of aIl disputes by peaceful means and restraint from the threat or use of force in any manner inconsistent with the Charter. This much is clear. 68. We are convinced that a solution negotiated between the parties and compatible with those principles of the Charter to which 1 have referred can and will be achieved. A solution is long overdue, as the recent outbreak of hostilities clearly demonstrates. Let the negotiations commence promptly and proceed rapidly. That is the sense of the resolution presented by the 70. Ml'. MOROZOV (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) (translated from Russian): Now that the Council is about to take a decision which will not he a temporary, preliminary decision like the one taken at this morning's meeting, it seems important to me to emphasize certain fundamental conclusions that emerge from the discussions of yesterday and today. 71. The data presented to us at the meetings of yesterday and today, and the latest reports that the bloodshed in Tunisia resulting from French aggression is still continuing, caU for a decision on the principle of the question, a decision expressing the views of the Security Council as the principal organ chargedbythe Charter with the maintenance of international peace and security. We consider that the main, the fundamental conclusion to be drawn from the entire course of events is, above all, that we must condemn the actions of France in Tunisia as an act of aggression against that country, as a violation of its sovereignty and independence, and as an action constituting a threat to peace in the region of North Africaand the Mediterranean. This first conclusion that the Council must draw, if it is to be equal to its appointed task, is the conclusion that aIl peace-loving peoples and States expect it to draw. 72. The second decision which, in our opmlOn, the Council must take follows from this proposition. It is that the Council should impose on France the obligation immediately to cease its aggressive actions against Tunisia, to withdraw its troops from Bizerta and from the entire territory of Tunisia, and to cease all other actions infringing Tunisia's sovereignty and independence. 73. These are the proposaIs which, in our opinion, wouid best enable the Security Council to play the part that is expected of it. 74. Before addressing myself to the specific proposaIs of the draft resolutions before the Council, now under discussion, permit me to note a very important fact: what 1 might calI the psychologicai atmosphere, the political atmosphere, in which the debate on this subject is proceeding. 76. We must note with profound regret that, as in similar cases in the past, when sorne colonial Power, which is a member both of NATO and of the Security Council, commits armed aggression or attempts to suppress the national liberation movement inan Asian or African country by drowning it in blood, as was the case in the Congo, as was the case in Angola, as was the case in Kuwait, as was the case in Cuba, to mention but a few instances, its NATO allies instantly rush to its aid. In one case one NATO member helps another out of the difficulty into which the latter's own aggressive policy, its own striving to suppress a national liberation movement, had brought it. In another case the other NATO member, which is also a member of the Security Council, reciprocates the favour and meets its tacit commitment, as it is bound to do out of solidarity with the other members ofthe alliance known as the North At!antic Treaty. 77. Contrary to the conscience of mankind, contrary to the provisions ofthe Charter, contrary to all justice, which cries out to heaven, before the eyes of the whole world, these crimes are continuing for the third day, and here, unfortunately, the Powers most responsible for the maintenance of peace and securityfail to speak those decisive, those powerful and fitting words that could instantly-1 repeat, instantly-put an end to this tragic situation, to these events taking place on Tunisian soil. The only offence of the Tunisian people is its unwillingness to suffer interventionists on its own soil. But is this an offence? Can it be denied that this demand, as has already been emphasized during the discussion, is in complete accord with the United Nations Charter? Can it be said that it is not founded on the concepts of universal human justice? 78. Of course no one would dare to say in so many words that this demand of the Tunisian people, which has won its independence in a heroic struggle, was wrong and reprehensible and did not deserve the support of the United Nations, nor, consequently, the support of one of its principal organs, the Security Council. But the actions of certain members of the Security Council, and, it would seem, their votes on the two draft resolutions before us, show that in this case as well, France, a member of NATO and of the Security Council, is being helped by its colleagues in the 8ecurity CoUDcil and in NATO, the UnitedStates of America and the UnitedKingdom. These countries have submitted a draft resolution in document si4879 and have made every effort to prove that it is identical with, or at any rate very similar to, the draft resolution introduced by Liberia and the United Arab Republic in document s/4878. 80. Let us now consider sorne ofthe provisions of the draft resolution introduced by the United States and the United Kingdom. The very preamble ofthis draft resolution, contains a formulation which, beyond any question, can be construed as an attempt to place the aggressor and the victim of aggression on the same level. The draft resolution refers to the events in Tunisia as though not only France, which infact committed aggression in this area, were guilty, butTunisïa as weIl, although the French aggression has been clearly demonstrated during the discussion of this question in the Security Council. 