S/PV.9755 Security Council

In accordance with rule 37 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representatives of Estonia, Finland, Poland and Ukraine to participate in this meeting. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite Mr. Miroslav Jenča, Assistant Secretary-General for Europe, Central Asia and Americas, Departments of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs and Peace Operations, to participate in this meeting. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I also invite His Excellency Mr. Stavros Lambrinidis, Head of the Delegation of the European Union to the United Nations, to participate in this meeting. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I give the floor to Mr. Jenča. Mr. Jenča: Since we last briefed the Security Council (see S/PV.9714), Russia’s relentless systematic attacks have continued to bring immense suffering to the people of Ukraine. Civilian casualties and extensive damage to critical civilian infrastructure are reported daily, with the Donetsk, Kharkiv, Kherson, Mykolayiv and Sumy regions of Ukraine bearing the brunt. Attacks over the weekend and this morning resulted in several casualties in Zaporizhzhya and Kryvyi Rih. On 15 and 16 October, attacks in the Donetsk, Kharkiv, Mykolayiv and Kherson regions of Ukraine resulted in civilian casualties and damage to residential buildings and a school, according to local authorities. The ongoing hostilities have also led the authorities in Ukraine’s Kharkiv region to further expand mandatory evacuations to some 7,000 people. While the worst impact of the war continues to be felt in the front-line communities of eastern and southern Ukraine, death and destruction are also daily occurrences away from the areas of active fighting. That includes residential areas of the capital, Kyiv, which was again targeted with drones this morning and over the weekend. On 16 October, Kyiv was reportedly attacked by more than 130 drones. Lviv, in the west of Ukraine, and Odessa, in the south, have also been repeatedly hit, with multiple civilian casualties. We are also concerned about the impact of continued fighting across the Russian-Ukrainian border, particularly in the Kursk region of the Russian Federation, following Ukraine’s August incursion. In September, at least 208 Ukrainian civilians were killed and 1,220 injured, making it the month with the highest number of civilian casualties this year in Ukraine. According to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, launched in violation of the Charter of the United Nations and international law, 11,973 civilians, including 622 children, have been killed, while 25,943 people, including 1,686 children, have been injured. We reiterate that all attacks on civilians and civilian infrastructure are prohibited under international law, wherever they occur. They are unacceptable and must end immediately. Civilian vessels and port infrastructure are also protected under international humanitarian law. Distressingly, we have witnessed the resumption of Russian attacks on Ukrainian Black Sea ports in recent weeks. Since 1 September, those attacks have damaged six civilian vessels as well as grain infrastructure in the ports, according to local officials. As a result, wheat prices increased more than 6 per cent between 1 September and 14 October. Prices of risk insurance for Ukrainian exporters have surged, affecting the Ukrainian agricultural sector. The safety and sustainability of agricultural exports passing through the Black Sea remain critical for global food security. The United Nations therefore continues its engagement with Ukraine, the Russian Federation and Türkiye, as well as other stakeholders, in support of the freedom and safety of navigation in the Black Sea. Systemic Russian attacks on Ukraine’s energy infrastructure have become one of the defining abhorrent hallmarks of this war. The large-scale destruction and the interruption of power and water supplies throughout the country will likely worsen the living conditions for millions of Ukrainians throughout the third winter of this war. Vulnerable groups, including older persons, persons with disabilities and the internally displaced, are likely to be disproportionately affected. Many may soon find themselves trapped in their homes without heating or other essential utilities. Those conditions are expected to magnify the already dire humanitarian situation. In the first eight months of 2024, approximately 7.2 million people received humanitarian assistance in Ukraine. However, we remain deeply concerned about the 1.5 million people who we have been unable to properly reach in the parts of the Donetsk, Kherson, Luhansk and Zaporizhzhya regions of Ukraine currently occupied by the Russian Federation. We renew our call for the safe, rapid and unimpeded passage of humanitarian relief to all civilians in need, in accordance with international humanitarian law. We also renew our call for donors to increase and accelerate flexible funding for the humanitarian needs and response plan, which is funded at just above the 50 per cent mark. Widespread and systemic reports of torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war remain a grave concern. Ninety-seven per cent of Ukrainian prisoners interviewed by OHCHR since March 2023 provided consistent and detailed accounts of torture or ill treatment while in captivity, and 68 per cent reported sexual violence. Half of the Russian prisoners of war interviewed by OHCHR reported experiencing torture or ill treatment, primarily during the initial stage of internment. We urge the authorities of both the Russian Federation and Ukraine to end that practice and hold perpetrators accountable. On a positive note, we welcome the exchange last Friday of 95 prisoners of war on each side, and we encourage continued exchanges. We also welcome the exchange of hundreds of bodies on the same day. In the territory of Ukraine occupied by the Russian Federation, arbitrary detention, torture and the restriction of civic space add to an already oppressive climate of fear. We call for accountability for all human rights violations, in line with international norms and standards. As long as the war continues, the safety and security of Ukraine’s nuclear sites remain in jeopardy. The situation at the Ukrainian Zaporizhzhya nuclear power plant is particularly precarious. The regular explosions, drone attacks, gunfire and repeated interruptions of external power supply that have been reported increase the risk of a nuclear accident. The International Atomic Energy Agency has also been monitoring the impact of reported military activities in the vicinity of Russia’s Kursk nuclear power plant. Preventing a nuclear accident during the war is vital. Attacking a nuclear power plant is unimaginable and unacceptable. We continue to appeal for maximum restraint on the part of all involved. The Security Council’s open debate on women and peace and security to be held later this week will highlight the crucial contributions of women to peace and security. We urge the full and equal participation of Ukrainian women in all efforts towards a better future for their country. Next month will mark 1,000 days of this devastating war, a war that continues to cause deep human suffering, threatens regional stability and worsens global divisions. The Pact for the Future (General Assembly resolution 79/1) commits all of us to work towards a future of hope, cooperation and peace. That commitment to working for peace also requires more efforts to be made for peace in Ukraine. The United Nations stands ready to support all meaningful efforts to achieve a just, comprehensive and sustainable peace in Ukraine, in line with the Charter of the United Nations, international law and General Assembly resolutions.

I thank Mr Jenča for his briefing. I shall now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements.

I would like to thank Assistant Secretary-General Jenča for his contribution, and I welcome the participation of the representatives of Ukraine, Poland, Estonia, Finland and the European Union in this meeting. In the past months, we have been witnessing spiralling violence in the war in Ukraine. Russia’s drones, glide bombs and ballistic missiles continued to systematically eradicate Ukraine’s civilian infrastructure. The aerial attacks were intensified during the summer months, causing the highest number of civilian casualties in almost two years. That culminated on 26 August, when Russia launched its largest aerial attack since the start of the war, with 236 missiles and drones. We are witnessing a striking escalation of this war on multiple fronts. Civilian casualties are on the rise, critical civilian infrastructure is collapsing, vessels carrying Ukrainian grain are being attacked and battlefields are expanding. The situation is growing worse by the minute, and there are signs of further intensification of the war. My country is gravely concerned by the recent reports on the alarming damage done to the environment. We take note of the allegations that Russia poisoned the Seym River with chemical waste, resulting in more than 650 kilometres of polluted waters. The river flows towards Ukraine, and the pollution is endangering the water supply of the Kyiv region, potentially affecting millions of people. That must be further investigated. Moreover, we have repeatedly raised concern about the ongoing military cooperation between Russia and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the emerging evidence of illegal weapons transfers to Russia, in flagrant violation of multiple Security Council resolutions. Recent reports on the deepening of that cooperation, with the potential involvement of Democratic People’s Republic of Korea troops in Ukraine, are adding to the gravity of our concerns. That would constitute a particularly dark turn of events, with dangerous consequences for the state of international peace and security. The situation presents a significant risk that the war could grow out of control. That danger has been present since the beginning of the war, with the occupation of the Zaporizhzhya nuclear power plant. However, with the widening of the military theatre, the risks have expanded to other nuclear facilities in the region. And to echo Assistant Secretary-General Jenča, a nuclear incident would have dramatic consequences for the region and would have global effects. Full respect of the seven indispensable pillars for ensuring nuclear safety and security during an armed conflict and of the five basic principles that were introduced by the Director General of the International Atomic Energy Agency in the Council (see S/PV.9334) needs to be urgently ensured. The Security Council has the responsibility to ensure that the existing provisions and norms are fully implemented and, if necessary, strengthened. We believe that the Security Council has a role to play in that regard, and we are ready to engage. At this stage, it will be clear to everyone that this war is not a mere low-intensity conflict in which two parties are coming to terms with their differences. It has wide-ranging security, humanitarian, economic and ecological consequences, and it will carry with it a dangerous spillover potential until it ends. In that regard, we take note of President Zelenskyy’s victory plan and underline the urgent need for genuine peace talks, with the participation of both Ukraine and Russia and based on the Charter of the United Nations and international law.

