S/PV.9792 Security Council

In accordance with rule 37 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representatives of Brazil, Canada, the Dominican Republic, Grenada, Haiti, Jamaica, Kenya, Mexico and Panama to participate in this meeting. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the following briefers to participate in this meeting: Mr. Miroslav Jenča, Assistant Secretary-General for Europe, Central Asia and Americas in the Departments of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs and Peace Operations; Dr. Jean William Pape, Director of Les Centres Gheskio and Clinical Professor of Medicine at Weill Cornell Medical College; and Mr. Dan Cohen, investigative journalist and documentary filmmaker. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I give the floor to Mr. Jenča. Mr. Jenča: Haiti is at a dire crossroads. Extreme levels of gang violence continue to erode State authority and pose an alarming threat to the people of Haiti and to international peace and security in the region, with no improvement in sight. The country is now in its third year of political transition, following the assassination of President Jovenel Moïse in 2021. On 11 November, the Transitional Presidential Council appointed a new Prime Minister, Mr. Alix Didier Fils-Aimé, after weeks of intense standoff with the former Prime Minister, Mr. Garry Conille. Mr. Fils-Aimé is the fourth Prime Minister to hold office during this political transition. We are deeply concerned about the slow progress on implementing Haiti’s road map for restoring democratic institutions. Time is of the essence and in order to ensure that general elections can be held in 2025, it is crucial to complete the appointment of all nine members of Haiti’s Provisional Electoral Council. I want to reiterate the Secretary-General’s call for all national stakeholders to set aside their differences and work constructively for the benefit of the people of Haiti and its institutions, given the immense challenges they face. The United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti (BINUH) continues to use its good offices to support the political process, including to boost civil society participation in the transition, with a particular focus on women and young people. Haiti’s security crisis keeps intensifying. On the very day of the new Prime Minister’s installation, a series of shocking incidents unfolded as four commercial aircraft were struck by gang-related gunfire, resulting in the reported injury of one crew member. As a result, Port-au-Prince’s international airport remains closed, the United States Federal Aviation Administration has prohibited United States commercial flights to and from Haiti until 12 December, and many international carriers have indicated even longer suspensions. Those measures have suspended international access to the capital and severely restricted our ability to transport United Nations and other international personnel by air as needed. Regular movement in and out of the capital and the rest of the country has also been disrupted. Today, thanks to concerted United Nations efforts, the United Nations Humanitarian Air Service helicopter was able to resume its operations in and out of Port- au-Prince. This is the second time this year that armed gangs have exploited moments of political instability to tighten their stranglehold on Port-au-Prince by targeting the airport. Unlike in March of this year, on this occasion armed gangs directly targeted commercial aircraft with multiple passengers on board during their landing and take-off. Following the resulting closure of the international airport, armed gangs have further intensified their coordinated and well-orchestrated attacks. Having encircled the capital and all access roads, armed gangs have made territorial advances in strategic areas and according to some estimates, they now control 85 per cent of the capital. They are also attacking the remaining pockets of relative safety, increasingly including Government buildings and infrastructure. On the night of 18 November, armed gang coalitions launched a coordinated attack to gain control of the Pétion-Ville suburb, which is home to most international staff, United Nations offices and diplomatic missions. While the Haitian National Police tried to push gangs back, clashes in those areas reportedly resulted in several dozen fatalities. Desperate Haitians are increasingly turning to vigilante groups, establishing roadblocks and taking justice into their own hands. That is not just another wave of insecurity; it is a dramatic escalation that shows no signs of abating. The humanitarian consequences are severe. We are deeply concerned about the safety, basic needs and human rights of the people who reside in gang- controlled areas, in particular the women and children among them. Predatory armed gangs systematically attack communities and use extreme forms of violence, including sexual violence, as a weapon to subjugate them. We condemn in the strongest terms the widespread sexual violence used by armed gangs. The International Organization for Migration has reported a staggering rise in displacement, with 20,000 people fleeing gang violence in just four days in November, on top of the approximately 700,000 internally displaced persons in Haiti reported as of September. In addition, more than 167,000 Haitians have been deported from several countries to date this year, including 35,000 since 1 October. The United Nations remains fully committed to standing with Haiti through these challenging times, but more resources are needed to provide vital assistance and support. At present, the $674 million humanitarian response plan for Haiti is only 43 per cent funded. The start of the deployment on 25 June of the Multinational Security Support Mission in Haiti authorized by the Security Council marked an important milestone in the international response to Haiti’s request for assistance. The multinational effort was made possible by personnel contributions from Kenya, which is leading the mission, and the Bahamas, Belize and Jamaica. Furthermore, voluntary financial contributions, equipment and logistical support from donor countries, including Canada, France, Germany and the United States, have been crucial. However, with a little more than 400 of the initially planned 2,500 personnel currently deployed, the Multinational Security Support Mission remains in its deployment phase and is unable to demonstrate its full potential. The United Nations trust fund for the Mission has a pledged amount of only $96.8 million. Much more is needed — and it is needed now. For the Multinational Security Support Mission to fully deliver on its mandate and achieve its envisioned strength, international donors and personnel contributors must step up immediately. Without a substantial and sustained increase in voluntary contributions from Member States, there is a real risk that the Mission will never be fully equipped, fully deployed or able to sustain its support for the Haitian National Police. Despite the magnitude of the challenges, the Haitian National Police continue their efforts to conduct anti-gang operations. However, they face significant shortages of human, material and financial resources, making it difficult to sustain their operational successes. Any further delays or operational gaps in providing international security support to the Haitian National Police, whether through the Multinational Security Support Mission or bilateral assistance, would result in a catastrophic risk of the collapse of national security institutions. That could lead to a complete breakdown of State authority, rendering international operations and the support to Haitians in need in the country untenable. Such an outcome would be inexcusable for the people of Haiti, who have endured far too much already. In his address to the General Assembly on 26 September, the former President of the Transitional Presidential Council, Mr. Edgard Leblanc Fils, called for a discussion to be initiated on the transformation of the Multinational Security Support Mission into a United Nations peacekeeping operation. His successor in Haiti’s rotating presidency, Mr. Leslie Voltaire, reiterated that request in a letter to the Security Council on 21 October (see S/2024/765), seeking the Mission’s transformation as soon as possible. A resolution adopted by the Permanent Council of the Organization of American States on 13 November urged the Security Council to urgently support Haiti’s request to transition the Mission into a United Nations peacekeeping operation. The ongoing discussions in the Security Council about international engagement in Haiti’s security and stability to succeed the Multinational Security Support Mission highlight the need for the Government of Haiti and the international community to have a long-term vision. The Secretary-General urges the members of the Council to maintain the unified approach demonstrated in the adoption of the recent resolutions regarding Haiti. What is required is a sizable increase in the internationally provided enhanced security support that complements the Haitian National Police. That support must include the adequate capabilities, weapons, equipment and specialized expertise that the Haitian National Police needs in order to remain the primary actor in the response against armed gangs. A robust mandate, which has already been authorized for the Multinational Security Support Mission, coupled with rules of engagement allowing proactive engagement against armed gangs, is essential. That must be accompanied by efforts to build up national police capabilities to support the Government in sustainably delivering security. In the current climate of violence, Haitian stakeholders have also made calls for support to strengthen the Haitian Armed Forces, to which some Member States have already responded. BINUH’s support for the Haitian National Police remains essential for the continued and long-term development of the institution, but the immediate, robust operational support needed now falls outside BINUH’s mandate. To ensure that security gains are sustained, more must be done to counter the illicit flow of drugs, weapons and ammunition. Corruption that incubates the illicit economy, as well as the patronage of armed gangs by corrupt political and private-sector elites, must also be tackled. To that end, national anti-corruption and accountability mechanisms need to be strengthened. The United Nations sanctions regime concerning Haiti must be utilized to its full potential in order to address the root causes of gang violence, including the collusion between individuals in the political, economic and security sectors, which would lead to increased confidence in the political process. Robust international security support is required now. There are no ideal options for addressing the severe and multifaceted crisis in Haiti. But as time passes and the situation deteriorates, we are left with fewer options and the Haitian people are left with less hope. It is high time that we turn commitments into action to prevent any further erosion of security and State authority in Haiti.

