S/PV.9709 Security Council

In accordance with rule 37 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representative of Libya to participate in this meeting. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite Ms. Stephanie Koury, Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary- General for Political Affairs in the United Nations Support Mission in Libya, to participate in this meeting. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I wish to draw the attention of Council members to document S/2024/598, which contains the report of the Secretary-General on the United Nations Support Mission in Libya. At this meeting, the Council will hear briefings by Ms. Koury and Ambassador Kazuyuki Yamazaki, Permanent Representative of Japan, in his capacity as Chair of the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011) concerning Libya. I now give the floor to Ms. Koury. Ms. Koury: The situation in Libya has deteriorated quite rapidly over the past two months in terms of political, economic and security stability. Unilateral acts by Libyan political military and security actors have increased tensions, further entrenched institutional and political divisions and complicated the efforts to achieve a negotiated solution. Let me share some of those recent incidents. On 9 August, the Libyan National Army moved unilaterally towards the south-western parts of Libya, sparking western forces and groups to mobilize and assert their readiness to respond to any attack. While the Libyan National Army later clarified that its purpose in moving those forces was to secure the south- western border, the move generated tensions in the west and raised concerns on the part of Libya’s neighbour Algeria. Those types of unilateral security moves are not confined to east-west forces’ movements but have also occurred among western forces and armed groups. On 23 July, forces affiliated with the Government of National Unity moved westward, sparking mobilization by the Libyan National Army and among armed groups in that area. On 9 August, heavy clashes broke out in Tajoura, east of Tripoli, between two armed groups, resulting in fatalities, injuries to civilians and the destruction of property. Local mediation efforts defused the situation. Unilateral actions by political and security figures are also undermining stability in other ways. Unilateral attempts to unseat the Governor of the Central Bank are being met with countervailing attempts to maintain him, as are attempts to unseat the Prime Minister and his Government. On 14 August, tensions escalated and armed groups mobilized in Souk Al Jumma, in Tripoli, over reports of some armed movements seeking to take control of the Central Bank. The situation was defused in the early morning of 15 August. On 7 August, in a very close contest — a potentially one-vote difference — the results of the vote for President of the High Council of State remained contested and voting for the seats of Vice Presidents and Rapporteur was suspended. The political contest over whether to oppose or maintain the Prime Minister and the Government of National Unity has contributed significantly to the stalemate in the High Council of State. I urge the High Council to quickly resolve the issue, as it risks further undermining its unity and legitimacy. On 13 August, some members of the House of Representatives met in Benghazi and voted to end the mandate of the Government of National Unity and the Presidential Council and to transfer the role of Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces to the Speaker of the House of Representatives. Those members also endorsed the House of Representatives- designated Government in the east as the only legitimate executive. Leaders in the west rejected those actions. In response to those and other unilateral actions, the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) re-emphasized to all political leaders and institutions the commitments and obligations that they undertook under the Libyan Political Agreement and its amendments, in line with all the relevant Security Council resolutions, particularly resolution 2702 (2023). Unilateral actions on the economic front are also causing instability. Following months of efforts to develop a unified budget with the participation of eastern, western and southern representatives, on 10 July the House of Representatives adopted a supplementary budget allocation submitted unilaterally by the House of Representatives-designated Government, which was denounced by leaders in the west. Moreover, the efforts to change the Governor of the Central Bank continued. In the past couple of days, the Presidential Council issued a decision to name a new governor and form a board of directors that has been rejected by the House of Representatives. Those efforts are driven by perceptions that the Central Bank is not acting in a transparent manner or one that is fair to both the east and the west in terms of the allocation of resources. An unrelated matter that is nevertheless important is the unilateral decision to close the Sharara oilfield, under the control of the Libyan National Army forces, causing the National Oil Corporation to declare force majeure on 7 August. In the midst of that, UNSMIL, along with Member States, has been actively working to de-escalate the situation. In my interactions with key leaders and in public statements I have urged leaders to refrain from unilateral actions that will only further exacerbate the situation, and I have urged for dialogue and a commitment to a political process to move ahead in the interests of the Libyan people. I have conveyed the same messages in my bilateral meetings with Libyan stakeholders. As a first step, UNSMIL is working to help facilitate an overall de-escalation and is proposing talks to develop a set of confidence-building measures between all parties to bring an end to unilateral actions and create an environment that is more conducive to a resumption of the political process. Among other things, such measures would be aimed at ending unilateral actions and achieving a commitment to that end, restoring confidence in the Central Bank and ensuring that moves by military and security actors are coordinated so as to prevent mobilization and fears among others. Going further, as a follow-up, the success of the next stage of the political process will require good- faith efforts by political leaders, security leaders and actors, an engaged broader public and a coordinated approach on the part of the international community in support of Libyan talks. The international community’s support for Libyan-led efforts is indispensable. I will continue to work for that by engaging the diplomatic community in Libya in coordinating messaging and in capitals abroad in preparation for convening that second phase of political talks. Last month I launched visits to some regional capitals to discuss a coordinated approach in support of Libyan and United Nations- facilitated efforts. My interlocutors expressed their commitment to supporting UNSMIL as it prepares the groundwork for launching those larger political talks. Alongside the holding of political talks and in relation to a unified Government and the holding of elections in line with current Libyan laws, UNSMIL will continue reinvigorating the economic, security and international humanitarian law and human rights working groups. Those are critical issues that need progress, alongside discussions and talks around the formation of a Government and elections. UNSMIL is also working with the Presidential Council and our African Union partners to reactivate the national reconciliation process and the holding of a conference under the auspices of the Presidential Council later this year. In that difficult context, ordinary Libyans are trying to move ahead, including with democratic, inclusive processes. We are seeing a revived engagement by political parties, trade unions, civil society, independent figures and others to coordinate and proactively advance constructive ideas for shaping the political process. The Mission is continuing its extensive engagement with Libyans, including political parties, women, youth, cultural and linguistic components, academics and others, to ensure that they have a say in the future of their country. On a very positive note, local elections are in fact moving forward. The High National Elections Commission, with the support of UNSMIL, is taking the necessary steps. Voter registration was completed for the 60 councils whose mandates expired or were due to expire by the end of 2024. Approximately 210,000 Libyans are registered to vote, and the distribution of voter cards and the registration of candidates started on 18 August. The elections are expected to take place in mid-October. Women’s turnout unfortunately remains relatively low at only 30 per cent of registered voters, and I am concerned about the possibility that women’s participation as candidates will also be low. However, the increased number of seats reserved for women in the municipal council elections is a significant step towards expanding their representation in local governance. However, more proactive measures are needed as women face many hurdles  — including intimidation, online violence and verbal attacks, among other obstacles  — discouraging them from registering as candidates. The High National Elections Commission, together with the United Nations family, is helping to promote the participation of women candidates through a variety of means. Libyan women are also advocating for the establishment of a national committee to represent women throughout Libya in order to develop a strategy supporting women’s empowerment across all sectors, and I urge the relevant authorities to facilitate that. Further to the south, extremist organizations have maintained access to Libya and a presence in the country by leveraging their connections with local and transnational organized crime. The interconnections between the growing transnational organized crime and extremist organizations in Libya are particularly concerning. Weapons have reportedly been coming into Libya in violation of the arms embargo. Regarding respect for human rights and the rule of law, UNSMIL is working with all governmental and civil society stakeholders across Libya to provide technical assistance in strengthening national capacities to advance human rights and the rule of law. In that regard, we recently enhanced our cooperation with the Libyan National Army and have reactivated capacity-building plans. I welcome the recent release of some individuals who had been arbitrarily detained in the west and east, including some children. UNSMIL is also engaging with the Libyan National Army and authorities to review cases of individuals who remain arbitrarily detained. However, the challenges are immense. Ongoing restrictions on civic space, continued arbitrary detentions  — including of women and children — abductions, forced disappearances, torture, deaths in custody and coerced confessions continue to be reported across Libya. UNSMIL will continue to call for the immediate and unconditional release of all who are arbitrarily detained and for transparent and independent investigations into such cases. Turning to humanitarian developments, on 16 August flooding occurred in south-western Libya, primarily in Ghat, displacing an estimated 5,800 people. In coordination with the Government, the United Nations country team has dispatched humanitarian supplies and will continue to do so. Since the outbreak of fighting in the Sudan in 2023, the number of Sudanese refugees in Libya as of 11 August has risen to 97,000, with most arriving in Kufra, where they face challenging conditions. Full access to refugees is essential to the ability to provide effective and increased humanitarian assistance in coordination with the local authorities. I should add that the United Nations response plan for Sudanese refugees in Libya is only 21 per cent funded. In conclusion, the status quo is not sustainable. In the absence of renewed political talks leading to a unified Government and elections, we can see where things are heading  — towards a situation of greater political and financial instability, insecurity, entrenched political and territorial divisions and greater domestic and regional instability. Libyans are frustrated with the status quo and the toll that it has taken on their daily lives. People are struggling to withdraw money from the banks and to meet their daily needs. Many are now expressing fears of a war erupting once again and of clashes between armed groups. They are also afraid for their ability to speak and share their political views in a space free from threats. Young people do not see a future, except in trying to leave. That is not acceptable. UNSMIL is now focusing its good offices on helping de-escalate tensions, preserve stability and foster confidence-building measures among key stakeholders, and on preparing for the convening of Libyan-led political talks. Advancing the political process while maintaining stability is UNSMIL’s key priority, and I count on the Council’s support in taking that forward.