I thank Assistant Secretary-General Jenča for his briefing. For 970 days, Russia has waged a brutal, full-scale war against a fellow United Nations Member State and its people. Russia, through relentless violence, is razing Ukraine’s infrastructure, killing countless civilians, displacing millions and threatening food security and European energy supplies. Russia is bombing grain ships bound for Africa and the Middle East. It is torturing journalists and prisoners of war. And now, in its failure to overthrow Ukraine’s democratically elected Government, Russia is seeking to expand the conflict. We have seen reports that the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea has sent forces and is preparing to send additional soldiers to Ukraine to fight alongside Russia. If true, that marks a dangerous and highly concerning development and an obvious deepening of the military relationship between the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Russia. We are consulting with our allies and partners on the implications of such a dramatic move. If Russia is indeed turning to the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea for manpower, it would be a sign of desperation on the part of the Kremlin. We know that Russia is suffering extraordinary casualties on the battlefield due to the bravery and effectiveness of the Ukrainian military. Russia cannot sustain its aggression without assistance, which means that the war ends if Iran and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea stop providing military assistance and if China stops transferring dual-use war components. Those partnerships are exacerbating threats to peace and security beyond Ukraine — not just in Europe, but in the Indo-Pacific region, the Middle East and Africa. For example, Russia’s forces have waged a systematic campaign against Ukraine’s agricultural sector, destabilizing global food markets. Moscow has sought to break Ukraine’s food exports at every link of the supply chain, whether by destroying the food itself or the means to produce and ship it. Russia has set fire to fields, mined sea beds and farmland, torn up roads, bombed grain silos and reportedly rendered millions of hectares of Ukraine’s farmland unusable. Putin knows those actions have exacerbated global hunger, but he does not care. Russia struck two grain ships earlier this month in Ukraine’s ports, including one crewed by its own friends — Syrian nationals. There are reports that Russia struck two more ships, killing 11 and injuring 21. Those attacks are not just against Ukraine or the ships’ international crews, but also against the most vulnerable: hungry populations across the globe who rely on that grain. The Kremlin is cynically exploiting the food insecurity it has triggered, pushing countries in already fragile areas of Africa to rely on Russia as a substitute source of food, as Russia attempts to replace Ukraine. And while it may be tempting to want to freeze Russia’s invasion and to let things stand where they are, let us be clear: a freeze would not end the Kremlin’s aggression or Putin’s threats to global peace. If Russia can act with impunity when it decides that a fellow Member of the United Nations is “not a real country” or that its people are “not a real nation,” where does that leave the Charter of the United Nations and our more important principles? What precedent does that set for Russia or for other expansionist Powers eyeing smaller or less developed neighbours? Russia cannot be allowed to annex parts of Ukraine, and neither can Ukraine be told to stop defending its territory. That is a threat too great to global stability and to everything this institution is meant to protect. An unjust peace would erode the strength of international law and the fundamental principles of respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity and the independence of States within the international system. An unjust peace would invite further conflict. An unjust peace would be no peace at all. The United States still believes in the bedrock principles of international law. Those principles have conferred a great benefit on humankind, helping to bring about a more just and peaceful world. We must not — and will not — accept the destruction of those principles by Russia or any other opportunistic expansionist Powers, whether they sit on the Council or not, or whether they condemn Russia’s invasion or not. The greatest insurance we have against another war is if Russia’s illegal invasion of its neighbour fails, its troops withdraw from Ukraine’s sovereign territory and we give the Charter and the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity their full meaning.

I would like to thank Assistant Secretary-General Jenča for his detailed and informative briefing and acknowledge the presence in the Chamber of the representatives of Ukraine, Poland, Finland, Estonia and the European Union. Ecuador underscores its concern at the continuing deterioration in the humanitarian and security conditions in Ukraine, which is a direct result of the ongoing hostilities. More than two and a half years since the start of the invasion of Ukraine, the conflict continues to inflict immense human suffering, forcibly displacing civilians on a massive scale and disproportionately affecting the most vulnerable groups  — in particular women, children, elderly persons and persons with reduced mobility — who face additional risks, including those associated with gender-based violence and a lack of access to essential services. As winter draws near, humanitarian needs are becoming increasingly urgent. As has been reported, the systematic destruction of Ukraine’s energy infrastructure is putting at risk millions of people who are already facing perilous conditions. Ecuador reiterates its objection to attacks against the civilian population and essential infrastructure, including hospitals, schools and electricity grids. Those acts constitute violations of international humanitarian law, whose principles of precaution, distinction and proportionality must be observed at all times, in all circumstances and by all parties. It is imperative that the international community redouble its efforts to ensure sufficient funding for the United Nations humanitarian response plan and the reconstruction efforts of the United Nations and its local and international partners. Secure, swift and unimpeded humanitarian access must be safeguarded. In accordance with resolution 2730 (2024), humanitarian organizations and relief workers must be protected and have all the facilities necessary to helping communities at risk. Furthermore, Ecuador urges the parties to refrain from any action that could exacerbate the risks surrounding nuclear sites in Russia and Ukraine. As the Director-General of the International Atomic Energy Agency, Mariano Grossi, has said, the only way to avert the threat of a nuclear accident with cross-border radiological consequences during this war is to fully respect and adhere to the seven crucial pillars of nuclear safety and the five specific principles for the protection of the Zaporizhzhya nuclear power plant. The conflict continues to be a source of global tensions and is entrenching the divisions that impede cooperation and dialogue at a time when the world needs greater unity. Ecuador supports the call by Secretary-General Guterres to end the suffering and break the cycle of violence for the sake of the people of Ukraine, the people of the Russian Federation and the world as a whole. In conclusion, I urge the Council to step up its efforts to explore all avenues, including those thus far unexplored, so as to achieve a peaceful, just and sustainable solution that accords with the principles set out in the Charter of the United Nations and international law and respects the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders.

I would like to thank Slovenia and the United States for requesting this meeting. I also thank Assistant Secretary-General Jenča for his comprehensive briefing. Last month, the seventy-ninth session of the General Assembly started. During high-level week, leaders reaffirmed our firm commitment to and strong unity in supporting Ukraine. We also renewed our condemnation of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, which is a blatant violation of the Charter of the United Nations. Last week, President Zelenskyy announced a victory plan. It is a concrete process to immediately achieve a just and lasting peace in Ukraine. Japan, together with Ukraine and the international community, will continue its diplomatic efforts to realize such a peace in accordance with the Charter. We are aware of the calls for peace talks and a ceasefire. While the importance of such proposals cannot be doubted, any call for peace must also be based on the will of the Ukrainian people and in line with the purposes and principles of the Charter. That is a prerequisite for any country with a seat in this building and this Chamber. In a clear-cut case of a war of aggression like the one in Ukraine, pretending to be neutral is in fact supporting and appeasing the aggressor by rewarding its unlawful acts. Under the principle of the rule of law, we should never condone any violation of international law, especially of the United Nations Charter. In that vein, to refer to the situation in Ukraine as a “Ukrainian crisis” or a “Ukrainian war” is malicious, or misguided at best. What Ukraine is doing now is defending itself. What is happening now is an aggression and a violation of the Charter by Russia. We must therefore also be clear that any call for peace that, deliberately or not, fails to mention the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine is not in accordance with the United Nations Charter. In a world in which attempts to change the status quo by force have been allowed and rewarded, no one could possibly think that they would not be affected. Japan is gravely concerned about the deepening Russia-North Korea military cooperation, as it considerably supports Russia’s capability on the battlefield, as exemplified by Russia’s procurement of ballistic missiles from North Korea to use against Ukraine, in blatant violation of Security Council resolutions that Russia has agreed to, as well as the mobilization of North Korean soldiers for their dispatch to the battlefield, as the Governments of Ukraine and the Republic of Korea recently revealed. The advancement in Russia-North Korea military cooperation is extremely alarming, as it leads to a further deterioration of the situation in Ukraine and is assumed that North Korea gains more in return. Furthermore, we are deeply concerned about Iran’s transfer of Iranian ballistic missiles to Russia. Any act supporting Russia’s violations of the United Nations Charter is unacceptable. The aggressor must withdraw immediately and unconditionally. That is the only way to restore peace based on the Charter. It is what the overwhelming majority of the General Assembly has been calling for. Ukrainians will soon face another winter as they fight against Russia’s aggression. The attacks on civilian objects are another violation of international humanitarian law. We would like to once again reiterate our strong solidarity with the people of Ukraine and that we will fulfil our commitment to supporting the country. That means not only short-term help, but also a long-term effort to rebuild people’s lives and the country as a whole. We continue to provide our support, with the public and private sectors working together, by making use of everything available. Japan will stand with Ukraine so that peace and justice prevail.