I thank Mr. Jenča for his briefing. I now give the floor to the representative of Kenya.

I am deeply honoured by the invitation to brief the Council today alongside the Assistant Secretary-General and the two briefers. I also acknowledge the participation of the Permanent Representative of Haiti, Ambassador Rodrigue, as well as the participation of the representatives of other Member States, particularly those from the region. The Security Council debated the question of Haiti almost a month ago (see S/PV.9757). The fact that it is having this briefing today once again reflects the Council’s interest in and determination to support Haiti and its people to find a pathway to political stability, sustained security and socioeconomic progress. The many interconnected challenges that Haiti faces demand a multipronged approach that addresses the root causes of this sad situation. We commend the Caribbean Community, the United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti, the United Nations country team and other partners who are playing an important part in providing critical support in the form of humanitarian and development assistance to Haiti today. We also commend the Security Council for its willingness, especially in the case of Haiti, to adapt innovative ways of bringing the scourge of crime and gang violence in Haiti to an end. We have seen the Council’s innovative stance in the Haiti sanctions regime that was established under resolution 2653 (2022). It may be recalled that Kenya was a strong proponent of that resolution when we served as an elected member of the Council in 2021 and 2022. We therefore welcome the Council’s recent decision to strengthen and expand the scope of the sanctions as a way of sending a clear message to gang leaders and their accomplices that the Council will not tolerate crime and violence against civilians in Haiti. On 2 October 2023, the Council made another innovation by authorizing the establishment of the Multinational Security Support Mission for Haiti to provide operational support to the Haitian National Police (HNP) (see S/PV.9430). Kenya is honoured to provide leadership to the Mission. I applaud the bravery and determination of the Haitian National Police, who together with the Mission have launched joint anti-gang and pacification operations against many odds. The success of those operations has seen the securing of critical infrastructure, including the National Police Academy, the National Palace, the national hospital, the international airport, the port and critical supply lines. All those efforts have restored the functionality of the Government and its services to some extent. In areas under its control, the Mission is enabling access for humanitarian assistance. It is creating hope for a resumption of social services. We have seen the reopening of schools and a return to some activity in previously gang-controlled areas. It is expected to play a critical role as we continue seeing the political transition in Haiti. Fragile as those efforts may seem, they confirm the assessment of Kenya that in fact the Multinational Security Support Mission is a mission possible. It should be noted, however, that the deployment to date stands at a paltry 16 per cent of the planned total number of 2,500 personnel. The 416 boots on the ground from Belize, Bahamas, Jamaica and Kenya are too few for the task ahead. The concept of operations envisaged a full deployment within the first three months of the commencement of operations in order to enable the force to undertake reactive operations that could deny the gangs a hold on the population. While the force in theatre is a proof of concept, the urgent need for a surge in Mission personnel deployment is evident. For instance, as noted by the previous briefer, the gangs coordinated attacks on multiple fronts simultaneously in October, significantly stretching the capacities of both the HNP and the Mission. We note and welcome the readiness of a number of countries to deploy to the Mission and look forward to the realization of that soon. On Kenya’s part, the remaining 617 specially trained officers who were committed by President William Ruto have already graduated and are now mission-ready. We look forward to the contribution of equipment and logistics to aid their deployment in the shortest possible time. The Council should note the significant risk of gangs taking advantage of what is currently a suboptimal deployment to intensify their criminal activities. It is also critical that the political leadership project a common aspiration and determination to restore Haiti to sustainable peace. To date, the Multinational Security Support Mission has enjoyed and continues to enjoy strong political support from the Transitional Presidential Council, as well as the Prime Minister, for which we are most grateful. Today Haiti has appealed to the Security Council — and has been appealing, as we were told — to consider the transformation of the Multinational Security Support Mission into a United Nations peacekeeping operation in the near future. It has appealed to the Council to authorize planning towards that end. That appeal is echoed by many countries of the region. My own country, Kenya, strongly supports that appeal. We therefore call on the Council to once again rise to the occasion and demonstrate the unity of purpose that it showed recently when it unanimously adopted three Haiti-related resolutions within a span of three months. A peacekeeping operation will avail greater resources to the Mission in a predictable and sustainable manner. It will also provide a broader platform for the collaboration and participation of more partners. We must emphasize, however, that the transition from the Multinational Security Support Mission to a peacekeeping operation must be carefully executed in order to avoid any gaps that could undermine the security situation on the ground. As we consider that possibility, which could take some time, we must not lose sight of the urgency of the current situation in Haiti today, which demands our undivided attention. Should the Security Council grant the request and approve the transformation of the Mission to a United Nations peacekeeping operation, Kenya stands ready to share its perspectives on the establishment of such an operation based on its experiences and lessons as the lead country of the Mission. We continue to thank the Haitian authorities, the personnel-contributing countries and the donors who have contributed bilaterally and through the United Nations trust fund. We appeal for more support to facilitate a full deployment of the Mission for expedited achievement of the mandate ahead of the proposed transition, which we believe is achievable. Finally, I reaffirm Kenya’s unwavering solidarity with our Haitian brothers and sisters. We will continue working with them, whether through the framework of the Multinational Security Support Mission for Haiti or its successor mission, in order to restore security for the social and economic prosperity of Haiti.