81. l shall pass over several general phrases in this draft resolution, which are ofno importance and convey little, and shaH stress the major difference between it and the draft resolution introduced by Liberia and the United Arab Republic. For this purpose, letus compare operative paragraph 3 in the draft resolution of the United States and the United Kingdom with operative paragraph 3 in the draft resolution submitted by Liberia and the United Arab Republic. 82. Paragraph 3 of the United States-UnitedKingdom draft resolution states thatthe Security Council "Urges the parties, in accordance with the Charter, tonegotiate promptly a peaceful settlement of their differences". "To negotiate promptly a peaceful settlement of their differences"-how well that sounds! But what is this phrase intended to conceal? Yesterdaywe attempted to elucidate the question-and today the representative of the United Arab Republic joined in the effort-of what is to be the subjectmatter of these negotiations OOtween Tunisia and France, to which the French representative has repeatedly referred. What are they to negotiate? The speediest possible withdrawn of French forces from the entire territory of Tunisia, including the Bizerta base? "Yes or no?", we asked. The question remained unanswered; but we know that sometimes silence speaks louderthanwords. 83. Today, we have an answer to the question we put yesterday. But this answer, in opérative paragraph 3 of the United States-United Kingdom draft resolution, is just as unsatisfactory, for the formulationpresented to us, even in the oost case, giving the sponsors the 84. Remarks such as those made here by the delegations ofthe UnitedStates andthe United Kingdom, which sponsored the draft resolution, cannot of course delude anyone, especially if taken in conjunction with the fact that those same delegations, which, like the delegation of France, represent members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, oppose the provision contained in operative paragraph 3 of the resolutionproposedby Liberia and the United Arab Republic. This latter resolution, and this particular paragraph, although they do not, l r~peat, go as far as the Security Council should go in the present circumstances, still do unambiguously state that the Councn calls upon France and Tunisia "to enter into immediate negotiations" and not simply into negotiations, but into negotiations "aimed at the speedy evacuation of the French forces from Tunisia". Incidentally, there was no need to call on Tunisia to negotiate, since it was precisely such negotiations that Tunisia had been demanding. It is a vain endeavour to represent the difference between operative paragraph 3 of the United Kingdom-United States draft resolution and operative paragraph 3 of the Liberia-UnitedArab Republic resolutionas a minor drafting difference, as some delegations have attempted to do. 85. One final remark about the draft resolution ofthe United states and the United Kingdom. Operative paragraph 1 of this draft resolution mentions the "speedy return of an forces to their previous positions".. This paragraph too compares unfavourably with the corresponding provisions in operative paragraph 2 of the draft resolution of Liberia and the United Arab Republic-provisions which are not similar or identical, but are of totally different import. This latter draft resolution speaks instead of "the return to their original position of those [French forces] which have transgressed beyond the limits of that base, since 19 July 1961". What does this mean? It means that the Security Council, if it adopts this resolution, will demand the withdrawal-if not the complete, at least the partial withdrawal-of a considerable part of the French troops and armed forces which were rushed during the last few days into Bizerta.and into Tunisian territory, and are now imposing their will on the Tunisian people by force of arms. 86. Thus one of the draft resolutions contains a phrase open to interpretation in any sense desired by those called upon to execute it. l refer to the passage in the draft resolution of the United states and the United Kingdom. The other draft resolution contains an entirely unambiguous demand: the withdrawalfrom Tunisian soil of the forces introduced after '19 July, 87. 1 shall not touch on certain other differences between these draft resolutions. What 1 have said is entirely sufficient to allow me to state decisively that the USSR delegation cannot supportthe draft resolution of the United States and the United Kingdom, for the reasons that 1 have just set forth. 88. Although the USSR delegation feels, as 1 said at the outset, that the draft resolution of Liberia and the United Arab Republic lacks a number of important provisions, which should have been included, it considers nevertheless that this draft resolution compares favourably with the one submitted by the United states and the United Kingdom, and that it comes to grips better with the problems which, in our opinion, the Council must solve. The USSR delegationwilltherefore vote for the draft resolution of Liberia and the United Arab Republic, without in any way holding that the efforts that can and shouldbe made by the Security Council, and by the United Nations as a whole, to end the new colonial aggression unleashed by the French Government in Tunisia, should be confined to the adoption of this texte