I thank Mr. Jenča for his briefing. For nearly 1,000 days, Russia has continued its war of aggression in defiance of the Charter of the United Nations and international law. It continues to deliberately target civilians, in violation of international humanitarian law. It has stepped up its campaign of systematic strikes against Ukraine’s energy infrastructure. Ukraine is about to enter its third winter of war, with two thirds of its energy production capacity destroyed. France will continue to work actively to meet the humanitarian needs of the Ukrainian population. In recent weeks, Russia has stepped up its attacks on civilian ships, grain storage facilities and Ukrainian port infrastructure in the Black Sea, disrupting grain exports and increasing the risk of food insecurity for millions of people. Since the beginning of October, Odesa has been hit several times, while France and its international partners continue their efforts to enable the delivery of Ukrainian wheat to several million people, including in Somalia, Yemen, the Sudan and Palestine. No one should be complicit in those crimes. There is an aggressor, Russia, which has attacked its neighbour, a sovereign country that posed no threat whatsoever. And there is a country that was attacked, Ukraine, which must be free to choose its alliances and its destiny. Article 51 of the Charter is very clear. Ukraine has the right to defend itself. It also needs to be able to neutralize the Russian military targets involved in operations aimed at its territory. France urges all States, above all North Korea and Iran, to refrain from supplying Russia with weapons, dual-use goods and components to fuel its war of aggression. France and its partners have condemned the recent transfers of ballistic missiles to Russia, which constitute a direct threat to European security. We have also condemned its violations of the Security Council’s resolutions. The deployment of North Korean soldiers, if confirmed, would constitute a further escalation. The increase in North Korean support for the Russian war effort is very worrisome. France endorses the objectives of the victory plan presented by Ukraine. That is why we convened a conference on nuclear safety and security in Ukraine in Paris last week. It falls within the framework of the preparations for the second peace summit, to which France remains committed, alongside Ukraine. We will continue to support Ukraine in every way, for as long as necessary. That was the message conveyed by the Minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs, Jean- Noël Barrot, who visited Kyiv and Sumy this weekend. Ukraine needs to be able to leverage that position of strength to its benefit in order to ensure a fair and lasting settlement to the conflict. Peace can be realized only if the aggressor capitulates.

Once again today, we see in the list of speakers, in addition to the representative of the European Union (EU), the representatives of the European Union countries Finland, Poland and Estonia, who are obviously going to be called upon to make a sizeable contribution to today’s discussion. But we believe that that is an impossible mission for them. As we have already seen many times, they are unable to add any value to the discussion. We do not see a queue of EU countries rushing to sign up for the meetings on Ukraine organized on our initiative. We have become increasingly convinced that, by convening meetings such as today’s, our Western colleagues are pursuing a single aim: to artificially keep the Ukrainian issue afloat in the Security Council, thereby demonstrating to the public their support for their rapidly bankrupting anti-Russian project in Ukraine. If they really wanted to focus attention on the problems caused by the Ukrainian crisis, their speeches would have been structured differently and would have contained at least some truth about what is happening, rather than a worn-out set of accusations against Russia. And there are, in fact, many such problems. We will touch on the main one of those problems — the continued provision of weapons, equipment, mercenaries and intelligence to the Kyiv regime  — during a separate meeting on 31 October. It is difficult to say what is the main driver for our Western colleagues. Is it purely greed, since they are making billions of dollars from the military action in Ukraine? Or it is an unwillingness to admit their mistakes, including those made at a stage when they were still only modelling the Ukrainian crisis. Another set of problems can be summed up via the insightful statement made by Polish President Andrzej Duda, who said that Ukraine is drowning and dragging down to the depths those trying to help it. It is not even a question of Europe rapidly losing its economic and political heft and looking increasingly like a lightweight; it is an internal European problem caused by the conscious, flawed choice of European elites in favour of confrontation rather than cooperation with Russia. The problem is that the now-expired Ukrainian President, who is clearly facing defeat on the battlefield, is openly betting exclusively on dragging NATO into a direct, rather than a proxy, conflict with a nuclear Power and is not balking at engaging in open blackmail to do so. A clear example of that was Zelenskyy’s unveiling of his latest pseudo-peace plan last week, the so-called victory plan. Its essence is to push the West into a direct military confrontation with Russia, which, as we all understand, could lead to a global conflict. We have repeatedly said that the rabid head of the Kyiv clique has nothing to lose and, in his desire to retain power at any cost, he is ready to plunge the entire world into the abyss of nuclear apocalypse. That is his plan B, which he is now trying to present as a victory plan. As many sensible Western politicians and experts note with disappointment, in Zelenskyy’s newly thought-up artless plan, there is no strategic component that would allow NATO and Ukraine to change the course of hostilities in their favour. That is no surprise, because no such thing exists and the full defeat of the Ukrainian armed forces on the battlefield is only a matter of time. The head of the Kyiv regime is devoid of any military talent anyway, and his Kursk adventure proved that most convincingly. It also demonstrated Zelenskyy’s willingness, without hesitation, to sacrifice Ukraine and the lives of Ukrainians for the sake of Western geopolitical interests, which he clearly interprets as dealing a strategic defeat to Russia on the battlefield. At the same time, he is advancing an open and blatant betrayal of the national interests of his own country. The so-called peace plan openly declares a willingness to sell off what is left of Ukraine’s natural wealth, which, incidentally, under Ukraine’s Constitution would require a referendum, and use its citizens in the future to guard the security of Europe in the place of American forces. What is absent from Zelenskyy’s most recent screenplay is even a hint at a willingness to step onto the path of a genuine and long-term peace settlement to the conflict. He remains convinced, as in the case of his previous stillborn initiatives, that the West, together with himself, must develop some ultimatum plan and impose it on Russia. How can such thinking be explained other than as the regular use of strong narcotics? It is hard to say. A better formula than the proposals put forward by the Russian President in June is hardly something Kyiv can hope for anymore. That opportunity was essentially ruled out with the beginning of the attack by the Ukrainian armed forces on Kursk oblast. Therefore, the only remaining trump card for the head in Kyiv is to provoke a direct confrontation between Russia and NATO. The infamous peace plan embodies that idea first and foremost in the most recent demand for Ukraine to join NATO. In order that no one has any illusions, I want to immediately reaffirm that, for Russia, Ukraine’s membership in NATO in any territorial form is absolutely unacceptable and cannot be part of any peace plan or mediation initiatives. We have developed, and are ready to further develop, good-neighbourly relations with a neutral, non-bloc-affiliated Ukraine, as was enshrined in its Constitution and in our bilateral treaties. However, that provision, which is a cornerstone in Ukraine’s security, was gradually repealed after the anti-constitutional coup inspired by the United States and its allies in 2014, which led the country into the mire of crisis, lawlessness, extreme nationalism and civil war. Council members should pay very close attention not to the most recent Zelenskyy plan, which, in addition to the elements I mentioned, contains nothing other than calls for material assistance, but rather to the statements of the Kyiv leader that accompanied his presentation of this opus in Europe. On 17 October, the head of the Kyiv regime, in particular as an inveterate blackmailer, declared his intention to create nuclear weapons if his country were not admitted into NATO. Therefore, contemporary Ukraine has essentially publicly declared its intention to violate its obligations under the Treaty on the non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), the Comprehensive Safeguards Agreement with the International Atomic Energy Agency and the Additional Protocol. In other words, we are talking about an open declaration by a non-nuclear-weapon State party to the NPT of its intention to violate article II of the Treaty, which could lead to an extremely serious international crisis as far as the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons is concerned. We are convinced that all members of the Security Council, and indeed the entire international community, must most firmly condemn those irresponsible statements. For the time being, there has been no public response from the United States and its allies to this obvious challenge to the non-proliferation regime, which only confirms that they are pandering to any adventures and crimes committed by the Kyiv regime. Instead, they have become distracted by circulating scaremongering with Iranian, Chinese and Korean bogeymen, each one more absurd than the one before. The situation surrounding the nuclear blackmail of the illegitimate head of the Kyiv regime again convinces us that the decision of the leadership of the Russian Federation to begin the special military operation  — incidentally, following similar nuclear threats from the Ukrainian leadership  — was the only right thing to do. Without demilitarization, the de-Nazification of Ukraine and efforts to ensure the human rights and freedoms of all of its citizens, the security threats to our country cannot be eliminated. In conclusion, I would like to touch upon another important subject relating to human rights and civic freedoms in Ukraine. As is well known, our Western colleagues like to present the Kyiv regime and its leader as almost a protector of democracy and an example for the entire region. At the same time, the harsh dictatorship that has been established in the country, leading to the delegitimization of State institutions, thousands of political prisoners, a ban on the Russian language and Russian identity, in violation of the country’s Constitution and the basic norms of international law, and the persecution of the canonical Orthodox Church, are elements that Ukraine’s Western backers try to ignore. By selectively turning a blind eye, the West will hardly say anything about the outrageous seizure of Saint Michael’s Cathedral in Cherkasy last week that trampled the basic norms of morality that are established by any religion. We warned that, when Ukraine adopted a law that contradicted the norms of international law and the Charter of the United Nations banning the canonical Ukrainian Orthodox Church, raids on churches and the use of violence against parishioners would soon follow. And that is what happened. On 17 October, Bandarites committed another serious crime. More than 100 fighters dressed in camouflage and balaclavas forced their way into the Cathedral. They opened fire on civilians and used tear gas. They forced the parishioners out of the service. There are hundreds of videos of this banditry on the Internet. Thereafter, they began looting. They ransacked the accounting office and stole money that was being collected by the parishioners to restore the Cathedral. They removed equipment, icons, church books and even food. The police were present but did not intervene in the situation. As a result of the attackers’ actions, the hierarch of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church, Metropolitan Theodosy of Cherkasy and Kanev, suffered a concussion. The mayor of the city cynically called the events a voluntary movement of the community under the jurisdiction of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine. That is the level of moral degradation that Ukrainian society, or rather a part of it, has reached. We call on the relevant agencies of the United Nations system to unambiguously condemn the persecution by the Kyiv neo-Nazis of Orthodox parishioners, and for the West to stop encouraging Kyiv to commit such barbaric acts. Our Western colleagues must understand that they also bear responsibility for the actions of the regime that they cultivated and they will not be able to hide these crimes from their own peoples.