I thank Ms. Juma for her briefing. I now give the floor to Mr. Pape. Mr. Pape: It is with great sadness that I brief the Security Council today on the terrible situation in my country. My name is Bill Pape. I am a Clinical Professor of Medicine at Weill Cornell Medical College in New York and the Director of Les Centres Gheskio in Port- au-Prince, Haiti. After completing my training in the United States as a specialist in infectious diseases, I returned to my homeland in 1979. My work in Haiti has always been both challenging and productive. I first started at the State University Hospital, the largest in the country, tackling infantile diarrhoea — a condition that was the leading cause of death in Haiti and also in many developing countries at that time. By introducing oral rehydration therapy and other innovative approaches, we managed to reduce in-hospital mortality from 40 per cent to less than 1 per cent in just one year. From there, we expanded the programme nationally, with our unit as a national training centre, and that programme is credited with a 50 per cent reduction in national infantile mortality. In 1981, I was called in to consult on adult patients with chronic diarrhoea at the very same hospital. Those cases turned out to be the first recognized patients of what we now know as AIDS. That prompted me, along with eight other Haitian professionals, to establish Gheskio on 2 May 1982, which was one of the world’s first institutions dedicated to fighting AIDS. Our mission was clear: to provide care and tools for training and conduct research. More than 40 years later, Gheskio is one of the largest centres for AIDS and tuberculosis in the Americas today, providing free care to more than 300,000 patients. Over time, we have made incredible progress. AIDS, which was the leading cause of death in Haiti for decades, is now ranked seventh, responsible for just 5.6 per cent of all fatalities. Meanwhile, cardiovascular disease has emerged as the number one killer, accounting for 28 per cent of all deaths. Even our AIDS patients are dying of cardiovascular disease. In order to tackle that, we established the largest centre for cardiovascular disease in the country and identified hypertension as the main driver. In 2010, Haiti faced back-to-back disasters  — a devastating earthquake and a cholera outbreak. Gheskio stepped up, offering refuge to thousands of displaced people on our campus, while introducing an oral cholera vaccine to control the epidemic. That was the first time that the cholera vaccine was used during a cholera epidemic. It was a highly successful approach and caused the World Health Organization to change its guidelines to promote cholera vaccines during cholera epidemics and that approach has since been used to quell cholera all over the world. We have learned that in environments of extreme poverty, the provision of healthcare alone, while necessary, is not sufficient. Global health that includes education and economic opportunities is a must. Beyond healthcare, we expanded our reach with programmes such as microcredit loans, a chlorine factory providing clean water to 100,000 people in nearby slums, a vocational school for survivors of sexual violence and an elementary school on our downtown campus. On 1 June 2023, I wrote an op-ed in The New York Times, calling on the international community to help address the growing insecurity in Haiti. Unfortunately, the situation has only worsened since then. Haiti’s economy has seen negative growth for five consecutive years, the capital is completely cut off from the rest of the country and we are experiencing the largest exodus and brain drain in our history. More than 800,000 people have been internally displaced and the rates of murders, kidnappings, rapes and severe malnutrition have reached unprecedented levels. Most hospitals, including the State University Hospital, are now closed, and only 25 per cent of medical facilities in the capital remain operational, placing overwhelming pressure on those still standing, including ours. How has insecurity affected our institution? To date, 70 per cent of Gheskio’s staff have left the country. Resignation letters continue to arrive weekly; 68 per cent of our employees have had to flee their homes, very often only with the clothes that they were wearing, unable to retrieve anything else. In the past three years, 26 staff members of our institution have been kidnapped —more than have been kidnapped from any other institution  — including two staff members in just the past two months. Even my own son was kidnapped in November 2023 and held for three and a half months. It was a tremendous ordeal for our family. But we managed to survive by constantly adapting. We developed a contingency plan, continuously refined through every crisis, which includes having a back- up staff member for each critical position and offering ongoing training in medicine, laboratories and IT. In addition, our strong ties to the local communities have been essential to our resilience. But the reality is grim. How much longer can we continue operating under such conditions? Without the Security Council’s support, all the progress that we have made in combating infectious and chronic diseases will unravel. It is very easy to share grim statistics, but they do not fully capture the human cost — what it really feels like for the people who have to live through that hell every single day. What do we say, for example, to a 13-year-old girl who was gang raped, became pregnant and was too young to even understand what was happening to her own body? We helped her deliver a baby that she immediately rejected and continues to reject today. What kind of future awaits her? What kind of future awaits her child? How do we console the man tied up in his home, forced to watch his wife and two daughters being raped and mutilated? In just the past 13 days since I have been outside the country, two young mothers were murdered. One was shot in front of her four-year-old daughter, leaving behind two children, including a one-year-old infant, and her husband, who was himself kidnapped last year but made the sacrifice to remain in Haiti. The other woman was a newly trained urologist —there are a total of six urologists in the entire country — who had recently returned to Haiti from the United States to serve her country. She leaves behind her husband and young child. As members previously heard, I am here to tell Security Council members that the Multinational Security Support Mission is not working. Together with the Haitian police and army, they are outgunned and outnumbered. I clearly understand the controversies surrounding previous peacekeeping missions, but during their presence, insecurity did not exist on the current scale. People could move freely and farmers could transport their goods to market without fear. Nobody had to be in the streets because their house was set on fire. For a nation that once fought to abolish slavery and played a pivotal role in liberating South America, I trust that seeking the Council’s support to restore security in my country is not asking too much. It is a difficult task for any Haitian to request foreign troops on our own soil, but there is no other alternative. We sincerely hope that this will be the last time that such a plea is necessary. In conclusion, I cannot think of a single Haitian living in that hellish reality who would not welcome a more robust international intervention. If nothing is done, the alternative will be a massive genocide, which has already begun — something only the Council has the power to prevent.