I thank Ms. Koury for her briefing. I now give the floor to Ambassador Yamazaki. Mr. Yamazaki: In accordance with paragraph 24 (e) of resolution 1970 (2011), of 26 February 2011, I have the honour to report to the Security Council on the work of the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011) concerning Libya. The report covers the period from 19 June to 20 August 2024, during which time the Committee conducted its work using the silence procedure, with the aim of facilitating the implementation of the sanctions measures. With respect to the arms embargo, following additional information provided by Spain related to the exception contained in paragraph 10 of resolution 2095 (2013), the Committee is currently considering a response. Concerning the assets freeze, the Committee took no negative decisions in relation to seven notifications invoking paragraph 19 (a) of resolution 1970 (2011), six of which were submitted by Bahrain and one by the United Kingdom. The Committee responded to a letter from Oman on an assets-freeze-related matter. The Committee is also currently considering a notification from Bahrain invoking paragraph 21 of resolution 1970 (2011). In connection with the informal consultations that the Committee held in early June to consider the interim report of the Panel of Experts, two matters were currently under consideration by the Committee. With regard to the sanctions list, the Committee received a communication from a focal point for delisting established pursuant to resolution 1730 (2006) in connection with a delisting request. The review process is still ongoing. In conclusion, I would like to reiterate the Committee’s commitment to contributing to the promotion of peace and stability in Libya.

I thank Ambassador Yamazaki for his briefing. I shall now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements.

I thank Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary-General Koury and Ambassador Yamazaki for their briefings today. I also welcome the participation of the Permanent Representative of Libya in our meeting. Libyans deserve stability and prosperity but, disappointingly, a political settlement to enable that remains distant. Clashes over the last few months in Ras Jedir, Tripoli, Zawiya and the Ghadames basin, as well as the oilfield shutdowns in Sharara, demonstrate the fragility of the current situation. Let me make three points this morning. First, we note the political initiatives taking place outside of United Nations auspices, including the recent meeting of members of the House of Representatives and the High Council of State. We welcome all efforts to foster political dialogue; but if they are to be effective, they should be inclusive and should recognize the central role of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL), as mandated by the Council. Secondly, we share the growing concern expressed by the Panel of Experts of the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011) concerning Libya about increasing violations and abuses of human rights, including the recently reported unlawful arrests and mistreatment of journalists. There is also a continued lack of protection of women, restricting their ability to participate in all aspects of Libya’s civil, social and political space. Libya can prosper only when its citizens enjoy universal rights and its leaders and institutions uphold the rule of law. Thirdly, we note with regret the continued ineffectiveness of the arms embargo. The Panel of Experts continues to highlight flagrant malign breaches, including the provision of military support and including by Security Council members. The United Kingdom remains steadfast in support of UNSMIL, and the Secretary-General has our full support in his efforts to appoint a new Special Representative as soon as possible. We continue to call on all Libya’s leaders to engage in the political process in the spirit of compromise. And we call on members of the Council and others in the international community to work with increased focus and vigour on a shared vision for a stable, peaceful and secure Libya. That is in the interests not only of the Libyan people, but of the wider region.