We thank Slovenia and the United States for requesting today’s meeting. We also wish to thank Assistant Secretary-General Miroslav Jenča for his comprehensive briefing and invaluable insights. We welcome the representatives of Ukraine, Poland, Finland and Estonia to today’s meeting. We convene once again today to deliberate on the situation in Ukraine. The frequency of our meetings on this matter underscores both the gravity of the situation and the Council’s unwavering commitment to addressing this critical issue. The deteriorating situation in Ukraine and the necessity of staying focused on the issue highlights the significant challenges that the Council faces in addressing and fulfilling its mandate. The gravity of those challenges cannot be overemphasized. The ongoing conflict has led to catastrophic and unprecedented consequences. As is tragically common in all conflicts, civilians continue to bear the brunt of the hostilities. The human cost of the conflict is immeasurable, manifested by loss of life, injuries, the widespread destruction of critical civilian infrastructure, human rights violations, massive forced displacement and a refugee crisis. The economic ramifications are equally staggering, further complicating efforts to stabilize the region. Of particular concern is the risk of nuclear incidents. That potential threat, whether through intentional use, miscalculation or by accident, underscores the urgency for rigorous safety protocols, transparent communication and international cooperation to prevent any catastrophic outcomes with dire humanitarian and geopolitical impacts. It is crucial to recognize that the repercussions of the conflict extend far beyond the two neighbouring countries. Geopolitical tension and instability, food and energy crises and economic instability have not only regional but global impacts. We must be mindful that no one will be safe until everyone is safe. Our collective legal and moral determination to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, as enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, has never been more pertinent. As the conflict persists with no sign of abatement, it has become evident that there can be no military solution. The primacy of a military approach anchored in zero-sum logic has proven unrealistic and unsustainable. A paradigm shift towards a cooperative approach that includes diplomatic efforts, humanitarian aid and the fostering of inclusive political dialogue is imperative. In the light of that consideration, we reiterate our urgent call for an immediate cessation of hostilities and a return to direct negotiations without any preconditions, while giving due consideration to the legitimate security concerns of all parties involved. In conclusion, Mozambique reaffirms its steadfast advocacy for a political and negotiated solution as the only viable way to end the conflict and establish the foundation for lasting and sustainable peace between the two neighbouring countries. That approach prioritizes the well-being of all those affected and seeks a resolution that upholds the dignity and aspirations of both nations.

I thank Assistant Secretary- General Jenča for the important update and welcome the participation of the representatives of Ukraine, Poland, Finland and Estonia and the observer of the European Union in today’s meeting. Guyana again registers its alarm at the recent intensification of attacks in the front-line regions of Donetsk, Kharkiv and Kherson. Amid the rising hostilities and destruction of towns and villages, we continue to call for de-escalation and an immediate cessation of hostilities. Those calls have been echoed by most United Nations Member States but continue to go unheeded. Meanwhile, we are seeing a doubling down on missile and drone strikes, which have destroyed schools, residential buildings and other critical infrastructure. They have also resulted in rising casualty numbers on both sides of the front line, taking us closer each day to a misstep or miscalculation that would have catastrophic consequences. Such a scenario and the scale of human suffering endured in the past two years of conflict provide compelling reasons to find a peaceful solution. Guyana maintains that any lasting solution to the conflict will not be achieved through military action, but rather through diplomacy and good-faith negotiations conducted in accordance with the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations and international law. We call on the Russian Federation to withdraw its military forces from the internationally recognized territory of Ukraine. The time has come for the world to make more concrete efforts to end the war. We commend the efforts of those seeking to find a peaceful resolution to the conflict and urge the parties to commit to a serious political and diplomatic process towards ending the conflict. In the interim, we demand that they take all necessary measures to protect civilians and critical infrastructure and to comply fully with their obligations under international law, including the United Nations Charter and international humanitarian and human rights law. We also stress the need for accountability for the ongoing violations as a critical element on the path to peace. We further call upon the Russian Federation to allow unfettered humanitarian access to those people in need of humanitarian assistance in the occupied territories and to sign an action plan with the United Nations to end and prevent grave violations against children. In conclusion, I once again reiterate Guyana’s call for lasting peace in Ukraine and pledge our continued support towards all efforts aimed at achieving a peaceful and sustainable end to the war.

At the outset, I would like to thank Mr. Miroslav Jenča, Assistant Secretary-General, for his valuable briefing. We convene today yet again as the war in Ukraine unfortunately continues to claim the lives of more innocent civilians and forcibly displace many others seeking safe shelter for themselves and for their families, while also causing further material losses and the destruction of infrastructure. The war has resulted in a heavy toll on the Russian and the Ukrainian sides, in terms of loss of life and massive destruction, let alone a protracted humanitarian crisis. It is concerning that the current state of affairs is viewed as almost inevitable in the absence of any tangible impact of the individual or collective initiatives launched thus far to narrow the diverging points of view. The situation is further complicated by the mindset of escalation and confrontation adopted by both sides, as well as the polarization that continues to dominate the interactions among the various key actors. Algeria has repeatedly warned that, if the status quo persists, there can never be a different outcome to the one we are witnessing today, namely, an ever- worsening situation. Algeria has been calling for neither to surrender to the status quo nor to accept that the events are inevitable. On the contrary, we call for prioritizing the language of dialogue and negotiations over that of confrontation and war. We believe that the only solution can be a peaceful one reached through a constructive and inclusive dialogue between both parties. Such a dialogue must prioritize an end to the war and to the bloodshed, free from geopolitical considerations and narrow interests. It must be premised on full respect for and compliance with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the rules of international law, the supremacy and justice of which we all agree upon. Such a dialogue must prioritize addressing the root causes of the conflict as a whole, affording due attention to the security concerns of both sides and ensuring a final and lasting solution for that conflict, the impact of which is threatening not only the security of the region but is producing economic implications that are also affecting the entire world, especially developing countries. From that standpoint, and in an attempt to bring diverging views closer together and create the conditions conducive to a solid foundation for facilitating dialogue between the two parties, in September Algeria engaged in a new initiative by China and Brazil aimed at strengthening consultations at various levels and with all parties. Through that initiative, the Friends of Peace group was formed at the level of permanent representatives in New York, with the aim of strengthening understanding to support global efforts aimed at achieving a lasting and just peace. Algeria remains ready to provide all necessary support in order to reach a final peaceful solution to the conflict and to establish security in the region. Dame Barbara Woodward (United Kingdom): I thank Assistant Secretary-General Jenča for his briefing. When we speak about the security situation in Ukraine, we must be clear — it affects us all. Russia’s invasion is a violation of the international rules-based system and the Charter of the United Nations, on which our collective prosperity and security depend. Russia has struck at the heart of the Charter, which the Security Council has pledged to uphold. That has consequences for every country, wherever they are in the world. It is with deep concern, therefore, that I draw to the Council’s attention reports of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s growing involvement in the war. It is highly likely that the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea has agreed to send combat troops in support of Russia’s war against Ukraine. It seems that the harder Putin finds it to recruit Russians to be cannon fodder, the more willing he is to rely on the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea in his illegal war. That is the latest development in an ever-deepening military relationship between Russia and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, which has implications for regional and international security. Russia was already procuring weaponry from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea to inflict suffering on the Ukrainian people, in violation of Security Council resolutions in favour of which Russia itself voted. And now, with this recent development, we can be certain that the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s leadership will ask a high price from Russia in return. I also draw the Council’s attention to Russia’s recent strikes on commercial grain ships in the Black Sea and civilian port infrastructure. Whether deliberate or incompetent, those actions demonstrate once again Russia’s utter disregard for international law and global food security. Thanks to Ukraine’s success in pushing back the Russian Black Sea fleet, it has resumed grain exports to destinations all over the world, from Türkiye to Egypt to China. However, Russia’s actions pose a serious risk to grain prices and the willingness of commercial shipping companies to operate in the Black Sea. Those attacks must cease immediately. Make no mistake — Russia is the sole cause of this war and its devastating human and global consequences. Putin could end the war tomorrow if he so chose. No one wants peace more than Ukraine, but for peace to be sustainable, it must have respect for the Charter of the United Nations at its core. There can be no false equivalence between aggressor and victim. Russia has no legitimate interests when it comes to Ukraine. If Putin thinks that he can weaken our resolve through his illegal and destabilizing actions, he is wrong. The United Kingdom’s commitment to supporting Ukraine to defend itself against the Russian aggression and to achieve a just and lasting peace is ironclad. We call on Russia to immediately cease its unprovoked, illegal war and to withdraw its forces unconditionally from all of Ukraine.