I thank Mr. Pape for his briefing. I now give the floor to Mr. Cohen. Mr. Cohen: I am an investigative journalist and documentary filmmaker, one of the few independent journalists to report from Haiti in recent years. My most recent film is entitled Haiti: Intervention versus Revolution. The Security Council is being asked to approve the deployment of another so-called peacekeeping mission to Haiti. Let us recall that Haiti has been under United States and United Nations occupation for 21 of the past 30 years: from 1994 to 2000, by the United Nations Mission in Haiti, the United Nations Support Mission in Haiti, the United Nations Transition Mission in Haiti and the United Nations Civilian Police Mission in Haiti; and, from 2004 to 2019, by the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti and the United Nations Mission for Justice Support in Haiti. However, those two-plus decades of occupation never achieved their stated goals. In fact, United Nations soldiers, under the familiar pretext of combating gangs, in one operation that became emblematic of their conduct, wantonly fired some 22,000 bullets into the slum of Cité Soleil, killing residents in their ramshackle houses. Those United Nations troops were also responsible for crimes against the Haitian people, from the introduction of cholera to the rape of children, for which they were never held accountable. Now the Haitian people are being asked once again to let United Nations troops occupy their nation. Yet it is clear that there is another agenda at play. The United States Government  — my Government  — seeks to impose its will on Haiti, with or without the approval of the country. Do not take my word for it. In December 2021, China and Russia voted to limit the Security Council mandate for United States trainers to the Haitian National Police to only nine months, rather than the 12 months that Washington sought. That outraged United States Senator Robert Menendez, then Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. During a briefing to the Committee, Menendez rhetorically asked a State Department official: “Why do you think China and Russia stopped us?” He answered his own question saying, “They want total unrest in the hemisphere; that is their whole purpose in this hemisphere — creating instability.” He added, “At some point, we have to think about how we circumvent that.” In 2023, Washington indeed found a way to circumvent the Security Council when it was prevented from once again using this organ, as it did in 1994 and 2004, to further its interventionist goals in Haiti. It concocted the Multinational Security Support Mission, which United States representative to the United Nations, Jeffrey DeLaurentis, called a new way of preserving global peace and security. Indeed, the United States enacted legislation known as the Global Fragility Act, which might be better described as the Crumbling Empire Act. That bipartisan legislation, signed into law by President Trump in 2019 and continued under the Biden Administration, seeks to combine military force and soft power to push back against the growing influence of China and Russia, which Washington, still applying its long-discredited imperial Monroe Doctrine, sees as a threat. Haiti is the pilot case for that new strategy, which the United States openly stated it sought to apply to so-called fragile States around the world, beginning with Libya, Mozambique and Papua New Guinea and Benin, Ivory Coast, Ghana, Guinea and Togo in West Africa. That intervention assumes that the Haitian people are incapable of solving their own problems, an insulting notion to those who know Haitian history. An intervention would be, first and foremost, a violation of Haitian sovereignty. But even more so, it would empower and support the forces that have carried out the most heinous acts of violence in Haiti today. My outlet, Uncaptured Media, in collaboration with Haïti Liberté, recently published footage we obtained of a Haitian National Police officer summarily executing an unarmed civilian, picking his pocket and then running over his corpse with an armoured vehicle provided by the United States, ostensibly to fight gangs. That is not an isolated incident. A 30 September report by the Panel of Experts of the Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 2653 (2022), concerning Haiti, transmitted in a letter addressed to the President of the Security Council (S/2024/704), noted that from 1 January to 31 March, 590 civilians unrelated to gangs were killed or injured during police operations against gangs. The document cited reports that police officers had carried out extrajudicial executions, as seen in the footage we published. One must also note that the Kenyan police forces sent to Haiti under the auspices of the Multinational Security Support Mission have an abysmal human rights record going back decades. A 2009 report by the Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, Philip Alston, found “death squads operating on the orders of senior police officials” (A/HRC/11/2/Add.6, p. 2) killed 1,113 people following Kenya’s December 2007 elections. Little has changed since then. Even the United States State Department’s Kenya 2018 Human Rights Report noted “unlawful and politically motivated killings; forced disappearances; torture; harsh and life-threatening prison conditions” (p. 1). Any United Nations operation would work hand in glove with those corrupt and murderous Haitian and Kenyan police officers. The proposed United Nations intervention, like that of the Multinational Security Support Mission, is a violation of Haitian law and the Charter of the United Nations. Haiti has no elected Government, but rather a regime effectively appointed by the outgoing United States Secretary of State Antony Blinken. Interim President Leslie Voltaire, who most recently requested United Nations military intervention, has zero legal authority, like former Prime Ministers Ariel Henry, Garry Conille and now Didier Fils-Aimé. Not one of them has ever been elected nor holds any respect or legitimacy outside of Washington, D.C., and this building. That such an illegal intervention is even being considered is an insult and an affront to the Haitian people. From my numerous visits to Haiti in recent years, it is clear that the overwhelming majority of the Haitian people do not want another intervention. In 2023, as the Council considered whether to bless the Multinational Security Support Mission, Haitian popular organizations hung banners across the main thoroughfares in Port- au-Prince saying no to intervention and reminding the population of the cholera outbreak it introduced. The only sector of the Haitian population that supports an intervention are the tiny few who stand to benefit from it, who disproportionately live outside of the country and who profit from the status quo of controlled chaos. They are the corrupt oligarchs who funded the armed groups to do their bidding and have now lost control of them and those who Washington’s soft power arms, such as the United States Agency for International Development and the National Endowment for Democracy, have groomed as its preferred future leaders of Haiti. For anyone who naively believes that foreign armed intervention would benefit the Haitian people, one only needs to examine the results of previous interventions and remember the old adage that insanity is doing the same thing over and over and expecting different results. In fact, the proposed intervention could be worse. Haiti is awash in military-grade weapons imported from the United States, thanks to lax gun laws and porous borders. An intervention would meet stiff armed resistance and would cause bloodshed to the Haitian population and among United Nations troops. Haiti’s history is marked by its resistance to foreign invasions from its glorious 1804 revolution until today. Haitian sovereignty must be respected, but first re-established by the Haitian people themselves. Let Haitians, not foreign bodies, choose their leaders and their future.

I thank Mr. Cohen for his briefing. I shall now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements.