1wish to state that 1 have no further speakers on my liste Before we go on to explanations ofvotethat any member of the Council may wish to make, 1 would like to call on the representative of Tunisia, who wishes to make a statement. 90. Mr. Mongi SLIM (Tunisia) (translated from French): The Council's debate is nearingits conclusion and the mission of the Tunisian delegation will also come to an end. Since the Tunisian delegation is not a member of the Council, it cannot takepartin the vote. It is for this reason that, at this stage of the debate, 1 have requested permission to make a finalstatement on behalf of the Tunisian delegation. 91. 1 should like first to inform the Council that, as soon as my Government received notification of the resolution adopted at the last meeting, it gave instructions for a cease-fire on its side. All the armed forces have received formaI instructions to cease fire. As far as my Government is concerned,the tenns of this resolution will be applied in full and in good faith. FormaI orders have been given on this subject. 92. Since 1 do not have the right to take part in the vote· on the draft resolutions, 1 cannot express my opinion of them. It is my duty, however, to remind the Security Council of the position of my Government. With, 1 think sufficient arguments and evidence, 1have explained yesterday and today what is this position of my Government, which 1 consider to be legitimate and important. We demand, inthe exercise of our sovereign right, recognized by the Charter, that the aggression should cease and that all foreign troops should be withdrawn from our territory. This does not i.mply any aggressive, or even unfriendly, attitude towards anyone. It is simply a question ofthe exercise of a legitimate right, recognized in international law and also recognized by the Charter. 93. The decision to be taken by the Security Council will be welcomed by us if it results in the cessation of l wish to state that we have never refused to negotiate. We have always beenin favour of negotiations. We have always been and still are in favour of peaceful solutions, whether in our own disputes or disagreements with others or in any clash of interests or dispute between other states Members of the United Nations. 95. Like the French delegation, we speak the French tongue; but it would appear that we are expressing ourselves in quite a different language. What were these negotiations to be about? Were they to decide upon a provisional state which would become a semipermanent state over the years and the centuries ?No, we say clearly and categorically. Were they to determine the methods and timing which would result, by common agreement, in this evacuation of the troops? Yeso Once again, however, although we speakthe same tongue but a different language, we should have been glad, in order to avoid any dispute about any development in the negotiations, to be assisted by a third party who could if required, if a conflict arose again, come before the Council shouldthisbenecessary-and 1 certainly hope it would not be-and say: this is the truth. But this has not been mentioned in the various proposaIs which havebeendiscussed duringthe debate. 96. On the other hand, mention has been made of negotiations. But we know that negotiations may last for months or years. We have had experience of cases where, when agreement hadbeen reached onprinciples, or on an official statement accepted by both sides, months and months were neededtoreach a final agreement, after discussing articles, paragraphs, subparagraphs and even full stops and commas. In three years, as 1 have said to the Council, we have not even managed to open real and effective negotiations onthe issue which is dividing us. 97. Different positions have been heard in the course of the debate in the Council. 1 wish to speak very objectively. Who can say thatmyversion is the true one? And who can say that the French version is the true one?You are obligedtobelieveme,asyou are obliged, in theory, to believe the French delegation. Nevertheless, you have noticed that there is a difference that there are conflicting views on the meaning even of sentences and word.;;. 98. In view of the seriousness of the situation, 1 wish to emphasize that our position remains the same. We are ready for true Ïriendsbip. We are ready for healthy co-operation <vith everyone. But this must be founded on dignity, o~~ respect for our sovereignty, since we respect the sovereignty of others; it must be founded on our inalienable rights to enjoy, on our soil, the full exercise of our sovereignty, in the same way as we strive that other nations may also enjoy their full sovereignty. 99. If it is on this basis, if it is for this end, we are ready. Yet once again, is it Fealizedthat we are practically in the position of breaking off ùiplomatic rela- 100. According to reliable informationwhich my delegation has just received from Tunis, it appears that at 5 p.m. New York time-that is, 10 p.m. in Tunisgroups of airborne French troops were still refusing to obey the instructions given to them to cease fire. 1 venture to hope that the examples given elsewhere of personal or group action in defiance of the leaders in command will not occur on Tunisian soil. 101. 1 am not taking a stand with regard to any draft resolution. 1 have just defined our position.It remains the same. We await the decision of Security Council. We leave to the Council the entire responsibility for a decision which we hope will be in favour of peace, of sincere co-operation, of the respect of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of aIl States.