I thank you, Madam President, for convening this meeting at the request of Slovenia and the United States, and I also thank Mr. Miroslav Jenča for his briefing. We welcome the participation of Ukraine, Poland, Finland and Estonia in this meeting. Sierra Leone acknowledges Ukraine’s letter of 14 October, reporting the tragic death of Ukrainian journalist Viktoriia Roshchyna. We express our condolences and stress that journalists are civilians protected under international humanitarian law. The inhumane treatment and unexplained death of detainees during war violates international law. Sierra Leone remains deeply concerned about the escalating conflict in Ukraine, which has persisted for more than two and a half years. Recent intensification in the fighting has resulted in further occupation of Ukrainian villages and the regaining of territory in the Kursk region. We take note of reports of multiple attacks in early October targeting civilians and vital infrastructure, such as residential areas, markets, railways and grain storage facilities. Those attacks exacerbate civilian suffering and disrupt essential services. Sierra Leone is particularly concerned about the reported 7 October missile strike on a civilian ship flying the flag of Palau, resulting in deaths and injuries, and the attacks on humanitarian ships on 9 and 10 October, killing civilians and damaging vital port infrastructure. Those attacks, affecting both Ukraine and countries reliant on Ukrainian grain, are prohibited under international humanitarian law. According to reports from the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, intensified hostilities and attacks in September led to the highest civilian casualty numbers of the year, with at least 208 killed and 1,220 injured. We are also troubled by reports of the ill treatment of prisoners of war  — a violation of the Geneva Conventions. The ongoing attacks on nuclear energy infrastructure pose serious regional threats. We echo the warnings of International Atomic Energy Agency Director General Grossi and urge all parties to refrain from further strikes on nuclear facilities, which could lead to catastrophic consequences. Sierra Leone calls for the protection of civilians, for the prioritization of diplomacy and dialogue to de-escalate tensions, and for the parties to refrain from further escalation and the option of winning the war on the battlefield at all costs. We also call for full respect for the national sovereignty, territorial integrity and unity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders and for the immediate cessation of hostilities. In doing so, we call for good faith diplomatic efforts addressing the legitimate concerns of the parties. The international community must support efforts to find a peaceful resolution through diplomatic means, as outlined in Article 33 of the Charter of the United Nations.

I extend my gratitude to Assistant Secretary-General Jenča for his briefing. The Security Council’s high-level meeting on Ukraine last month (see S/PV.9731) demonstrated the international community’s shared sense of urgency for ending this brutal war. However, it is regrettable that the situation on the ground is nowhere near improving. Indeed, we continue to witness a major intensification of the battles along the front lines. That is leading to a significant increase in civilian casualties and to the destruction of energy infrastructure in Ukraine. Russia’s recent attacks against commercial vessels exporting Ukraine’s grain in the Black Sea and the precarious status of nuclear power plants illustrate how the war’s impacts transcend the region in many aspects, ranging from global food security to nuclear safety. Over the past year, we have witnessed another alarming development in the war: North Korea’s increasing involvement in support of Russia’s illegal invasion of Ukraine. According to the announcement by the Republic of Korea National Intelligence Service last week, more than 13,000 containers filled with North Korean artillery shells, missiles and anti-tank rockets have been shipped to Russia in approximately 70 batches since August 2023. It is estimated that more than 8 million rounds of shells have already been provided to Russia. In addition, we observed a key figure in North Korea’s missile development, Kim Jong Sik, first Deputy Director of the Munitions Industry Department, visiting and inspecting the KN-23 missile launch site near the Ukrainian front lines multiple times in August of this year. As my delegation has repeatedly pointed out in this Chamber, all of those activities are flagrant violations of multiple Security Council resolutions that Russia once voted in favour of. We are well aware that North Korea is a habitual violator of international norms and Security Council resolutions. However, recent actions by Pyongyang have surprised even us. Going beyond providing significant amounts of military resources to Russia, according to our National Intelligence Service, Pyongyang has deployed approximately 1,500 special forces troops to Russia’s far eastern cities aboard Russian naval vessels since earlier this month. The transported soldiers were provided with Russian military uniforms and Russian weapons, and to disguise their identity, they were issued fake identification cards of residents from Yakutia and Buryatia whose facial features are similar to those of North Koreans. This means that there has been a qualitative change in North Korea’s involvement in Russia’s war against Ukraine. By dispatching a large number of combatants, North Korea will likely become an active belligerent in warfare. That is not merely an attack on the very integrity of the Security Council sanctions regime, it is a blatant attempt to undermine peace and security, not only in Europe and in Northeast Asia, but also across the entire globe. North Korea will expect a generous payoff from Moscow in return for its troop contribution. It could be either military or financial assistance. It could be nuclear-weapons-related technology. Russia may be in a desperate military situation, but even so, bringing in the forces of another country, especially a notorious rogue State, is exceedingly dangerous. It is hard to believe that a permanent member of the Security Council would take such a gamble and shift the course of the war. All the illegal military cooperation between North Korea and Russia must be unequivocally condemned. Russia and North Korea must immediately stop violating their international obligations. The Republic of Korea will mobilize various means to address that major development, in full cooperation with its allies and friends. In that regard, the Republic of Korea is fully committed to working with the international community to monitor and report any sanctions violation and evasion activities, including through the recently launched Multilateral Sanctions Monitoring Team. Ever since this illegal war began, the collective voice of the international community has been crystal clear. The overwhelming majority of the General Assembly appeals to Russia to end this futile war by withdrawing its troops from Ukrainian territories. The Republic of Korea believes that any pathway towards lasting peace in Ukraine must be in line with the principles of the Charter and international law, particularly by ensuring respect for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.

I thank Assistant Secretary-General Jenča for his briefing. The Ukraine crisis is still raging, characterized by expanding conflict and fighting, increasing civilian casualties and growing spillover effects. That is deeply distressing and worrisome. Last month, during the general debate of the General Assembly at its seventy-ninth session, the leaders of many countries expressed their views and propositions on the Ukraine issue. Russia and Ukraine also elaborated on their respective positions. Despite the differences in views and proposals on the root causes of the problem, the current dynamics and the path to ending the crisis, all countries unanimously called for an early restoration of peace. It can be said that peace is the greatest common denominator upon which the international community is able to reach agreement, on the Ukraine crisis. It is precisely based on that understanding that on 27 September, 17 countries of the global South, including Brazil, China, Egypt, Indonesia, South Africa and Türkiye, on the margins of the general debate, held a ministerial meeting on the Ukraine crisis. France, Hungary and Switzerland also participated as observers. At the meeting, all parties expressed deep concern about the risks arising from the current conflict, especially its impact on the countries of the global South. They emphasized the importance of the peaceful settlement of international disputes and called for a political solution to the Ukraine crisis through diplomatic means. After the meeting, Brazil, China and other participating countries issued a joint communiqué that calls for upholding the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and respecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of States. It also calls on all parties to the conflict to abide by the principles of de-escalation of the situation, highlighting the importance of non-expansion of the battlefield and non-intensification of fighting. Furthermore, it calls for refraining from the use or threat of use of weapons of mass destruction, in particular nuclear weapons and chemical and biological weapons, and for every effort to be made to prevent nuclear proliferation and avoid a nuclear war. The countries concerned have also agreed to set up a Group of Friends for Peace within the United Nations in order to further mobilize voices for peace, promote consensus for peace and support peace efforts. The Group of Friends for Peace has no intention of interfering with, influencing or replacing existing platforms and mechanisms or of negotiating on behalf of the parties concerned, namely, Russia and Ukraine, much less imposing any peace proposals. The Group will conduct its work in a flexible way, engage in dialogue inclusively and engage all parties in an open spirit. It welcomes the participation of like-minded countries, especially those from the global South, to create synergies and build peace together. In his statement just now, the representative of the United States once again attacked and smeared China, which we strongly oppose. I would like to highlight the following three points. First, China’s position on the Ukraine issue is objective and impartial. We neither support nor favour any party. China has always adhered to the general direction of a political settlement of the Ukraine crisis, and it has maintained contacts with all parties concerned, including Russia and Ukraine. During the general debate of the General Assembly at its seventy- ninth session, Chinese Minister for Foreign Affairs Wang Yi held respective meetings with his Russian and Ukrainian counterparts to actively promote peace talks. We have provided timely briefings to Russia and Ukraine on the holding of the ministerial meeting on Ukraine and the establishment of the Group of Friends for Peace. We have listened to their views. Secondly, China’s position on the Ukraine issue has been consistent, namely, promoting a ceasefire and a political settlement. At the outset of the conflict, President Xi Jinping put forward four points regarding what should be done, making it clear that the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all States should be respected and the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations should be observed. China has also issued a paper entitled “China’s position on the political settlement of the Ukraine crisis”, and, with Brazil, it has issued a six-point consensus, calling for a political settlement of the crisis. The Special Representative of the Chinese Government has maintained close contact with all parties and actively engaged in shuttle diplomacy, working for peace and facilitating talks. Thirdly, China’s position on the Ukraine issue is transparent and impartial. We have no intention of exploiting it for selfish gain or to create confrontation. China is not the cause of the Ukraine crisis, let alone a party to the conflict. China has never supplied lethal weapons to any party to the conflict and has maintained consistent and strict controls on exports of dual-use items. We call on the international community to work together to address the negative spillover effects of the crisis, jointly maintain the security and stability of industrial supply chains and refrain from capitalizing on the situation to suppress dissent, or to disengage from or disrupt the chains. We object to the United States using the issue of Ukraine to discredit and exert pressure on China and impose illegal unilateral sanctions and long-arm jurisdiction on Chinese entities and individuals. We will take all necessary measures to resolutely safeguard the legitimate rights and interests of Chinese companies and citizens.