China and Russia requested this briefing on the question of Haiti at short notice for two purposes: the first is to get an update about the situation on the ground in Haiti and the second is to hear views and positions on the proposal to deploy a new United Nations peacekeeping operation in Haiti. I thank Assistant Secretary-General Miroslav Jenča and National Security Advisor Juma for their briefings. I also listened carefully to the statements made by the representatives of civil society organizations. I welcome the representatives of Haiti and other countries to today’s meeting. The question of Haiti has been on the Council’s agenda for more than 30 years now. Over the past 30 years, the Chamber has witnessed the ups and downs and the cycle of crises throughout the development of the country, as well as the ever-increasing suffering and tragedy experienced by the Haitian people. In July 2021, the assassination of former Haitian President Moïse launched a new round of turmoil in Haiti. For three years now, Haiti has seen a vacuum in national governance, the intensification of political struggles, rampant gang violence and the impact of the cholera epidemic. Under those interconnected circumstances, Haiti has been plunged into multiple political, economic, social, humanitarian and security crises, which it is struggling to overcome. The international community has not stood by idly in the face of the plight of Haiti but has always provided support and assistance to ease the suffering of the Haitian people. The Security Council has continued its deliberations on Haiti and called on all Haitian parties and factions to put aside their self- interest, show responsibility, prioritize the interests of the country and its people and speed up the political process. The United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti and the United Nations country team have remained on the ground to help the Haitian authorities stabilize the situation and assist the Haitian people in overcoming their difficulties. At China’s initiative, the Security Council, in 2022, adopted resolution 2645 (2022), imposing sanctions, including an asset freeze and a travel ban, as well as an arms embargo on Haitian gangs. In order to help Haiti address the most pressing security challenges, the Security Council a year ago adopted resolution 2699 (2023), authorizing the deployment of a Multinational Security Support Mission in Haiti, to assist the Haitian police in combating gangs. A month ago, the Council unanimously adopted resolution 2751 (2024), extending the Mission’s mandate for one year. However, just one month later, some requested that the Support Mission be transformed into a United Nations peacekeeping operation. We cannot help but ask, is the collective decision of the Security Council insignificant child’s play that can be changed at the drop of a hat? Can the credibility and authority of the Council’s resolution be totally disregarded? China is of the view that the Council’s work should be focused on promoting the early deployment of the Support Mission and enabling it to play its role. Discussing its transformation to a peacekeeping operation now will only interfere with the Mission’s ability to move forward with its mandate, make the funding shortfall even harder to finance and the deployment even harder to achieve. More importantly, from both practical and historical perspectives, we need to adopt a very serious and prudent attitude about deploying a new United Nations peacekeeping operation in Haiti. From a practical point of view, the Secretary- General stated in the New Agenda for Peace that peacekeeping operations should be deployed in support of a clearly defined political process. The Secretary- General himself, on many occasions, also emphasized that the deployment of a United Nations peacekeeping operation should be premised on the fact that there is peace to keep. It is clear that at present, either politically or in terms of security, Haiti does not meet those conditions. Politically, Haiti’s various parties and factions are still engaged in infighting. The Transitional Presidential Council, established less than a year ago, has been plagued by controversy. The interim Prime Minister was dismissed six months after taking office. The holding of a general election and formation of a legitimate Government are still a distant prospect, and the promotion of a Haitian-led and-owned political process is still just a slogan. In terms of security, gang violence remains rampant in Haiti. Large quantities of weapons and ammunition are also continuing to flow into Haiti. Many gangs are armed to the teeth. Deploying a peacekeeping operation at this time is nothing more than putting peacekeepers on the front line of battles against gangs and would expose peacekeepers to great security risks. From a historical perspective, the deployment of a United Nations peacekeeping operation in Haiti has had its share of painful lessons. In 1994, at the initiative of the United States, the Council adopted resolution 940 (1994), authorizing a multinational force into Haiti in order to put an end to military rule in Haiti. In the seven years that followed, the United Nations deployed, one after another, the United Nations Mission in Haiti, the United Nations Support Mission in Haiti, the United Nations Transition Mission in Haiti, the United Nations Civilian Police Mission in Haiti and the International Civilian Support Mission in Haiti. But the situation in Haiti hardly improved. In 2004, once again at the initiative of the United States, the Council adopted resolution 1542 (2004), authorizing a new multinational force into Haiti to support the continuation of a political process and the maintenance of a secure and stable environment. Three months later, the multinational force was transformed into a United Nations peacekeeping operation, the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti. Over the next 15 years, the United Nations deployed that Mission, followed by the United Nations Mission for Justice Support in Haiti, and finally, today’s United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti. From 1994 until today, United Nations peacekeeping in Haiti has gone through exactly 30 years, with a cumulative input exceeding $8 billion. According to incomplete statistics, between 2004 and 2019 alone, 75 Member States sent 110,000 peacekeepers to Haiti, 188 of whom died in the line of duty. In return for such an enormous investment at such an enormous cost, what did the international community get? Only continued turmoil and a cycle of crisis in Haiti, as well as the resistance and resentment of the Haitian people towards United Nations peacekeeping operations. China’s position on Haiti is clear and consistent. On 22 February 2021, during the Council’s meeting on the question of Haiti, I expressed that, “years of experience and lessons have shown that, unless all political parties in Haiti assume their responsibilities, demonstrate political will and work together for national stability and development, any external efforts and help will be of no avail”. (S/2021/174, annex III) That statement is still applicable, and that is why I am repeating it here today. I would also like to emphasize that it is ultimately up to the Haitian people themselves to get Haiti out of its predicament. No amount of external help can solve their fundamental problems. Haiti should expeditiously find and embark upon a road to independence, self-reliance and development. China supports the international community’s continued efforts to provide support and assistance to the Haitian people in that process. China would also like to play its constructive role in that regard.

We thank Assistant Secretary-General Miroslav Jenča for his briefing. We listened closely to the views expressed by Mr. Jean William Pape and Mr. Dan Cohen. We are also grateful to Ms. Monica Juma for her briefing. It turned out that our calling for this emergency Security Council briefing on Haiti coincided with yet another sharp deterioration of the situation in the country. Words do not suffice to describe the shock and horror over the situation on the streets of Port-au-Prince, where we are witnessing real battles between gangs and the police, supported by ordinary people who have taken up arms to defend themselves. Unfortunately, all of the achievements made since the spring have been rolled back. The airport is once again closed. The areas that were cleared of gangs are once again under the control of criminal elements, and hundreds of thousands of people have fled their homes. Moreover, the violence and the security vacuum have spilled over far beyond the Haitian capital. Needless to say, urgent action by the international community is required now to stabilize the situation in Haiti. Great hopes were pinned on the non-United Nations Multinational Security Support Mission in Haiti. We all banked on the Support Mission receiving the necessary financial assistance pledged by the donors who initiated the idea, which would ensure the full deployment of the contingent and the full implementation of its tasks. With those expectations in mind, the Council, at the end of September, unanimously adopted resolution 2751 (2024), extending the mandate of the Support Mission for a year. However, it seems that the problems and uncertainties we warned about as far back as a year ago turned into insurmountable obstacles to the Mission’s work. If that is indeed the case, then the time is ripe for us to have a frank and open discussion about the Mission’s effectiveness, its prospects and our expectations regarding its work. That will be fair to the Haitians, who have grown increasingly despondent about international support, and to the Kenyans, who selflessly decided to assist the Afro-Caribbean nation and, in turn, banked on the financial assistance of the international community. Starting conversations about adapting the mandate or transforming the Mission, without identifying the root causes of the problem and ways to address them, would be completely irresponsible. Instead, only a few weeks after the unanimous adoption of the Security Council resolution, the United States-Ecuadorian penholders of the Haitian file, in a move that was unexpected by all of us, put forward a draft resolution proposing the transformation of the Multinational Security Support Mission into a United Nations peacekeeping operation. We could talk at length here about the motives and interests of the United States, which views Haiti as its backyard and for centuries has been engaging in blatant external interference in the affairs of this independent Caribbean State, but I am sure that our American colleagues would not appreciate that. I will stress only the inconsistency in Washington’s approach, sometimes supporting certain Haitian political forces and sometimes their opposition, just as it changes its attitude towards various forms of external interventions. A few years ago, the United States favoured the speedy drawdown of the peacekeeping operation, and a year ago it pledged to support and to extensively finance the non-United Nations Mission. Now, however, the United States is once again urging us to return to the idea of sending Blue Helmets to the island, presenting it as the only possible option. We would not be surprised if we were to see a new U-turn in American policy towards Haiti in the near future. But should the international community really follow Washington’s inconsistent steps, especially given that Washington is not only unwilling to uphold its commitments to finance the Mission but also fails to pay its United Nations contributions, thereby creating an artificial liquidity crisis within the Organization? Indeed, whatever self-serving interests the United States of America has, the idea of a possible return of peacekeepers is extremely controversial in Haitian society. In that context, we are grateful to journalist Dan Cohen for his views, which are based on personal contacts and the opinions of ordinary Haitians. It is clear that the lamentable lessons of the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti have not been forgotten and the local population has every reason to be wary about any form of foreign intervention. It would be also inappropriate to speak of a full- fledged request from the host Government, since the country has for a long time had no constitutional authorities and the legitimacy of the transitional authorities is at the very least highly questionable, as they are consumed with internal conflicts. Moreover, the conditions on the ground in Haiti are not suitable for United Nations peacekeepers, as their duty is to maintain peace and not to fight crime in an urban environment or rescue a dysfunctional State that is being torn apart by internal conflict. That is not our view but that of the Secretary-General, which he has repeated many times. If, as some members of the Security Council believe, there is a need for the Secretariat to provide a new comprehensive report with updated views and proposals, we are ready to discuss the optimal form and content of such a request from the Council, without any preliminary assessments or hasty decisions. The current tragic events in Haiti show that regardless of our decision on the format of a future international presence in the country, Haitians need urgent assistance now. And in Port-au-Prince right now, the only forces countering the criminal gangs are the Haitian National Police and a small Kenyan contingent. We believe that it is of paramount importance that we provide them with the necessary logistical, technical and financial assistance, otherwise there will simply be no one left to host any future peacekeepers in Haiti. Finally, and most important, let us not forget that Haiti’s fate must be decided by the Haitians themselves and not by any external forces.