I am honoured to deliver this statement on behalf of the three African members of the Security Council plus (A3+), namely, Algeria, Mozambique, Sierra Leone and my own country, Guyana. At the outset, the A3+ expresses its sincere gratitude to Ms. Stephanie Koury for her briefing. We also wish to thank Ambassador Yamazaki for his briefing on the work of the Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011), and to recognize the presence of the Permanent Representative of Libya in today’s meeting. The Council adopted resolution 1970 (2011) with the objective of setting Libya on a path to peace and stability. However, the situation in the country has increasingly worsened, demanding the Council’s continued attention and action. While the Council is committed to contributing to consolidating democracy and establishing a stable and prosperous Libyan State, those who benefit from the current status quo have continued to undermine the political process. In that context, the A3+ calls for a renewed focus on the political track to facilitate a meaningful Libyan-led and Libyan-owned national dialogue among the country’s major political stakeholders. We strongly encourage further steps forward in that regard to foster a clear path towards political normalcy. The A3+ expresses its deep concern regarding the recent unilateral actions taken by members of the House of Representatives, which violate the Libyan Political Agreement and the relevant Security Council resolutions. Such acts serve to increase tension and undermine trust among Libyans. The A3+ reminds all political leaders of their commitments and obligations under the Libyan Political Agreement and all relevant Security Council resolutions, particularly resolution 2702 (2023). We underscore the importance of ensuring optimal preparation for national elections while maintaining the ceasefire agreement and working to promote political dialogue between the parties. In that regard, the A3+ believes that the Council and the international community should refocus their attention on safeguarding all efforts to convene national elections. We also stress the importance of coordinating with the mandated United Nations process to facilitate meaningful dialogue that will lead to practical and implementable solutions. The A3+ stresses that convergence on the draft electoral laws must be central to any talks, and it regrets that progress made remains slow toward resolving the contested issues surrounding those laws. That underscores the urgent need to appoint a Special Representative of the Secretary-General who can act as a conduit for future negotiations and break the political deadlock. The A3+ reaffirms its steadfast support for the leadership of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) and calls for the strengthening of UNSMIL’s mandate to navigate Libya’s complex political landscape and confront challenges to its peace and stability. We are also concerned about the lack of participation by Libyan women in shaping the future of their country. There are no women in the Libyan 5+5 Joint Military Commission on Security Arrangements, or the Libyan 6+6 joint committee for preparing electoral laws. Moreover, women’s representation has been low at every level, even though resolution 2702 (2023) urged Libyan institutions and authorities to ensure the full, equal, effective, meaningful and safe participation of women at all levels. In fact, commitments to women’s representation quotas in Libya have shrunk from 30 per cent to 25 per cent, and now to a shocking 6 per cent. In that context, the A3+ reiterates its call on all Libyan stakeholders to support the full, equal, safe, meaningful, and effective participation of women and youth in the UNSMIL mediation efforts. Their participation in the process is also crucial for durable peace. We are also encouraged by UNSMIL’s work through the YouEngage strategy, particularly its recent work with youth to address the impacts of climate change in Libya and promote youth participation in climate action. The A3+ continues to be concerned about the ongoing security challenges in Libya. While we are heartened that the 2020 ceasefire agreement still holds, we regret that the overall security situation remains volatile. The A3+ is alarmed by and unequivocally condemns the killing of a child in southern Tripoli and the killing of innocent civilians in other parts of Tripoli due to clashes between armed groups. We share UNSMIL’s concern regarding the recent mobilization of forces in various parts of Libya, particularly in the southern and western regions, and the possibility of confrontations. We urge all parties to exercise maximum restraint and avoid any provocative actions that could jeopardize Libya’s fragile stability, the safety of its people and the critical 2020 ceasefire agreement. We also condemn threats, attacks and the killing of women who are participating in public life, including women human rights defenders, and we urge UNSMIL to prioritize all activities related to the protection and promotion of human rights, including stronger coordination in cases of reprisals against women human rights defenders. We also call on the Libyan authorities, particularly the 5+5 Joint Military Commission, to prevent those attacks against civilians and to remind those instigating the clashes of their obligation under international humanitarian law to protect civilians during armed conflict. The impact of the conflict in the Sudan on the achievement of lasting peace and security in the region is apparent and of grave concern to the A3+. That impact demonstrates that those conflicts are intertwined, emphasizing the urgent need for a coordinated effort to prevent further escalation. In addition, the prolongation of the Libyan crisis is linked to some external actors that have significantly contributed to Libya’s instability by funnelling money and weapons to various proxies, placing their narrow interests above the well-being of the Libyan population. The A3+ once again calls for the urgent, immediate and unconditional withdrawal of all foreign forces, fighters and mercenaries from Libya to foster an environment that is conducive to complementarity along both tracks. We therefore urge all parties and stakeholders to respect the Libyan arms embargo in order to prevent a further conflagration in a region already gripped by high levels of conflict. The A3+ calls for the rigorous and transparent enforcement of the arms embargo and supports all efforts in that regard. We believe that those efforts are crucial to de-escalating tensions, protecting civilians and creating an environment conducive to a political solution in Libya. On the humanitarian track, the A3+ acknowledges the report recently issued by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights on the human rights concerns and other challenges faced by migrants and refugees in Libya. The report highlights the need for concrete international cooperation to address the urgent human rights, humanitarian and protection issues facing migrants in Libya in order to ensure their safety and dignity. Furthermore, the A3+ appreciates the convening of the Trans-Mediterranean Migration Forum in Tripoli. The Forum was convened to promote a human rights-based approach to migration governance in the region. We are alarmed that more than 96,000 Sudanese refugees have arrived in Libya since the conflict in the Sudan began in April 2023. In that regard, the A3+ reiterates the importance of facilitating full, equal and safe access to humanitarian aid for refugees. In conclusion, while acknowledging that Libya is at a crossroads, we look forward to the convening of the country’s national reconciliation conference, which can help to mend the divisions within Libyan society and direct the path to national unity. Libya deserves no less.

I wish to thank the Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary- General and Officer-in-Charge of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL), Ms. Koury, and the Chair of the 1970 Sanctions Committee, Ambassador Yamazaki, for their updates. I also welcome the Ambassador of Libya to this briefing. I start today by expressing Slovenia’s concern about the latest security developments on the ground in Libya. First, we condemn the clashes witnessed in recent days in densely populated areas of Tripoli, including the use of heavy projectiles, which have reportedly resulted in civilian casualties and displacement. As tensions are high, we urge all actors to exercise maximum restraint and to respect international humanitarian law and international human rights law. All efforts towards de-escalation are welcome and should be encouraged. Secondly, the military mobilization and movements in the south-west of the country are a matter of deep concern. Such moves risk escalating confrontation and violence. The ceasefire agreement of October 2020 should be preserved and fully implemented, and coordination between military and security actors, in the east and the west, should be enhanced towards unification. The withdrawal of all foreign forces, foreign fighters and mercenaries from Libyan territory is also key. The deteriorating security environment threatens to exacerbate the precarious position of many people in Libya who are in need. Nearly 100,000 refugees from the Sudan find themselves in the country. Many more are expected. In addition, thousands of Libyans are now being displaced due to extreme flooding. Peace and stability are required to support an effective and long- term humanitarian and development response. The fragile security situation did clearly not come about in a vacuum. It is driven, in part or largely, by the political stalemate, which has become so entrenched in Libya. Unilateral actions taken by Libyan political actors and institutions are unhelpful and fly in the face of the will of the Libyan people, more than 2 million of whom have registered to vote in the long-overdue national elections. That political stalemate only further empowers armed actors, deepens divisions and denies the Libyans their legitimate democratic rights. We call for dialogue and compromise among all Libyan actors and fully support United Nations efforts to facilitate an inclusive Libyan-led and -owned political process to arrive at presidential and parliamentary elections. It is critical that all efforts on the political front be consolidated and coordinated. We urge Libyan actors to engage with the United Nations process in good faith and without preconditions. We furthermore stress the need for the country’s institutions and economic affairs to be shielded from political interference. A political transition and national reconciliation in Libya will be successful only if women are empowered to participate fully, equally, meaningfully and safely in all processes related to the future of their country. That is especially relevant in the context of the upcoming municipal elections. The Libyan authorities should do everything in their power to deliver those elections and encourage and enable women to take part both as voters and as candidates. We welcome the work undertaken by UNSMIL in training young women, as well as engaging with a diverse range of Libyan civil society. We reiterate that civic space should be expanded and protected in Libya, not restricted; it is an integral part of the fabric of any thriving society and State. The unlawful deprivation of liberty across Libya, including of political activists and journalists, is therefore particularly alarming, and we call for it to cease. In conclusion, we look forward to the appointment of a successor to the role of Special Representative in due course, and we offer our full support to Deputy Koury in the interim as she works to move an inclusive political process forward.