I thank Assistant Secretary- General Jenča for his briefing. As Russia’s aggression against Ukraine drags on, we continue to witness the deterioration of the situation on the ground. That is substantiated by sobering statistics and spiralling markers related to the death toll, injuries and the humanitarian needs of millions of people, as clearly outlined by the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs and other actors on the ground. The summer months marked a clear escalation in violence through the intensification of missile and drone attacks all around Ukraine and the systematic targeting of Ukraine’s civilian infrastructure. That led to a dramatic increase in casualties. The specific targeting of Ukraine’s energy infrastructure entrenches the grim reality that millions of Ukrainians will be forced to face another tough winter with a severely crippled energy capacity. Moreover, any action that endangers the safety and security of Ukraine’s nuclear facilities is unacceptable. In that regard, we fully support all diplomatic efforts by the International Atomic Energy Agency aimed at addressing those topics. Furthermore, we condemn the destruction of port infrastructure and the weaponization of goods, which continue to undermine global food security. We reiterate that international law, including international humanitarian and international human rights law, must be respected by all parties at all times. We also express our grave concern at reports of executions by Russian forces of Ukrainian prisoners of war. We condemn third countries’ continued support for Russia’s war of aggression in the form of military support and dual-use items, some of which are in violation of Security Council resolutions. Reports of Democratic People’s Republic of Korea troops on the front line in Ukraine are troubling and deeply concerning. Ensuring the protection of humanitarian space across Ukraine is essential. We express our concern about the incidents of violence against humanitarian workers and damage to humanitarian hubs and assets in the vicinity of the front line. We again call for all parties to ensure the safety and security of all United Nations and humanitarian personnel and facilitate their life-saving operations. That, alongside strengthening winterization efforts in the weeks and months ahead, will be critical in supporting the most vulnerable trapped in the conflict. The situation of children in the temporarily controlled or occupied territories of Ukraine remains dire and in need of more humanitarian support. To that end, we reiterate our full support for the mandate of the International Criminal Court, the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine and the Register of Damage Caused by the Aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine. Malta reaffirms its unwavering support for Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. We will continue to support Ukraine and its right to defend itself in accordance with Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations, as long as the unjustified and unprovoked war of aggression continues. A comprehensive, just and lasting peace is urgently needed. We support the current momentum for a Ukraine peace plan, and we call on all Members to spare no effort in building the broadest possible international support for it to materialize. The Russian Federation can end the war by withdrawing all its troops from the entire territory of Ukraine. As we focus all our efforts on peace, we should never lose focus on the responsibility that we have to protect our multilateral system and uphold the Charter of the United Nations and international law.

I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the representative of Switzerland. I join my colleagues in thanking Assistant Secretary-General Jenča for his briefing. As the grim milestone of a thousand days of Russia’s military aggression against Ukraine fast approaches, we are reminded on a daily basis of the profound impact that the war is having on the lives of the civilian population. As we heard today, last month saw the highest number of civilian casualties this year, reflecting a worrisome trend seen in recent months of a significant increase in the number of civilian casualties and in damage to civilian infrastructure. Switzerland condemns Russia’s military aggression against Ukraine. The high number of attacks, which particularly affect communities close to, and on, the front line in the regions of Donetsk, Kharkiv, Odesa and Zaporizhzhya, is alarming. The ensuing destruction to homes, schools, hospitals and other civilian infrastructure, including energy grids, must end. In addition to the human cost, those actions are hampering humanitarian responses, creating fresh waves of displacement and putting vulnerable populations at risk, particularly with winter imminent. The upsurge in attacks on civilian port infrastructure and civilian vessels is also having a direct impact on global food security. We also remain concerned about the safety and security of nuclear facilities, in particular those of the Zaporizhzhya nuclear power plant, which are endangered by ongoing attacks on Ukraine’s energy infrastructure, among others. Switzerland continues to support the crucial work of the International Atomic Energy Agency in Ukraine. We underscore that attacks against civilians or civilian objects are prohibited. All parties must adhere strictly to international humanitarian law, in particular the rules governing the conduct of hostilities, and ensure the protection of the civilian population and respect for human rights. We also call on all parties to ensure that all prisoners of war are treated humanely in full compliance with international humanitarian law. We welcome the recent exchange of 190 prisoners of war, and it is our hope that further exchanges will follow. We once again call on Russia to immediately cease all hostilities and withdraw its troops from all of Ukrainian territory. Switzerland further reiterates its dismay at the apparent continuation of, and increase in, foreign support for Russia’s military aggression, in contravention of the Council’s resolutions on non-proliferation. To address the far-reaching consequences of the war, a coordinated international response is required. We can all contribute to it. Switzerland is doing so in three respects: by establishing a peace process, by engaging in reconstruction and by responding to the urgent needs of the population, including through humanitarian aid. The Ukraine Mine Action Conference, organized jointly by Ukraine and Switzerland last week, forms part of that commitment. As our President said, “living in peace also means being free from the fear of mines and remnants of war.” They not only pose an immediate threat to people, but also make agricultural land unusable, affecting food security in Ukraine and worldwide. We would like to thank all the delegations who joined us in Lausanne and who are contributing to the long-term recovery effort. Through the final document of the conference, we undertook to act together to that end. As a member of the Security Council, Switzerland believes that this organ has a responsibility and a duty to respond to the widely shared call for a just and lasting peace in Ukraine. We reaffirm our commitment to supporting peace efforts based on international law and the Charter of the United Nations, in particular the principles of territorial integrity and sovereignty. Switzerland continues to support the Secretary-General in the search for a peaceful solution and remains ready to contribute to all measures aimed at promoting peace in accordance with the Charter. I now resume my functions as President of the Council. The representative of the United States has asked for the floor to make a further statement.

I will be very brief in response to some remarks that were made. As I made clear in my statement, the United States supports a just peace in Ukraine. But any proposal that is not aligned with the Charter of the United Nations and/or seeks to freeze in place Russia’s territorial conquest is not a just peace. Let me make one last comment. My delegation will continue to call out all countries, including China, that publicly continue to aid Russia’s industrial base, and we will continue to do so until that assistance stops.

The representative of China has asked for the floor to make a further statement.

I too will be brief. China and some countries of the global South created the Group of Friends of Peace for one purpose only: to achieve a peaceful resolution of the crisis in Ukraine and to restore peace in Europe as soon as possible. We hope that the representative of the United States and others will correctly understand the efforts of China and some other countries of the global South and that they will participate in that positive process.

The representative of the United States has asked for the floor to make a further statement.

I will be very brief. As I said, we will support peace. But it has to be a just peace.

The representative of China has asked for the floor to make a further statement.

I suggest that the representative of the United States read the joint communiqué issued by the ministerial meeting convened by China and some global South countries on 27 September.

I now give the floor to the representative of Ukraine.