I thank Assistant Secretary-General Jenča and Ms. Juma, National Security Adviser to the President of Kenya, for the information they provided. I also thank Dr. Pape for his brave and credible testimony. I listened carefully to the other civil society representative. I recognize the presence here today of the representatives of several countries of the region. From the beginning of its membership in the Security Council, Ecuador assumed the responsibility of being co-penholder of the Haiti file — another example of our solidarity with and historical commitment to the people of Haiti, whose legacy of freedom in Latin America and the Caribbean should be recognized. The response to the situation in Haiti must be achieved through Haitian leadership and ownership, in the framework of respect for its sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. That includes the transition to a sustainable democracy, in line with the transitional governance agreements of 11 March that were facilitated by the Caribbean Community (CARICOM). I recognize the crucial work of the United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti in facilitating policy dialogue and institutional strengthening. There is no doubt about the need for Haiti to have ownership of the process, or that the multidimensional crisis in Haiti requires a comprehensive response that is supported by the international community. The humanitarian crisis is intensifying. More than half of the total population suffer acute food shortages and there are fears of famine in some areas. Human rights abuses continue unabated. Child recruitment and sexual and gender-based violence are on the rise. The expansion, strengthening and brutality of the criminal gangs — the main cause of what I just mentioned — are on the increase. I must underscore that the authorization of the Multinational Security Support Mission was not the final goal but a necessary milestone in the light of Haiti’s immediate security challenges. We thank Kenya and CARICOM for their leadership, which shows how the region and the world have united to respond to the crisis. The patchwork of pieces of the multidimensional crisis in Haiti, which could further increase the humanitarian precariousness of a large part of the population, as we are seeing, makes it imperative for us to respond to Haiti’s request, which has regional support and, in practice, entails asking the Secretary-General for a report that allows for the possible transformation or integration of the Multinational Security Support Mission into a sustainable mission, in the broad sense of the word. The renewal of the Mission’s mandate in September does not stop us from taking concrete steps to address the changing reality. On 13 November, the Permanent Council of the Organization of American States adopted resolution 1268, confirming region’s support for Haiti’s request. As co-penholders, Ecuador and the United States have asked for that resolution to be circulated among the members of the Security Council and we have worked on a Security Council draft resolution along those lines. In that way, the Security Council will have at its disposal the information it needs to take a decision and chart the most effective course of action. The draft resolution includes almost all of the proposals of the 13 members of the Security Council who took part in an inclusive process, in which two delegations declined the invitation to participate. That file cannot be politicized or held back by geopolitical disagreements that do not take into account the factual, immediate and necessary needs of the Haitian people. Ecuador stands with the Haitian people, who are crying out for peace and against the criminal gangs that continue to destabilize the country without allowing the political process and transitional governance agreements to take shape. We urge the members of the Security Council not to turn their backs on Haiti or my region, Latin America and the Caribbean.

I thank Assistant Secretary-General Jenča, Kenya National Security Adviser Juma and especially Dr. Pape for their powerful and poignant briefings on the dire situation that Haiti faces today. Let us also take a moment to acknowledge the presence in the Chamber of the representative of Haiti and many representatives of Member States that are not members of the Security Council but are strong supporters of Haiti, especially the representatives of other Member States of the region. We look forward to hearing their invaluable perspectives. China and Russia requested today’s briefing as the Security Council considers action to respond to Haiti’s request to transition the Multinational Security Support Mission to a United Nations peacekeeping operation. We welcome the opportunity for the Council to bring international attention to the security and humanitarian crisis in Haiti and demonstrate our shared goal of stabilizing Haiti to bring relief to the Haitian people. As many Council members will recall, then Transitional Presidential Council President Leblanc called for the transition of the Multinational Security Support Mission to a peacekeeping operation before the General Assembly in September, and current Transitional Presidential Council President Voltaire wrote the same in his 21 October letter to the Secretary- General (see S/2024/765). The request was described not only as a matter of necessity, but as one of urgency. After the renewal of the Multinational Security Support Mission, the United States joined representatives from Haiti, Ecuador, Kenya and Jamaica on behalf of the Caribbean Community, to deliver a joint statement on 30 September (see S/PV.9735) that underlined the need to heed the clear calls from the Haitian Government to ensure the long-term sustainability of that effort through a peacekeeping operation. Last week, the region also demonstrated its support for that transition. The Permanent Council of the Organization of American States adopted the resolution entitled “In Support of Haiti’s Request for a United Nations Peacekeeping Operation” on 13 November. We now have heard support for the transitioning to a peacekeeping operation from the host Government, Multinational Security Support Mission leadership and contributors and the region, representing voices across the global South. It is time for the Security Council to act to take the initial steps to realize Haiti’s request to help re-establish security for the people of Haiti. That is why the United States and Ecuador are ready to move forward with requesting recommendations from the Secretary-General for the Council’s consideration, for deploying a peacekeeping operation to succeed the Multinational Security Support Mission in Haiti. At the Summit of the Future a few short weeks ago, the Secretary-General, joined by countries around the world, called for revitalizing the multilateral system and strengthening the peace and security tools and institutions of the United Nations. Haiti represents an important test case of whether the Security Council meets that call to action. The United States stands with the Haitian people, the Haitian National Police (HNP) and the Multinational Security Support Mission, including the brave Kenyan, Jamaican, Belizean and Bahamian forces, in their efforts to restore security. As we have heard, the Multinational Security Support Mission and the HNP have managed to help protect residents, help capture weapons and help repel gangs in several areas. We extend deep gratitude to Kenya for its leadership and resolve in the Multinational Security Support Mission, without which we would not be here today. We thank our partners and their generous pledges of personnel, equipment and financial contributions to the Multinational Security Support Mission. We strongly urge other donors to consider making contributions. Yet challenges remain. The United States agrees with Haiti, the region and the contributors to the Multinational Security Support Mission that the best way to sustain the Mission’s progress is for it to transition into a peacekeeping operation. That would enable the Multinational Security Support Mission and the countries supporting it to take advantage of existing United Nations financial, personnel and logistical support structures and of predictable and sustainable financing. The United Nations is well-suited to leverage a system of networked multilateralism that can bring together a wide range of actors and capabilities to participate in peacekeeping and complement broader United Nations efforts to promote prevention, peacebuilding and development. The Organization’s global membership, long history of field missions and diverse offices and institutions enable peacekeeping operations to be planned, generated, deployed, sustained and supported. We also know that peacekeeping missions are not established overnight. The Council needs to act now to lay the groundwork for a successful transition while the Multinational Security Support Mission continues to carry out its difficult mandate. The Secretary-General’s assessment and recommendations would provide the Council with valuable information to meet Haiti’s call through the most effective means possible. We urge colleagues not to block a request for a report on how to best respond to Haiti’s request. As we all know, there are deep divisions and disagreements on the Council, but we are proud to have worked together to make real progress here. In 2024 alone, the Security Council adopted unanimously three major resolutions: the renewal of the mandate of the United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti (resolution 2743 (2024)), the renewal of the Multinational Security Support Mission mandate (resolution 2751 (2024)) and the renewal of the United Nations Haiti sanctions regime and expansion of the arms embargo (resolution 2752 (2024)). We are committed to using every appropriate tool in the United Nations toolbox to address this multifaceted crisis. Members of the Council have consistently called for a Haitian-led solution to support the Haitian people in achieving stability and free and fair elections as soon as possible. We have no responsible alternative but to look closely at the best way to heed that request. The United States is confident that the Council can once again come together to develop our response to the crisis in Haiti and determine the appropriate mandate of a potential peacekeeping operation to effectively address the current context and learn from past lessons and avoid harm and repeating of mistakes. Let us heed the consent of the host country and its desire for stability, security and a Haitian-led political solution through free and fair elections as soon as possible. If we do, our unity will send a strong a message to the people of Haiti: the world — the whole world — is standing with them.