I thank Deputy Special Representative Koury and the Chair of the Libya Sanctions Committee, established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011), Ambassador Kazuyuki Yamazaki, for their briefings. I welcome the presence of the Permanent Representative of Libya at today’s meeting. In connection with the report (S/2024/598) of the Secretary-General and the latest developments, I wish to emphasize the following points. First, with regard to promoting political dialogue and national reconciliation, members of Libya’s House of Representatives and the High Council of State recently held a meeting in Cairo to discuss key issues such as the election law and the formation of a unified Government. Meanwhile, various parties in Libya still have differences on issues such as elections, administrative power and the national budget. China hopes that all parties in Libya will prioritize the interests of the country and its people, enhance dialogue and consultation, break the political deadlock and create favourable conditions for a political solution to the Libyan issue. China welcomes the recent announcement by the Republic of the Congo that a national reconciliation conference will be held in Libya in mid-October. That is an important measure to promote dialogue and communication, rebuild trust and enhance unity. We hope that all parties in Libya will take that opportunity to advance the reconciliation process and give new impetus to the political transition. Secondly, on maintaining stability and security, the Libyan issue has dragged on for more than a decade. It is the common desire of the people to achieve lasting peace as soon as possible. Armed conflict recently broke out in Tajoura, while violent incidents have occurred in Tripoli, Zawijah and other places. Military build- up and mobilization in Libya have drawn the attention of all. China calls on all parties in Libya to exercise restraint, strengthen communication, build trust and resolve doubts and suspicions under the framework of the 5+5 Joint Military Commission, effectively maintain the ceasefire and avoid military friction and confrontation. The Secretary-General’s report points out that Libya has become ground for rivalry among regional and international actors. The international community should provide more constructive support for Libya to achieve peace, stability and development. External interference or imposing solutions should be stopped. Foreign armed forces and mercenaries should withdraw from Libya as soon as possible in a stable and orderly manner. Thirdly, on developing the economy and improving people’s livelihoods, Libya’s oil production has recently stabilized, and the Central Bank has taken effective measures to stabilize the exchange rate. Those efforts deserve full recognition. China expects all parties in Libya to resolve economic and financial disputes through dialogue and consultation, so as to better restore and stabilize the economy. The conflict in Sudan has caused the inflow of nearly 100,000 refugees into Libya, with severe challenges and pressure to such local public services as medical and health care. The international community should increase its support for Libya in economic development, refugee and immigrant management and reconstruction after the flooding disaster and effectively alleviate the humanitarian pressure. Libya’s frozen assets are the shared wealth of the Libyan people. Resolution 2701 (2023) should be implemented. The countries concerned should take effective measures to preserve the frozen assets. The Sanctions Committee Panel of Experts should put forward practical and effective suggestions in that regard to address Libya’s reasonable concerns and help Libya in its national reconstruction and development efforts. The United Nations Support Mission in Libya has done a great deal with regard to good offices and promoting a ceasefire. All of that deserves our recognition. We hope that the Mission will continue to follow the principle of Libyan-led and Libyan-owned solutions and make more efforts to promote dialogue for peace in order to advance the political transition and achieve lasting peace in Libya.

I extend my gratitude to Ms. Koury and Ambassador Yamazaki for their comprehensive briefings. I welcome the participation of the Permanent Representative of Libya at this meeting. Today my delegation would like to make the following points concerning recent developments in Libya. First, we are deeply concerned that mistrust and feuds are growing among the main actors in Libya following a series of unilateral actions from each side. Deepening division among political actors and institutions not only significantly undermines the political process towards holding national elections, but it also threatens to plunge the Libyan people into further chaos and violence. In that regard, we note with concern the recent mobilization of forces in various parts of Libya, particularly in the southern and western regions close to Tunisia and Algeria. In addition, the recent shutdown by a militia of the Sharara oil field, which used to produce 40 per cent of the nationally produced oil, highlights the economic risks originating from the fragility of the security situation and the lack of national governance in Libya. We urge all Libyan leaders in both the West and the East to faithfully engage with each other and prioritize the interests of the Libyan people above their narrow, vested interests. We note the July meeting in Cairo between some members of the House of Representatives and the High Council of State. That should lead to broader consensus on the political process road map. Secondly, despite a series of negative developments, we are encouraged by the successful completion of the voter registration process for the local elections in 60 municipalities across Libya. We commend the eastern authorities for their cooperation in that process. In that regard, it is particularly important to protect Libyan women from harassment and gender-based violence and enhance their participation in all stages of political processes. Thirdly, we note with particular concern the Secretary-General’s observation that Libya has become a ground for rivalry among foreign countries motivated by geopolitical and economic interests. External influence on individual domestic actors will likely deepen and prolong division among Libyans. The international community should unite to advance the United Nations-facilitated political process. We expect the Secretary-General to swiftly appoint a capable Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Libya who will lead the United Nations mediation efforts. In that context, my delegation is deeply concerned that the arms embargo in Libya remains totally ineffective. Violations of the arms embargo not only destabilize Libya’s domestic security but also make Libya the main hub for illegal arms flows into the African continent, bolstering terrorism in the wider region. We strongly urge Libyan and foreign parties to fully comply with the Security Council arms embargo. Fourthly, the international community should intensify its efforts to address the dire conditions facing migrants from the entirety of Africa trying to cross the Mediterranean Sea and refugees from neighbouring countries. I welcome the recent release of the response plan for Sudanese refugees in Libya by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and appreciate the recent United Nations agencies’ joint field visit to Kufra, which hosts thousands of refugees from the Sudan. Amid the surge of migrants and refugees in Libya, totalling more than 700,000 as of now, the criminal networks continue to profit from smuggling and human trafficking. International cooperation must be stepped up to combat those crimes, including through coordination among the law enforcement agencies of concerned countries and the activities of Operation IRINI in the Mediterranean Sea. In conclusion, let me reiterate our call on Libyan political actors and international actors to make concerted efforts to achieve what is the most urgent and imperative for the improvement of the Libyan situation: that is, holding free, fair and inclusive presidential and parliamentary elections as quickly as possible.