Since no other member of the Council has asked to explain his vote before the vote is taken, 1 should like, as the representative of ECUADÜR, to make a short explanation of my vote. 103. As the representative of Ecuador, 1 should like to repeat what 1 said this morning as President: my delegation deeply regrets events involving loss of human life and copious bloodshed. 104. My delegation firmly hopes that the resolution that was adopted this morning will help the parties to find a way to bring about an immediate cease-fire which will put an end to the bloodshed. 105. My delegation does not think it possible, in the world of today, to continue the old diplomacybased on the force of bayonets. It does notbelieve in the efficacy of agreements dictated by military forces on the battlefield. It therefore considers that a cease-fire and the withdrawal of troops are essential before any settlement can be reached in a spirit of peaceful understanding. 106. Nor would it wish to sacrifice its sense of realism to the dictates of an abstract and inexorable justice. It feels that possible solutions are always better than ideal solutions which cannot be put into effect at once. It is withthis sense of what is practical that it wishes to consider the draft resolutions which are to be voted upon in a few minutes. 107. My delegation has no objectioninprincipletothe draft resolution submitted by the representatives of Liberia and the United Arab Republic. It fully agrees on the need for a withdrawal of forces to the positions which they occupied before the conflict and for the evacuation of forces from the legitimate territory of another State. My Government has invariably upheld the principle that international agreements are Ilot vaUd if they are reached while a territory is occupied by hostile military forces. 109. My delegation will therefore vote in favour of the draft resolution submitted by the United Kingdom and the United states and willabstain inthe vote on the draft resolution submitted by Liberia and the United Arab Republic. My delegation wishes to make it clear, however, that its preference is based on the following assumptions: firstly, it understands that the provision concerning the return of all forces to their previous positions means the withdrawal of troops or military forces introduced sincethe conflict began and secondly, that operative paragraph 3 refers to the need for immediate negotiations on the point in dispute and that this point is itself related to the provisions of operative paragraph 4, which obliges the Security Council to remain vigilant until the conflict is settled. 110. l do not wish to saythatthe letter killeth and the spirit giveth lüe, but l do meanthatthe letter alone is not enough without the will to put it into effect. This is the foundation of our hopes. Wearedealingwith a conflict between peoples which until yesterday were friends, which hold the same political philosophy and which are led by statesmen who were fashioned in the struggle for their peoples' freedom. 111. l should therefore like to pay a tribute to that great fighter for the freedom ofhispeople, a man with an admirable sense of the practical, and a great statesman, President Bourguiba. l should also like to paya tribute to the illustrious President of France, General de Gaulle, and to express our hope that he will be able to overcome the present difficulties and to complete the great work entrusted to him by history, namely to co-operate in bringing about the freedom of peoples. Our hopes are based on the past records of these great statesmen, i.e., on their good will in interpreting a text, however imperfect. 112. l thank the Council for kindly hearingthis statement, and l resume my l'ole as PRESIDENT. 113. If no other member of the Council wishes to explain his vote, we shall proceed to vote on the draft resolution submitted by Liberia and the United Arab Republic [S/4878]. A vote was taken by show of hands. In favour: Ceylon, Liberia, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, United Arab Republic. Against: None. Abstaining: Chile, China, Ecuador, France, Turkey, United Kingdom of Gl'(.at BritainandNorthernIreland, United states of America. The result of the vote was 4 infavour, none against, with 7 abstentions.