I would have recognized the representative of Putin’s capo-regime in the permanent seat of the Soviet Union if he had not run away as a cheat who had told a pack of lies. Next month we will reach a sombre milestone: 1,000 days since Putin’s mafia regime launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Every day of this invasion has been marked by Russian war crimes and Ukrainian suffering and resilience. Every new day of the Russian crisis is a new blow to the prospects of a peaceful and secure future for the globe — not only because Russia strikes Ukraine, but also because it serves as a role model for other rogue States. Russia persists in escalating its missile and drone terror. Month after month, Russia sets new records in killing and destruction. This September was the month with the highest number of civilian casualties in 2024; according to the United Nations, 208 civilians were killed and 1,220 injured. The severity of the crimes committed by the Russian military against Ukrainian prisoners of war (POWs) and civilian detainees is growing. The Office of the Prosecutor General of Ukraine has documented the executions of 103 Ukrainian POWs by Russian forces, with 80 per cent of those executions occurring in 2024. In October, at least two cases of mass murders of Ukrainian POWs have been recorded. Near Pokrovsk, in the Donetsk region, Russians killed 16 Ukrainian POWs. Just several days later, on 10 October, Russian military forces shot nine unarmed Ukrainian soldiers near the village of Zelenyi Shlyakh, in the Kursk region. It is not only soldiers, but Ukrainian civilians, too, who continue to be killed in Russian captivity. On 10 October, it was revealed that Ukrainian journalist Viktoriia Roshchyna, illegally detained by Russia in the temporarily occupied territory of Ukraine in August 2023, had lost her life in a Russian prison. Evidence of widespread and systematic torture by Russia against Ukrainian civilians and POWs was recently reported by the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine. Those acts of torture follow consistent patterns across different locations, indicating a coordinated and officially sanctioned practice. Being unable to block the navigation to and from Ukrainian Black Sea ports, Russia has intensified its attacks on civilian vessels and port infrastructure. In the past three months, nearly 60 such terrorist attacks took place, killing or injuring 79 civilians and damaging or destroying nearly 300 infrastructure facilities and 22 civilian vessels. In one of the latest attacks, on 7 October, a Russian missile struck a civilian ship under the flag of Palau, killing one person and injuring five others. On 9 October, Russia attacked a port in the Odesa region with a ballistic missile, hitting a container ship registered in Panama, which carried 45 containers of packaged sunflower oil. That shipment was a humanitarian consignment commissioned by the United Nations for delivery to Palestine. As a result of the missile attack, at least eight people were killed and 11 injured. Putting an end to Russia’s occupation and missile attacks on our ports would significantly increase our ability to supply food to the global market. As a result of Russia’s relentless shelling and deliberate destruction of power generation, especially in front-line regions, the situation in the country has worsened drastically. On 15 October, the Governor of Kharkiv oblast announced the mandatory evacuation of residents in Kupiansk and nearby villages that had been left without electricity, heat and water due to Russian shelling. Ensuring nuclear safety and security remains one of Ukraine’s top priorities. Coupled with the threats posed by Russia’s ongoing occupation and militarization of the Zaporizhzhya nuclear power plant, its continued attacks on Ukraine’s energy infrastructure produce serious risks to the safety and security of our nuclear facilities. Missile and drone strikes on energy installations jeopardize the power supply needed to maintain critical cooling systems at nuclear power plants. In turn, disruptions to the power supply for extended periods pose serious challenges to the safe operation of nuclear reactors, potentially leading to dangerous overheating. Russia is planning attacks on Ukraine’s nuclear power plants and critical substations, with the aim of disconnecting the power plants from the power grid. I call on all States to take a strong stance to prevent such a scenario, as it could severely increase the likelihood of a nuclear disaster. The military alliance with the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea exposes several truths about Russia. Let us start with one that we are seeing in this very Chamber. Protecting its accomplice, Russia has undermined the monitoring mechanism for sanctions compliance. Another truth is that all of Russia’s might is bluff; it is a gas station with a nuclear bomb. Since 2023, Pyongyang has been supplying weapons and munitions to Moscow, including ballistic missiles, in violation of multiple Security Council resolutions. In fact, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea has become the main supplier of ammunition to Russia, thereby fuelling and prolonging its war against Ukraine. That is yet another blow to the myth of “the second army of the world”, the army that in reality is begging from global outcasts, not only for weapons but also for manpower. According to publicly available information, approximately 11,000 infantry troops of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea are currently being trained in Russia’s east. Those troops are expected to be ready for war against Ukraine by 1 November. Whereas at the beginning of the invasion most Russian citizens killed in the war were from among Indigenous peoples and other non-Russian ethnic communities, now Moscow headhunts impoverished citizens from third countries, once again exposing the deeply racist, neocolonial nature of its regime. Although the example of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is the most striking, we should not forget about Russia’s attempts to deceitfully recruit people from African and Asian countries, not only for combat operations but also for work in military industries. For instance, as reported by the media recently, the Indian Foreign Ministry acknowledged it is pressing Russia for the discharge of all Indian nationals remaining in the Russian army. The outcome of Russia’s war against Ukraine will decide whether or not the world will plunge into more wars. This global threat requires a global and ambitious response. That is why last week the President of Ukraine, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, presented the victory plan, which consists of five very concrete points. Let me now “unweave” the Russian tapestry of lies about the plan. The first point is indeed an invitation for Ukraine to join NATO. That will become fundamental for peace and serve as a signal to the Russian dictator that his geopolitical calculations have failed. Russia should not be allowed to further exploit geopolitical uncertainty in Europe. The second point is defence. It implies the irreversible strengthening of Ukraine’s capabilities in the face of the aggressor. That includes the provision of a determined inventory of weapons needed to achieve that objective, strengthening of Ukraine’s air defence, further military operations in designated areas of Russia and destroying Russia’s offensive potential in the occupied territories of Ukraine. The third point is deterrence. Ukraine proposes deploying a comprehensive non-nuclear strategic deterrence package on its territory, sufficient to protect the country from any military threat posed by Russia. Effective deterrence will ensure that Russia either resorts to diplomacy or is going to lose its war machine. The fourth point is strategic economic potential. The deposits of critical resources in Ukraine, worth trillions of dollars, along with Ukraine’s globally important energy and food production potential are among the key targets of the Russian Federation in this war. Instead, Ukraine offers its strategic partners a special agreement for the joint protection of those resources, as well as joint investment and the use of that economic potential. The fifth point is designed for the post-war period. After this war, Ukraine will have one of the most experienced and largest military contingents, which should be used to ensure security in Europe. The victory plan is designed to push Russia towards a just peace rooted in international law. If the aggressor achieves its goals, it will set the stage for new wars of conquest worldwide. Ukraine is open to diplomacy, but it must be honest diplomacy, grounded in a position of strength. That is the core of our peace formula  — to ensure that Ukraine is not forced into unjust compromises. This summer, the first peace summit was held with the support of nearly 100 countries and international organizations. It is a clear path to restoring a just peace based on the United Nations Charter. Ukraine is preparing for a second peace summit to bring an end to the war. Six thematic conferences on the peace formula’s points have already taken place, and others will be held by the end of October. Based on the outcomes of those conferences, in November the joint peace framework will be prepared, opening the way for the organization of the second peace summit. The victory plan is a critical step toward this goal. It is the bridge to implementing the peace formula, securing a successful second peace summit and advancing the cause of honest diplomacy for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace for Ukraine.

I now give the floor to Mr. Lambrinidis. Mr. Lambrinidis: I have the honour to speak on behalf of the European Union (EU) and its member States. The candidate countries North Macedonia, Montenegro, Ukraine, the Republic of Moldova, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Georgia, as well as Andorra, Monaco and San Marino, align themselves with this statement. I would like to thank Assistant Secretary- General Jenča, from the Department of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs, for yet another sobering briefing. As we approach the 1,000-day mark of Russia’s war of aggression, its civilian toll becomes ever more deplorable. The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights documented a 45 per cent increase in civilian casualties in June, July and August, as compared with the previous three-month period, a shameful trend that continued into September. At the same time, we continue to witness a systematic and deliberate campaign by Russia to target Ukraine’s civilian infrastructure, in particular its energy production and transmission capacity. Ukraine has lost 70 per cent of its pre-war electricity production capacity, under a very clear Russian plan to weaponize energy, against the development needs of Ukraine and the most basic human needs of its people, in violation of international law. It is clear Russia is attempting to pile on the pressure on the Ukrainian people ahead of a freezing winter, hoping in that way that it will capitulate. We repeat our call on Russia to immediately halt its war of aggression, including its unrelenting strikes against Ukraine’s civilians and civilian infrastructure. The United Nations Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine has assessed that such attacks have been of a widespread and systematic nature, considering the number of regions affected, the high precision of the weapons involved and the scale of harm inflicted on civilians. We are also concerned about Russia’s treatment of Ukrainian prisoners of war, with at least 177 prisoners of war having died in Russian captivity since the beginning of Russia’s war of aggression, according to reliable sources. In addition, the United Nations has confirmed the widespread and systematic use of a wide range of different methods of torture and ill-treatment, including sexual violence, against Ukrainian prisoners of war by their Russian captors. Russia demonstrates continued and systematic disregard for international law. The EU condemns the prisoners’ lack of access to the outside world and the denial of humanitarian access for independent monitors. International humanitarian law, including the Geneva Convention relative to the treatment of prisoners of war, must be fully respected. Russia’s disregard for human life also extends to journalists, as exemplified by the death of Ukrainian journalist Viktoriia Roshchyna while in illegal arbitrary Russian detention. The EU remains deeply concerned about Russia’s ongoing harassment, intimidation and violence against journalists and media workers covering war zones and front lines, as well as the issue of international arrest warrants. Russia is also intensifying its efforts to disrupt the Black Sea corridor with attacks on civilian port infrastructure and civilian vessels in and around Odesa. Ships from Panama, Palau and Saint Kitts and Nevis carrying grain for export have been hit by Russian ballistic missiles. In other words, Russia continues to weaponize food and deliberately undermine global food security. All countries must unequivocally condemn those attacks on the freedom of navigation and global food security. If such illegal aggression and such international crimes go unpunished, then we are entering a very dark world. Russia and its leadership must be held fully accountable for waging a war of aggression and for other most serious crimes under international law, as well as for the massive damage caused by that war. We recall the six arrest warrants issued by the International Criminal Court, including against the Russian President for the war crime of the unlawful deportation and transfer of Ukrainian children. Finally, we reiterate the European Union’s support for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine, based on the Charter of the United Nations. No country wants that more than Ukraine. More than 100 countries and organizations expressed their support at the Summit on Peace in Ukraine hosted by Switzerland this summer. To that end, Russia — the aggressor — must withdraw all its troops from the entire territory of Ukraine. Any serious proposal for peace must be based on the United Nations Charter and international law, as clearly laid out by the General Assembly in its resolutions. We call on all countries desiring a just and lasting peace, including participants in the upcoming Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa group summit, to convey that United Nations message loudly and clearly to Russia’s leadership. We also urge third countries to cease all assistance to Russia’s war of aggression. That includes not only direct military support but also the provision of dual-use goods and sensitive items that sustain Russia’s military industrial base. I conclude by reaffirming that we will continue to support Ukraine and defend the United Nations Charter in response to Russia’s aggression, and we will do so for as long as it takes.