I thank you, Mr. President, for convening this timely and important meeting. I would like to begin by expressing my gratitude to Mr. Jenča for his comprehensive briefing. I would also like to thank Ms. Juma, Dr. Pape and Mr. Cohen for sharing their very useful thoughts. As highlighted in today’s briefing, the security situation in Haiti continues to deteriorate, and the people of Haiti urgently require our decisive action. This year, we have made our best efforts. We unanimously adopted three resolutions (resolutions 2743 (2024), 2751 (2024) and 2752 (2024)), demonstrating our collective political will and unity in supporting Haiti. Yet we now face a worsening situation, which means that we must do even more. Allow me to get straight to the point: security is paramount in Haiti. What Haiti and its people need now is a stronger and more sustained commitment to enhancing security. That is precisely why we have authorized and supported the Multinational Security Support Mission in Haiti. Though much more needs to be done, the Mission has found its footing and contributed to restoring security, in collaboration with the Haitian National Police. However, this is the time for us to be creative and to adopt a long-term vision. In that regard, a peacekeeping mission could be one of the viable options worth exploring. We should consider that option for three main reasons. First, a peacekeeping mission would provide sustainability, particularly in terms of funding and resources. Secondly, discussing the potential transformation of the Multinational Security Support Mission into a United Nations peacekeeping mission could serve as a strong signal of our commitment to supporting Haiti. Thirdly, by thoroughly examining that option now, we can save time in the future. While we may not be in a position to commit to a peacekeeping mission in Haiti, we must be prepared for that possibility if and when the need arises. In pursuing that course, I would like to emphasize three additional points that we must keep in mind. First, we need to develop a feasible yet tailored solution for Haiti. Feasibility requires detailed planning with incremental measures aligned with the evolving situation. A tailored solution should incorporate the lessons learned from past peacekeeping operations. Secondly, the Multinational Security Support Mission must operate at its full potential. As I emphasized earlier, a fully operational Multinational Security Support Mission can make a difference in Haiti, and to that end, we need additional attention and additional contributions. In that context, I appreciate Kenya’s continued leadership, the contributions from Jamaica, Belize and the Bahamas, along with Germany’s recent financial commitment to the trust fund for the Multinational Security Support Mission. Thirdly, the importance of Haitian ownership of the entire process cannot be overemphasized. All Haitian stakeholders and authorities must collaborate in a spirit of compromise. Their collective priority should be clear: restoring security, ensuring stability and advancing the country’s political transition. In conclusion, the Republic of Korea expresses its solidarity with the people of Haiti and reaffirms its support for the Multinational Security Support Mission and for a more sustainable path forward.

I would like to begin by thanking Assistant Secretary- General Mr. Miroslav Jenča, the National Security Adviser of Kenya, Ms. Monica Juma and the other speakers for their briefings and perspectives. The situation in Haiti continues to deteriorate. A month ago, we observed that the gang violence was continuing. That violence has escalated, in particular sexual violence against women and girls, which has increased by 1,000 per cent since 2023. The gangs are seeking to expand their turf to the centre of Port- au-Prince. At the end of last week, over the course of four days more than 20,000 people were displaced in the capital as a result of the threat of gangs, on top of the 700,000 people previously displaced throughout the country, half of whom are children at risk of recruitment by armed groups. That has exacerbated the humanitarian pressure in a country in which the population is suffering from hunger and insecurity continues to impede the delivery of aid. International solidarity is crucial to meeting the urgent needs of the Haitian people. France is playing its part, having contributed €14.5 million to humanitarian aid in 2024, in particular to combat food insecurity. It is equally vital to move the political transition process forward. Doing so is a prerequisite to tackling the root causes of the multidimensional crisis facing Haiti. France takes note of the appointment of Mr. Alix Didier Fils-Aimé as Prime Minister. It calls on all Haitian political actors to work together towards holding elections, fighting corruption and impunity and ensuring respect for human rights. No efforts must be spared to restore security conditions that are conducive to the holding of such elections. Without international support, security will not return to Haiti. The Multinational Security Mission is playing a fundamental role in that respect. France commends the vital commitment of Kenya and other troop contributors such as Jamaica and Belize. France has contributed more than €7 million to support the Mission  — €5 million through the United Nations trust fund and €2 million through the Organisation internationale de la Francophonie, earmarked for language training for Mission staff. We are also working with our partners to secure the European Union’s financial backing as soon as possible. At the same time, France calls for greater commitment from the United Nations. That has been our consistent position. We believe that the United Nations can provide strategic and operational expertise and essential logistical support, on which continued international support for security in Haiti depends. It is with that in mind that we must respond to Haiti’s request that a transition to a peacekeeping operation be considered. We therefore support the draft resolution proposed by the co-penholders, which seeks the Secretariat’s assessment in that regard to form the basis for the Security Council’s subsequent decisions.