I would like to thank Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Officer-in-Charge of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL), Ms. Stephanie Koury, and Ambassador Yamazaki for their briefings. I welcome the participation of the representative of Libya in this meeting. The focus of the presidency on the women and peace and security agenda at today’s meeting is welcome. As Ms. Elham Saudi, Director of Lawyers for Justice in Libya, said in 2022 (see S/PV.8952), the aspirations of Libyans have remained the same for over a decade: a desire for peace, a determination to achieve lasting reconciliation and a constitution that protects human rights — natural and simple aspirations. I would like to emphasize three points today. First, Switzerland is following with concern the political, security and military developments of recent weeks in Libya. We have just heard the Special Representative’s disturbing description. We therefore urge all parties to show restraint in order to avoid an escalation that would have disastrous consequences for Libya and the region, including for the lives of women and girls. On the political, economic and financial front, we call on the main stakeholders to engage in dialogue and seek compromise. While that is a complex task, we fully support UNSMIL in working with all parties to the conflict to address the current challenges, and we also encourage the rapid appointment of a Special Representative. We call on all members of the international community to consistently support the Mission. On the security front, we echo the calls deploring the use of heavy projectiles and rockets by combatant groups in densely populated areas, and we remind all parties of their obligation to protect civilians at all times. Actions likely to increase tensions, undermine confidence and further entrench institutional divisions and discord among Libyans must cease. Secondly, Switzerland remains convinced that the holding of free, transparent and inclusive elections is crucial. An elected government and unified institutions are prerequisites for the consolidation of stability and economic growth. We recall that a successful electoral process must guarantee the participation of women at both the municipal and national levels. And we deplore the fact that civic space continues to be restricted by both repressive laws and decrees. In that respect, we are particularly concerned by the targeting of politically active women in Libya. They are too often silenced by harassment, online and offline hate campaigns and arbitrary detention. That is why Switzerland is contributing to the development of Libya’s justice sector, including in the area of sexual and gender- based violence. Thirdly, on the humanitarian front, recent developments give cause for concern. The humanitarian situation in Libya is already fragile, and it is further complicated by the deteriorating security situation in the Sudan. In that respect, the Sudanese refugees in southern Libya face many challenges. Women, in particular, face a dire situation. The reports of human trafficking, exploitation and sexual violence are increasingly worrisome. We are also concerned about the humanitarian impact of natural disasters in south- western Libya. In particular, humanitarian access is essential for the 5,800 people who have been displaced in the towns of Ghat and Tahala after heavy rains resulted in flooding. As the parties to the conflict struggle for power, civilians are bearing the brunt of the consequences. There is still a long way to go to achieve peace, reconciliation and the protection of human rights. Switzerland, alongside its partners such as the United Nations and civil society, will continue its efforts in Libya to achieve that goal.

I would like to thank the Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Ms. Stephanie Koury, and Ambassador Yamazaki for their briefings. I would like to emphasize four points. First, the security situation in Libya continues to be of concern. France reiterates the need to fully respect the October 2020 ceasefire agreement, and it calls on all parties to refrain from raising concerns with regard to that agreement. As Libya has just celebrated the eighty-fourth anniversary of the establishment of the Libyan army, France calls on all Libyan stakeholders to work to unify the country’s armed forces. That process is essential for Libya to regain its sovereignty and stability, free from foreign influence. France remains committed to making progress in that direction, with the support of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) and within the framework of the Security Working Group. France regrets the security tensions in the country, which are undermining its stability and threatening the safety of its inhabitants. Secondly, France encourages the resumption of a political process, which is the only way to put an end to the cycle of tensions between armed groups. We call on Libyans to work to that end. That process must lead to the formation of a new unified government and the holding of presidential and legislative elections without further delay, in accordance with the desires of the Libyan people. In order to break the country’s deadlock, France calls on the Libyan stakeholders to respect their commitments and engage in dialogue. France supports all Libyan initiatives with that objective. We welcome the meeting held in Cairo on 18 July between members of the House of Representatives and the High Council of State, and we call for continued efforts in that direction. Following the elections for the President of the High Council of State, France urges all parties to act responsibly to preserve the integrity and unity of that institution. Thirdly, UNSMIL’s mediation is vital if Libya is to regain its unity, sovereignty and stability. France reaffirms its full support for the efforts of the United Nations and for the Secretary-General’s good offices mission. We welcome the many exchanges that Ms. Stephanie Koury has had with Libyan actors and regional partners. We hope that a Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Libya will soon be appointed, and we call on Council members to give the Secretary-General their full support in that regard. The current transitional period must be an opportunity for in-depth reflection on UNSMIL’s strategic objectives, so that the Mission can best fulfil its role of facilitating inter-Libyan dialogue and support the security process leading to the reunification of the Libyan armed forces. Fourthly, and the last point, France remains concerned about the shrinking of civic space in Libya and the violations of human rights, first and foremost the arbitrary detentions and enforced disappearances. We call on the Libyan authorities to combat impunity and guarantee respect for the rule of law. We also reiterate our call for every effort to be made to ensure that voters are able to freely express their will in the forthcoming municipal elections, which will be an important milestone in the country’s democratic life.

I thank Officer-in-Charge Koury for her briefing and for her leadership of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL). I also wish to thank Ambassador Yamazaki for his work as Chair of the Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011) concerning Libya. And I welcome the Libyan Ambassador to this meeting. We echo the Secretary-General’s deep concern in his most recent report (S/2024/598) about the political stalemate and risk of further political division sowing the seeds of possible conflict in Libya. Recent unilateral political actions are not conducive to the dialogue required for a peaceful compromise that can reunify the country. Rather, it is imperative that the parties negotiate their differences in the interest of national unity. We call for redoubled efforts towards that end. Specifically, we reiterate our calls for all actors within and outside Libya to support the Secretary-General’s efforts, in line with resolution 2702 (2023), to define a credible road map towards free and fair national elections. Those, in turn, should lead to a representative and accountable government, which the Libyan people need and deserve. Rising instability along Libya’s southern borders is a reminder of the importance of supporting the reunification of Libyan military and security institutions. Progress towards military unification would reaffirm Libyan sovereignty and help prevent Libya from becoming enmeshed in regional conflict. We call on all Member States to adhere to Security Council resolutions calling for full respect for the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and national unity of Libya. On the economic front, we are deeply concerned by the dispute over the Central Bank of Libya. Unilateral attempts to replace the Governor of the Central Bank of Libya risk endangering Libya’s standing in global financial markets. We urge all sides to de-escalate and return to the negotiating table to reach a compromise and institute reforms to strengthen the functioning of the Central Bank to ensure an equitable and transparent distribution of Libya’s resources. We are concerned about the periodic shutdowns of the Sharara oil field, which are threatening the economic lifelines of the Libyan people. Regarding sanctions, we appreciate Ambassador Yamazaki’s briefing and note with particular concern recent reports of Russian Federation naval vessels unloading military materiel and personnel in Libya. Whether that hardware is intended to fuel the resumption of conflict in Libya or it will be shipped and fuel conflict elsewhere in Africa, the impact will be destabilizing both to Libya and the rest of the region. It is vital that Member States provide full transparency to the Committee and honour the arms embargo notification and approval requirements. We also share the Panel of Expert’s concern about fuel smuggling in Libya, which benefits corrupt actors and diverts resources away from the Libyan people. We encourage the Panel of Experts to continue reporting on the implementation of United Nations sanctions, including through its reporting on violations of the sanctions measures and the activities of sanctioned individuals that obstruct and undermine the political transition in Libya. We call on the Security Council to remain committed to using sanctions to deter threats to peace and stability in Libya. We welcome the Panel of Experts’ identification of individuals and entities involved in embargo and other violations of United Nations-mandated sanctions.