My delegation very much regrets that the SecurityCouncilhas been unable to take any further decision today on this vital question. 116. The calI for a cease-fire and a return to previous positions remains, of course, in full effect. On the basis of the reports of the representatives of Tunisia and Francethat their Governments have issued cease-fire orders, we have high hopesthattheresolution adopted by the Council will be promptly implemented. 117. In our view, the members ofthe Councilshouldand l am sure will-keep in close touch in the forthcoming hours in order to consult on any further steps we may find itusefulor necessarytotake. The Council remains seized of this question and shouldbe prepared to resume its debate whenever necessary, as provided in the resolution adopted this morning.

l should like briefly to explain why my delegation abstained in the vote on the text proposedby the delegations of the United Kingdom and the United states of America. This text is in line with the preoccupations of my Government. My Government has always requested a cease-fire and the restoration of peaceful, normal conditions; it has always expressed its desire to resume negotiations; it is therefore in agreement with the recommendations of this draft resolution. 119. l explained this morning the reasons why my delegation, which is demanding a cease-fire, could not associate itself with an appeal aimed precisely at this. For the sarne reasons, it would be illogical and paradoxical for my Government to urge itse1f to resume negotiations to reach a peaceful settlement of the problem, when that was its continually expressed desire. This is the reason why my Government, in the same way as it had abstained inthe vote this morning, also abstained in the vote on the draft resolution submitted by the United Kingdom and the United states of America. ~20. Mr. MOROZOV (Union of -Soviet Socialist Re.,. publics) (translated from Russian): Like the United 121. My delegation wishes to say, with aU possible emphasis, that it is profoundly regrettable that a number of members of the Security Council did not find it possible, at this tragic hour in the history of the Tunisian· people, to heed the request of a smaU country for the liquidation of a foreign military base in its territory, for the withdrawal of troops from its territory, and for leaving the Tunisian people inpeace at last. 122. We have heard many fine words in this haU and in this building about the dedication of certain great Powers to the principlp of respect for the rights and interests of smaU countries. Unfortunately, we are compelled to note that, as in many other cases, their words are inconsistent with their deeds. That is the only explanation for the fact that the modest drait resolution in document si4878, not at aU as far-reaching as it should have been, stiU failed of adoption by the Council. 123. We have also heard many remarks to the effect that the Council should be an effective organ,fulfilling the obligations imposed upon it by the Charter. And now we see that, as a result of the responsibility assumed by France's NATO allies, the Council has again proved unable to adopt even an elementary, a minimal decision that might have helpedto restorethe peace broken by French aggression in Tunisia. 124. l deem it necessary to make one more remark before the meeting adjourns. When we conclude this meeting and go our separate ways, we should not forget for a single minute that at this very time, on the streets of Bizerta, bloody battles are being fought between the army of the aggressor and the people defending its freedom andindependence. Forthisreason, l should like to comment Once again onthe significance of the resolution adopted at the last meeting of the Sectirity Council. 125. No one should be surprised bythefactthat some members of NATOvotedforacease-fire. Wesee these votes as an admission that France, by its aggression in Tunisia, has released forces with which it knows it cannot cope. It has aroused the indignation of the Tunisian people and caused it to take up the just and holy struggle for its independence, a position which is supported by all peace-loving peoples and states. Realising this, the Western Powers had no choice but to calI for a cease-fire, because such a cease-fire should give them a way out of the situation into which their own policy of colonial aggression in Tunisia has brought them. 126. Without forgetting this ctrcumstance, but in the knowledge that the Security Council did, nevertheless, adopt a resolution calling for a cease-fire, we once again interpret this resolution as obligating France, whose forces have invaded Tunisian territory, immediately to cease its aggression against Tunisia and to liberate that part of Tunisian territory which it has occupied. 127. It is on this understanding, and reserving the right to calI immediately for another meeting of the Security Council if the events during the next few hours 129. Furthermore, we have observed the cease-fire at aIl points where this was possible. Withinthe actual precinct of Bizerta, however, we have encountered diffieulties with the forces of French parachutists who refused to allow our em.issaries to cross the zone held by the French in order to join smaIl armed groups which we had inside this zone and with which we have still not established contact. We were trying toestablish contact precisely in order to inform them of the clear, formaI and final order to cease fire and withdraw. 