I now give the floor to the representative of Poland.

I extend my sincere gratitude to Assistant Secretary-General Jenča for his informative yet disturbing briefing. As was mentioned several times today, we are approaching the 1,000th day of Russia’s illegal and brutal war of aggression against Ukraine. I would like to begin by acknowledging the remarkable resilience and determination of the Ukrainian people. Despite immense hardship, they continue to fight for their freedom and democracy. That is also evident in the country’s progress in implementing a wide range of reforms on its European and Euro-Atlantic path. Russia’s indiscriminate assault shows no signs of abating. It continues to launch heinous air strikes targeting Ukraine’s energy grid and critical facilities, including nuclear ones, with the aim of destabilizing the economy and society. Ukrainians are suffering from deliberate and targeted attacks on civilian infrastructure, including hospitals, schools and kindergartens. Civilians are the targets of the Russian aggression. The Kremlin’s main goal remains unchanged: to cause widespread power outages and exacerbate the humanitarian crisis during the winter, ultimately with the aim of provoking a large humanitarian crisis. Poland urges Russia to immediately cease its aggression against Ukraine and to stop violating international law, including international humanitarian and human rights law, and to stop disseminating disinformation, such as the false quotations we also heard today. We are gravely alarmed about recent agreements and developments in other States’ support for Russia’s war efforts in Ukraine and military assistance to the aggressor. We condemn the transfer of weapons to Russia, the belligerent State, in the strongest possible terms. Poland resolutely advocates for accountability for all violations. We endorse the efforts of the United Nations Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine, the International Criminal Court, the investigative initiatives led by the European Union and the work of the Council of Europe to establish a future compensation mechanism. We support a peace initiative that is firmly grounded in international law, particularly the Charter of the United Nations. Achieving a lasting peace necessitates the rejection of the notion that borders can be altered through the use of force. Any lasting solution must also dismiss Russia’s other proposals, such as the idea of a sphere of influence, which contradicts the fundamental principle of the sovereign equality of States. Such a concept is a dangerous and outdated colonial relic that must be rejected. In conclusion, Poland reaffirms its unwavering commitment to Ukraine’s defence of its sovereignty and territorial integrity. The Ukrainians’ peace initiatives constitute the only road map to a just and enduring peace. It is time for Russia to heed the call of the international community, cease its aggression and withdraw its forces from illegally occupied Ukrainian lands. Together, we can help Ukraine rebuild, heal and reclaim its rightful place in a peaceful and prosperous Europe.

I now give the floor to the representative of Finland.

I have the honour to address the Council today on behalf of the Nordic countries, namely, Denmark, Iceland, Norway, Sweden and my own country, Finland. We thank the presidency for the opportunity to address the Council and we extend our appreciation to Assistant Secretary-General Jenča for his briefing. It has been almost 1,000 harrowing days since Russia brought the horrors of war back to Europe with its full-scale invasion of Ukraine and 10 years since its illegal annexation of Crimea. That blatant violation of the Charter of the United Nations has resulted in the largest displacement of people in Europe since the Second World War, with close to 7 million refugees in the continent and beyond and 3.7 million people displaced inside Ukraine. Russia wages a reckless war against the civilian population and civilian infrastructure in Ukraine. The United Nations estimates nearly 38,000 civilian casualties. The military casualties affect entire generations of Ukrainians. Russia’s massive attacks against Ukraine’s energy infrastructure have further exacerbated humanitarian needs, and Russia’s activities around the Zaporizhzhya power plant have raised the risk of a nuclear incident. Ukraine has every right to defend its independence and sovereignty against foreign aggression. That inherent right of all nations is enshrined in the United Nations Charter. Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine concerns us all. People far from the battlefields, all across the globe, feel its effects in food, fuel and energy prices. In the past few weeks, Russia has intensified its attacks on civilian port infrastructure and civilian vessels in the Black Sea corridor. Yet above all, we must all ask ourselves the following: what is left of our respect for the United Nations Charter if we let borders be redrawn by force, or if there is no accountability for ruthless aggression and grave violations of the international law? By supporting Ukraine, we are defending international law, including the United Nations Charter. We cannot let such grave violations go unchecked — not in Ukraine, not anywhere in the world. It is in the direct interest of all of us. The Nordic countries reiterate their support for Ukraine’s peace formula as the basis for a comprehensive, just and sustainable peace. Eventual peace must be firmly rooted in the United Nations Charter. All nations, big and small, are invited to contribute to efforts that can lead to a comprehensive, just and sustainable peace. It is up to Ukraine to define when and on what basis a future peace process should be conducted. The Nordic countries will support Ukraine and the Ukrainian people for as long as it takes.

I now give the floor to the representative of Estonia.

I have the honour to speak on behalf of the three Baltic States, namely, Latvia, Lithuania and my own country, Estonia. We align ourselves with the statement made on behalf of the European Union. Allow me to begin by thanking Assistant Secretary- General Jenča for his useful briefing. The list of Russia’s violations and crimes committed in Ukraine continues to grow with every passing day. Contrary to the calls of States represented at this table for de-escalation, the statements and actions by Russian leadership indicate that these calls fall on deaf ears, as exemplified by recent Russian attacks against Ukrainian port infrastructure in Odesa and against civilian vessels, some of which were carrying grain, including to Palestine. I stress once more that Russia’s actions are violating the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and are not compatible with its Security Council permanent membership obligations. Russia’s attempt to derail the Pact for the Future during the United Nations high-level week, including all of our priorities for the revival of multilateralism, is yet another stark reminder that Russia is a threat to global peace and security. In addition, allow me to make three points. First, Putin’s announcement on 25 September on the revision of Russia’s nuclear doctrine is a continuation of the irresponsible nuclear rhetoric we have seen since the start of the aggression against Ukraine. If Russia’s leadership thinks that nuclear sabre rattling helps to facilitate a peaceful solution to this war, there is a far simpler solution: they should end the war and military escalation and withdraw their troops from Ukraine. Secondly, the increasing involvement of Iran, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Belarus in Russia’s aggression against Ukraine must stop immediately. In addition to the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea providing Russia with ballistic missiles, recent reports of potential involvement of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s troops to fight on Russia’s side in Ukraine would be an utterly dangerous escalation. We call on China, as a permanent member of the Security Council, with a particular responsibility to uphold the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter, to support ending Russia’s war of aggression, including by ceasing all material and political support to Russia. Thirdly, we condemn the increasing systematic executions of Ukrainian prisoners of war by Russia. Reports indicate that Russia has killed at least 177 Ukrainian prisoners of war since the beginning of Russia’s invasion. This abhorrent practice is another cowardly act displaying Russia’s complete disregard for international law, including international humanitarian law, in particular the Convention against Torture, and constitutes a grave breach of the Geneva Conventions. We also call on Russia to immediately free all detained Ukrainian civilians. We stand with the Ukrainian people and reiterate our unwavering support for Ukraine’s right to self-defence and Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. We call upon the United Nations membership to support Ukraine’s Peace Formula, which is the only viable framework to secure a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine, based on principles of the United Nations Charter.