I thank Deputy Special Representative Koury and the Chair of the Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011) concerning Libya for their briefings. I also welcome the Permanent Representative of Libya to this meeting. Malta notes the continued political paralysis in Libya. A Libyan-led and Libyan-owned political process remains the only avenue through which we can see Libya prosper. The mediation role of the United Nations in any political process is crucial. We underline our continued support to the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) and welcome the Mission’s continued engagement with the main domestic actors and regional stakeholders. We anticipate that such action will provide fertile ground for overcoming the political impasse. We note the initiatives — both by domestic actors and regional neighbours  — seeking to address that impasse. While we welcome any well-intentioned measure seeking to support the political process, it is fundamental that any proposal be inclusive, driven by good-faith and complementary to the United Nations role and efforts. On that note, we look forward to the appointment of a new Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Libya and Head of UNSMIL with a view to working towards addressing the current situation in Libya. The continued political intransigence continues to negatively affect Libya’s security and socioeconomic situation. In the past weeks we have witnessed the mobilization of forces in various parts of Libya, including inside and around Tripoli, and armed clashes in Tajoura, which reportedly led to civilian casualties. All parties must comply with their obligations under international humanitarian law. That includes the obligation to protect civilians, including in the use of explosive weapons in populated areas. We condemn all actions that result in the loss of any innocent civilian life. All actors need to exercise restraint and avoid provocative military actions. Those developments reflect the complex security situation, which urgently requires a unified military and security apparatus. The continued presence of foreign fighters, foreign forces and mercenaries and the proliferation of weapons under the control of various State and non-State actors are additional destabilizing factors. Measures seeking to fully implement the Libyan arms embargo, including Operation IRINI, require our full support. Full compliance with the broader 1970 sanctions framework remains equally essential. We believe that the assets freeze is meant to exist for the benefit of Libya and its people and that Libyan funds held abroad must continue to be safeguarded and declared for eventual repatriation. From the regional perspective, we stress that Libya’s territory should not be utilized for competition among actors. Such approaches only move us further away from progress. Women’s participation shapes a country’s future. The restrictions on women’s political engagement and the limited representation of women in national structures is deeply regrettable and incompatible with Libya’s political road map. Women’s rights, gender equality and women’s empowerment reflect universal values. Malta supports the need for affirmative actions to ensure the full, equal, meaningful and safe participation of women in political processes, including as voters, candidates, observers and elected officials. Guided by equality and inclusiveness, we condemn the reprisals, discrimination and attacks against elected women in politics, including hate speech and sexualized harassment, both online and in person. From a socioeconomic perspective, we call for the lifting of any restrictions against women’s freedom of movement and right to work. We also underline the need to provide a safe working environment for women human rights defenders and civil society organizations. We are concerned that economic policy and decision-making continue to be politicized. A technical and practical approach to public spending, socioeconomic development and reconstruction, grounded in equity, transparency and accountability, is needed to stabilize Libya and its economy. I conclude by reiterating the right of the Libyan people to choose their own leadership and to do so by ensuring and safeguarding the central role of Libyan women in the process of determining the future of their country. That is the only way to realize the population’s aspirations for peace, stability, prosperity and democracy.

I thank Ms. Koury for her insightful briefing. I also welcome the Permanent Representative of Libya to this meeting. Today I would like to mention five points. First, Japan remains deeply concerned about the prolonged political stalemate in Libya. National elections are a prerequisite to restore the legitimacy of State institutions. Japan notes with concern that the report of the Secretary-General (S/2024/598) clearly mentions that there was no progress towards resolving the contested issues in the electoral laws and again urges all Libyan stakeholders to place the people’s aspirations above their own interests. Secondly, Libya needs a fair and transparent distribution of its revenue rather than political and armed groups competing for control of its resources. Japan is concerned that security risks remain present, as illustrated by the current structural-political division in Libya. Japan reiterates the need for dialogue and confidence-building among the parties that could lead to progress in the political process. Japan also encourages the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) to continue its support for the 5+5 Joint Military Commission to uphold the ceasefire agreement, including the withdrawal of foreign forces, foreign fighters and mercenaries, and facilitate dialogue to establish unified, accountable and professional military and security institutions. Thirdly, the humanitarian situation for migrants and refugees entering and transiting through Libya is of great concern. Human rights violations against those in official and unofficial detention facilities continue to be reported. The intensified conflict in the Sudan has added more than 20,000 refugees inside Libya’s borders. While the humanitarian response provided by United Nations agencies and local authorities is commendable, the international community should shed more light on those people in vulnerable situations. Fourthly, Japan is alarmed by the reports of systematic violations of international human rights law and excessive restrictions on civil society, women, youth, journalists, human rights defenders and others. Regarding women’s rights and political participation, Japan aligns itself with the statement of shared commitments on women and peace and security, which was read out this morning at the stakeout outside this Chamber. Finally, as Libya’s difficult situation continues to require international support through the United Nations, Japan fully supports UNSMIL and the leadership of Ms. Koury. Japan also calls for the swift appointment of a new Special Representative of the Secretary-General to lead the Mission, building upon Ms. Koury’s ongoing work to revitalize a Libyan- led and Libyan-owned political transition process by fostering consensus and streamlining efforts. In conclusion, I reiterate Japan’s full commitment to the Libyan people and to peace and prosperity in Libya and the region.