130. It seems to me that, both for my country and for aIl the Member nations of the United Nations, the failure of the Security Council to take an effective decision on the substance of the problem is very serious and very dangerous. 131. The situation in my country may develop, not because of the Tunisian militaryforces or the Tunisian authorities, but because of those who have arrived from outside and established themselves on Tunisian soil. For this reason, and in order to prevent an extremely serious international situation, and also in order not to disappoint aIlthe hopes whichhave always turned to our Organization, l venture to request that the question should remainbefore the Security Council. 132. Next week perhaps, if l am in possession: of more information and ifthe situation does not improve, l may request you, Ml'. President, to convene another meeting of the Council, to examine this question again and finally to reach a solution based on the Charter, based on the principles of justice and right, for the restoratiOl1 of a true and lasting peace in this reglon of the world. 133. Ml'. BERARD (France) (translatedfrom French): The representative of Tunisiahas just referredto facts of which I, for my part, have 110 knowledge. He states that French Corsair aircraft-although, he admitsthat he cannot with any certainty establish their nationality-have machine-gunned the airfield of EI-Aouiha. 135. 1 do not think that the representative of Tunisia wishes by this to cast doubt on the loyalty of the undertakings given by the French Government. At the beginning of our meeting this afternoon, 1 communicated the immediate decisions which have been taken by the French Government and the orders which it had given even unilaterally to suspend hostilities while awaiting the cease-fire which we are gladto see is also being observed on the Tunisian side. 136. 1 shall say only this: the-events of the last few months in France show sufficiently that the French Government does not tolerate its orders not being executed. 1 think that the history of this recent period is sufficient guarantee that, in this connexion also, it is certain that the orders of the French Government will be carried out. 137. Ml'. CHEHLAOUI (United ArabRepublic) (translated from French): 1 too, and with particular reason, greatly regret the situation inwhichwe find ourselves. Everyone regrets it, and 1 am sure that all, whether they have openly expressed regret or not, are equally sincere. But besides regretting the situation 1 have also certain fears, the sarne fears as were mentioned by the representative of Tunisia before the vote was taken on the draft resolutionswhichhave unfortunately both been rejected. What supervision will we be able to exercise over the manner in which the Security Council decision for the cease-fire is carriedout?We may weIl ask. While we do not wish to throw doubt on the representative of France, we knowthat unexpected and uncontrollable events may still lead to fierce battles such as those which have already taken place, and to a situation perhaps still more serious, much more serious, than the situation before the Council at the present time. The fact is that wehave no means of supervising the enforcement of the decision taken by the Council since there is no supervisory commission; indeed, no one has requested such a commission. 138. If 1 may now take the liberty, Ml'. President, of making a request to you, 1 would ask you to keep this matter continually before you in order to prevent the occurrence of even more tragic events thanthose with which we have been faced today. 139. Ml'. WIJEGOONAWARDENA (Ceylon): The representative of Tunisia has just made a very important statement, and without in any way presuming to doubt the statement in reply that was made by the repres6ntative of France, it is the view of the Ceylon delegation that the Council should remain seized of the subject we have considered, and should hold itself in readiness to meet at anytime shouldcircumstances warrant such a meeting. 140. Ml'. BARNES (Liberia): 1 must add the voice of my delegation to the expression of regrets which we have heard here around this table growing out of the inability of this Council, after the consideration ofthe complaint of Tunisia,tohave arrived at a final decision aimed at removing the causes which have precipitated

1 should like to make a short statement. Nearly all the members who have spoken since the voting have expressed their regret that so far neither draft resolution has been adopted. 143. 1 share this regret and it is my understanding that the fact that both draft resolutions have been put to the vote and neither hasbeen adopted does not mean that the debate on this matter is overj firstly, because it is on the agenda and must therefore stand in its present form; and secondly, because the draft resolution adopted at the last meeting states clearly, in operative paragraph 2: "Decides to continue the debate". 1 do not consider that the fact that neitherof the two draft resolutions submitted today has been adopted can be taken to mean that the matter is now finished. 144. 1 am ready to convene the Council again, at the request of any member or of any state Member of the United Nations, whenever that is deemed necessary and 1 propose to keep a close watch and to maintain constant contact between the members of the Council in connexion with this matter, which is so serious and fraught with such danger to peace and to the friendship between two peoples. 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