I thank Deputy Special Representative Koury for her briefing and her work in preparing the report of the Secretary-General (S/2024/598). I also thank Ambassador Yamazaki for his work as Chair of the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011) concerning Libya. I acknowledge the participation of the Permanent Representative of Libya in this meeting. The stalemate in the Libyan political process continues to delay progress on the only possible path to a democratic future for the country, namely, the holding of free, inclusive and transparent presidential and parliamentary elections. Political leaders must reach agreements that make it possible to meet the aspirations for peace, progress and democracy of the Libyan people and refrain from unilateral actions that increase tensions or undermine the spaces for dialogue. The persistence of de facto divisions and the existence of parallel institutions undermine security and economic stability, as well as Libya’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, in an increasingly complex regional context. In recent months, armed clashes have been reported in several regions of the country. The most recent took place in Tajoura’, where heavy weaponry was allegedly used in densely populated areas. Ecuador welcomes and supports the efforts of the 5+5 Joint Military Commission to implement the 2020 ceasefire agreement. Those clashes underscore the need to unify the military and security apparatus in Libya, by establishing legitimate and accountable institutions as one of the pillars to move towards national unity and reconciliation. In that context, the meeting of members of the House of Representatives and the High Council of State, held in Cairo on 18 July, which sought to facilitate a Libyan-led and Libyan-owned political process, must be translated into concrete actions. The holding of local elections is an important step to ensure the provision of services to the population and to restore legitimacy to a sector of Libyan institutions. It is essential that the High National Elections Commission guarantee the full, meaningful and safe participation of women, minorities and youth in that process. Furthermore, my delegation urges the Libyan authorities to adhere to the recommendations in the report of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights on technical assistance and capacity-building to improve human rights in Libya (A/HRC/56/70), in particular with regard to the protection and promotion of the rights of women and civil society actors, as well as preventing and punishing violations committed against migrants. Finally, Ecuador reiterates its support for the United Nations Support Mission in Libya and encourages Libyan leaders to cooperate with it in good faith. It also highlights the role played by Deputy Special Representative Koury and trusts that the appointment of the new Special Representative by the Secretary-General will contribute to resuming the mediation process.

We would like to thank the Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Political Affairs for Libya and Officer-in-Charge of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL), Ms. Stephanie Koury, and the Permanent Representative of Japan, Mr. Kazuyuki Yamazaki, for their briefings. The Libyan political process remains at an impasse. So far, we have not seen any prospect of tangible progress on the constitutional track in the negotiations between the House of Representatives and the High Council of State. Under the current conditions, the status quo is tantamount to a stagnation of the political process, continued political crisis and ongoing division for an indefinite period of time. That will inevitably be followed by further deterioration in the security and economic situations and by a general decline in the standard of living of ordinary Libyans. The situation is about to become critical and is unlikely to change unless the international community works closely with the Libyan parties. It is crucial to ensure an inclusive Libyan-led and Libyan-owned political process involving all respected political forces in the country with a view to reaching mutually accepted solutions for electoral issues. Representatives of the former Government should also be involved in that process. The plans for the future of Libya should be long-term in nature and should be centred on the well-being of the Libyan people as a whole, rather than being limited to focusing on the interests of a certain group or actor. We must also avoid artificial deadlines and externally imposed formulas. Russia aligns with the international consensus on the central role that should be played by the United Nations in the Libyan settlement process. We would like to underscore our genuine support for the key element of that configuration  — the United Nations Mission in Libya. At the same time, we welcome the positive contribution of parallel initiatives proposed by other countries in the region. Given that the United Nations mediation is stalled, their determination to contribute to the search for a solution to the situation in Libya is understandable. We hope that the collective efforts will eventually bridge the gulf of mistrust that has emerged among the Libyan actors in the years since NATO’s 2011 aggression. We are convinced that, at this stage, any steps to restore the former Jamahiriya’s unity should be welcomed. The ongoing internal crisis and division in Libya make the security situation on the ground very fragile and uncertain, and we have seen that on many occasions in recent months. The fact that the main challenge for Libya — the issue of consolidating political power — is still unresolved contributes to the emergence of new points of tension and new actors, because they are desperate and do not think that a solution that would be in the interest of all will soon appear. With regard to the issue of ending the foreign military presence in the country, we have consistently advocated the need for a synchronized, balanced, gradual and step-by-step withdrawal of all non-Libyan armed groups and military units without exception, in the course of which, the balance of power must not be upset. We were most concerned about the current practice of encroaching on Libyan assets, which have been frozen under the sanctions regime by unscrupulous — as we have seen many times — Western banks and financial institutions. We cannot turn a blind eye to the fact that sometimes national Governments follow their lead in order to give their nationals a chance to make some income. Let us not forget that it was Western countries that destroyed the sovereign developing Libya by ignoring Security Council decisions. As we know, in 2011, the Libyan State was destroyed, and the Security Council levied sanctions against the country. The Belgian fund Euroclear is still holding approximately €15 billion that belong to the Libyan Investment Authority. As recently became clear, thanks to a journalistic investigation, for six years, allegedly by mistake, Belgian bankers pretended that they did not know that they had to freeze the interest earnings generated by that capital. Moreover, those earnings were quietly written off the accounts and disappeared. As far as we can tell, the amount in question is approximately €2.8 billion. That money was simply stolen from the Libyan people. The Libyan Investment Authority leadership intends to seek justice in courts, and we sincerely hope that it will succeed, despite the fact that stealing assets has recently become a common practice for Western States. As a reminder, those funds were blocked not to punish anyone, but to safeguard them. That is what we believe to be the main goal of the Council  — to safeguard the Libyan funds in the current, turbulent stage so that in the future they can be used for the benefit of the Libyan people, as stated in the relevant Security Council documents. In conclusion, I would like to emphasize that, given the critical role that UNSMIL is to play in the Libyan settlement, all the problems that we have mentioned today will only worsen until we appoint a new Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Libya and Head of UNSMIL. In that regard, we need a consequential figure with authority who is both respected by Libyan parties and equidistant from them. We need a person who will not try to promote his or her own agenda in the country but, rather, will be able to develop the necessary respectful dialogue with all international actors concerned. Only under those conditions will the new Special Representative be able to effectively support the national dialogue. It is also essential that this person’s initiatives be trusted by the Libyans. We call on the Secretary-General to step up efforts to find a worthy candidate who will meet those criteria and have the support of all members of the Security Council. We hope that the transition period will not take too long. We hope Ms. Koury will go through that process with distinction. And we would like to reiterate our commitment to working very closely with UNSMIL staff in New York and in Tripoli. I would also like to respond to those who today tried to speculate about potential violations by my country of the sanctions regime against Libya. We recall here that the traditionally friendly Russian-Libyan cooperation is carried out with due regard for all international obligations and in compliance with the provisions of relevant Security Council resolutions. We will not let anyone use the internal divisions in Libya to sow discord between Russia and our partners. Instead of those well- worn fabrications, it would be much more interesting to hear from our United States colleague clarifications about the activities of the private military company Amentum in Libya. There is some information in that regard on the company’s website, which indicates that the company is also operating in Somalia and Benin. According to Libyan journalists, Amentum has recently increased its activities in Tripoli. That is indeed a topic for the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011) concerning Libya to consider, but our United States colleagues, who consider themselves masters of the world, are unlikely to allow experts to investigate that issue.

I now give the floor to the representative of Libya.

At the outset, I would like to thank Ms. Stephanie Koury for her briefing and the Permanent Representative of Japan, Chair of the Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011), concerning Libya. I do not know where to begin my statement today, especially after I listened to Council members’ statements, most of which were filled with expressions of concern, condemnation and appeals. I did not hear any practical solutions mentioned. For a while, I did not even know if anyone mentioned Chapter VII or who is responsible for maintaining international peace and security. Today’s briefings were difficult and complex and come at a critical time for my country. I listened to the various statements and the briefing delivered by Ms. Koury. The common denominator among them were many pieces of advice and guidelines and a recognition of the gridlock in which Libya finds itself and of the increasing frequency of crises, conflicts and tensions. Those are factors that could come as a surprise to some, but in fact were expected. On several occasions, we sounded the alarm with regard to the situation that has arisen as a result of the vacuum, the political deadlock and the absence of a solution on the horizon. That has led us to a vicious cycle in which the Libyan people are afraid of what is to come, owing to the spectre of armed conflict that is looming over them once again; and the stability that was achieved, albeit relative, may collapse at any moment. Those who stand to lose the most are the Libyan people, and the consequences will affect the entire region. What is the Security Council’s plan to support Libya? What is the position of the Council with regard to Libya’s situation? How long will we continue to hear briefings that are simply news bulletins of what is happening in my country? Despite the current stalemate and gridlock in Libya and the fact that the country is under Chapter VII measures and has been for years, the Council has yet to take practical steps so that the country can overcome the prolonged deadlock. Most notably, it has failed to hold accountable obstructors, whether individuals or States; and the extent of foreign interference has only increased and has become clear to everyone. Despite the fact that Security Council resolutions and statements call on the United Nations to play an active and effective mediating role in settling the conflict in Libya, to date the United Nations has not even been able to reach an agreement with regard to the appointment of a new Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Libya, and the post has been vacant for four months. Before that, there was a stalemate for months. All of this has further complicated the current situation and paved the way for many initiatives — some of which are honest, practical and made in good faith — to find a Libyan-owned solution. Other initiatives, instead, are dominated by the intent to complicate the crisis, cling to power and marginalize others. In short, the international community has failed to find a solution, under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations, and has not allowed the Libyan people to take the reins of the solution process. What can one expect but the current situation? Everybody knows that political entities in Libya are based on the outcome of what was possible after Libyan consensus among the concerned parties  — beginning with the Libyan Political Agreement of Skhirat, which gave legitimacy to those entities —sought to consolidate the separation of powers. That was followed by the Geneva agreement built upon what was previously achieved, resulting in the arrival of the current executive authorities. The goal of both agreements was to put an end to a transitional period by laying the institutional foundation that would make it possible to hold elections. However, we all see the state of affairs today. Therefore, any unilateral measures, taken by any party, continue to pose a threat to peace, security and stability, even if there is relative stability. The latest decision by the Libyan Parliament to remove the executive powers outside the scope of the Political Agreement  — for whatever reason  — is an example. Such a decision can only open the door to similar reactions from other entities. It merely sows division and further entrenches the crisis, and it runs counter to the relevant Security Council resolutions. Whatever opinions one may hold regarding the legality of what is happening, the fact remains that the situation in Libya is not a legal one. It is a political problem par excellence. Similarly, the situation can only worsen when States violate United Nations resolutions and sow division in Libya by officially engaging with parallel institutions outside the framework of mediation and neutrality. We therefore call upon those States to engage positively and constructively with the state of affairs as they seek the stability of Libya and to refrain from sowing further discord among the Libyan people or siding with one party over another. The only possible solution for Libya lies in supporting the will of the Libyans to unify the State institutions by ending the divisions and fragile transitional phases through the free and transparent presidential and parliamentary elections long awaited by the Libyan people, in which their aspirations are clearly expressed. To this day, they have not received any answers regarding the real reasons preventing that from happening or about the identities of those obstructing it. Where does the Council stand on this matter? Despite the challenges and legitimate concerns about holding elections, it is clear that we must not repeat the errors of the past. We must meet the aspirations of the Libyan people and of no one else. We all know that the electoral process requires consensus among the relevant bodies with regard to the electoral code. That is not an executive responsibility. The role of the executive authority is limited to supporting the High National Elections Commission and creating the appropriate conditions for the completion of elections. Recently, the Government took the necessary measures to support municipal elections. As such, any future political process must be based on the previously reached consensus, a discussion on contentious issues and the creation of a viable and time-bound road map that could pave the way for the holding of transparent and fair elections, under the direct auspices and oversight of the United Nations. The Libyan people want to make their voices heard and renew the legitimacy of the Libyan institutions and those who govern them. They want to establish a State structure and system through a permanent constitution. They also reject any form of external interference in purely domestic Libyan affairs. The political deadlock and lack of clarity regarding the political process cannot be separated from the escalating security tensions across the country in the form of clashes among armed groups and power struggles to military mobilizations in various regions, which run counter to the consensus of the 5+5 Joint Military Commission (JMC). Those security practices, regardless of their intentions, threaten to violate the ceasefire agreement. We must therefore support national efforts to complete the work on the security track by unifying all security and military forces in the country, under the 5+5 JMC, in order to implement all the relevant provisions of the signed agreement, most importantly, putting an end to all forms of foreign presence on Libyan territory. In addition to the dire and worsening political horizons, the economy is also weathering difficulties due to institutional divisions. Several economic difficulties became apparent during budget discussions. We have also seen the proliferation and spread of counterfeit currency, among other financial and economic dilemmas, which led the Presidential Council to appoint a new Board of Directors for the Central Bank of Libya. In the same context, the recent closure of oil fields brings us once again to the use of the Libyans’ livelihoods, with political wrangling over their key source of income. All of this would negatively impact the national economy, which is already suffering. It would directly affect the lives of Libyan citizens. Accordingly, there must be a mechanism to ensure transparency and fairness in the distribution of resources and wealth throughout Libya  — one that is not centralized and combats marginalization. Discussion on these policies must be among the priorities of the upcoming national dialogues to achieve sustainable consensus on the country’s economic system. In conclusion, despite the current situation and the complex challenges Libya is currently facing, we appeal to the Council not to underestimate the Libyan people, who are determined to thwart the ongoing destructive foreign interference in its internal affairs. Nor will they allow the country to continue being a battleground for proxy wars. We will fend off such attempts. Sooner or later, Libyan territory will be cleansed of all foreign presence. Libya’s history bears witness to its resistance and liberation from colonizers and occupiers in all forms. We remind the Council that stability in Libya can only strengthen stability in the region — especially in neighbouring States in the African Sahel, the European coasts and the Mediterranean basin. A stable Libya would only help — not hurt — countries facing numerous challenges. It would also contribute to enhancing the national security of those States. It is high time to put an end to this 13-year vicious cycle and to interference by all parties, and to engage with us as equals. It is high time to drop the mask in Libya so that we can truly lead, own and determine our future with our own hands.

There are no more names inscribed on the list of speakers. I now invite Council members to informal consultations to continue our discussion of the subject.