I thank Assistant Secretary- General Jenča for his informative briefing, and I also thank Ms. Juma for her remarks and the other briefers for their views. I welcome the representative of Haiti and the representatives of other participating countries. We welcome the appointment of the Haitian interim Prime Minister, Mr. Didier Fils-Aimé, and the swearing-in of his cabinet. We call upon all Haitian political actors to work together to restore democratic institutions. We look forward to concrete progress in the political process towards free, fair and inclusive elections in order to achieve the sustainable security, stability and peace that the Haitian people deserve. Japan remains extremely concerned about the ongoing human tragedy and insecurity in Haiti — the rising toll of the dead and missing, the human rights violations, the sexual abuse and the attacks on essential services perpetrated by gangs. Amid that urgent situation, a glimmer of hope can be found in the joint operations conducted by the Haitian National Police and the Mission to counter gangs and improve security. I sincerely applaud their collaborative and courageous contributions to delivering safety and justice for the Haitian people. I would also like to express appreciation to Kenya, Belize, Jamaica and the Bahamas, the other contributing countries and all stakeholders who have made those operations possible. However, challenges remain and additional resources are required. We believe that a well-assessed and more detailed identification of resource needs by the Mission and the Haitian Government will enable the international community to provide support that is more targeted. In addition, an evaluation report on the implementation of the Mission’s mandate could serve as a valuable tool for accelerating effective international assistance. Japan, as a member of the Security Council, has done and will continue to do its utmost to support the Haitian Government and the Haitian people by contributing to the discussion in that regard. Japan also takes note of the letter from the President of the Transitional Presidential Council (see S/2024/765), requesting that the Mission be transformed into a United Nations peacekeeping operation as soon as possible, which would result in more funding and a broader mandate. That urgent request, also supported by the Permanent Council of the Organization of American States, warrants careful consideration. In that light, we believe it is the Council’s responsibility to respond and give thorough and detailed consideration to that option as a possible alternative for the future. Accordingly, we appreciate the efforts of Ecuador and the United States to secure such a response from the Council. As we consider all options to support Haiti, I emphasize that any endeavour must be designed to complement Haitian-led and Haitian-owned efforts and must earn the Haitian people’s trust. That requires strategic and extensive consideration of the way forward, in close consultation with the Haitian Government and the Haitian people, while fully taking into account the lessons learned from previous United Nations peace operations and adopting a long-term perspective. Let me conclude by reaffirming our commitment to supporting the Haitian Government and the Haitian people in their pursuit of long-term security and stability.

I thank the Assistant Secretary-General, Mr. Miroslav Jenča and the National Security Adviser to the President of Kenya, Ms. Monica Juma, for their briefings. We thank Mr. Pape for his input. We also take note of Mr. Cohen’s observations. The multidimensional crisis in Haiti continues, marked by grave human rights violations and abuses, including numerous killings, extrajudicial executions and wide-scale sexual and gender-based violence. Switzerland condemns the brutal gang violence. In the words of Sister Paésie Philippe, headmistress of schools for street children in Cité Soleil, the situation has not reverted its initial state but has worsened. In spite of some political progress, recent developments illustrate the fragility of the political situation. We call on Haitian political players to overcome their differences so as to remain on the path set out in the final declaration in March. I would like to underscore two fundamental points. First, the vicious circle of violence must be broken. That entails ensuring that the arms embargo is implemented and stopping the illicit arms flows to Haiti. Threats, terror and gang violence against the population must stop. Gangs’ use of children is unacceptable. Those already recruited should be considered victims and survivors and should be supported in their reintegration, in line with international norms. At the same time, it will be crucial to invest in prevention, especially by guaranteeing access to education. The closure of more than 1,000 schools this year owing to the security situation is depriving young people of prospects for the future, which is an unacceptable state of affairs. Secondly, we urgently need to improve the humanitarian situation. Gang violence is forcing thousands to flee their homes. More than 700,000 people, more than half of them children, have been displaced, and almost half the population is facing acute hunger. Rapid, safe and unhindered humanitarian access remains essential to save lives. To that end, Switzerland remains committed on the ground to contributing to the Haitian people’s unprecedented humanitarian needs. The situation in Haiti is a threat to international peace and security. With the agreement of the States of the region, the Council must act in solidarity with the Haitian people. We applaud Kenya’s leadership in implementing the mandate of the Multinational Security Support Mission in Haiti. However, owing to limited resources, the Mission is struggling to achieve its objectives, and its fulfilment of its mandate is in jeopardy. Switzerland remains open to examining other options, including by transforming the Mission into a United Nations peacekeeping mission, as Haiti has requested. However, there has to be a peace to keep, and that requires the prospect of a stable political future. In addition, the complex history of missions in Haiti calls for a considered approach, taking full account of lessons learned. A thorough and comprehensive assessment, defining a precise mandate and the size, structure and capabilities of such a mission, based on the principles of peacekeeping, would be a good starting point. The Council has already demonstrated its ability to reach consensus on the issue three times this year. We must continue our discussions in that spirit in order to meet the aspirations of the Haitian people to live in peace and security.

I have the honour to deliver this statement on behalf of the three African members of the Security Council plus one (A3+), namely, Algeria, Mozambique, Sierra Leone and my own country, Guyana. We welcome the opportunity to discuss the Council’s support for Haiti and our collective response to the Haitian Government’s request for assistance in tackling the spiralling armed-gang violence in the country. We thank Assistant Secretary-General Jenča for his briefing and appreciate the updates provided by Ms. Juma on the Multinational Security Support Mission in Haiti. We also note the contributions of Mr. Pape and Mr. Cohen to the discussion and welcome the participation of the representatives of Haiti, Grenada, Canada, Mexico, Jamaica, Brazil, Panama and the Dominican Republic in today’s meeting. The A3+ is deeply alarmed by the reports of expanding gang violence in Haiti, which has worsened the living conditions in the country’s capital and neighbouring areas and forced thousands of people to flee their homes. The spate of attacks, especially over the past two months, has resulted in growing numbers of senseless killings and has left the country virtually isolated, with maritime and aerial operations suspended. We commend the efforts of the Haitian National Police (HNP) and the Multinational Security Support Mission in tackling the rising insecurity, noting that the situation has significantly deteriorated in recent weeks. We also recognize the untiring efforts of United Nations agencies and international and local non-governmental organizations to respond to the pressing humanitarian needs. With reference to the letter that the President of the Transitional Presidential Council sent recently to the Secretary-General, we have come to understand that while the joint anti-gang operations by the HNP and the Multinational Security Support Mission have had some positive results, there remains an enormous challenge, as their effectiveness in combating the spiralling armed gang violence is limited. It is against that backdrop that Haiti has requested that the Mission be transformed into a United Nations peacekeeping mission so that it can secure more funding and a broader mandate, as well as to assist the Mission in delivering on its own mandate. In view of the prevailing situation, the A3+ supports the request, with a view to addressing the multidimensional security challenges that Haiti is facing. There is simply no time to lose. However, being fully cognizant that this is not an overnight process but rather a gradual one, we continue to emphasize the need for continuing support to the Multinational Security Support Mission, and we urge those who have made pledges to the Multinational Security Support Mission trust fund to fulfil their commitments as early as possible. The reality is that any lapse in the anti-gang operations will increase the likelihood that the criminal armed gangs will further expand their networks and their stranglehold on communities, tightening their chokehold on the country. The A3+ reiterates its profound appreciation to the Kenyan Government for offering to lead the Multinational Security Support Mission, and we thank Member States that have already committed funding, personnel or other forms of material support to the Mission. We remain convinced that even considering the Mission’s only partial deployment, its presence on the ground has made an important difference. We look forward to our discussion later this afternoon on the options before us, and we hope that we will be able to make some headway in determining an appropriate way forward — one that takes into account not only the reality of the situation on the ground but also the lessons learned from the past. It is incumbent on the Council to use the tools at its disposal to support Haiti in restoring peace and security and achieving a smooth transition. The A3+ firmly believes that the key to unlocking a path to meaningful progress on the political, economic and other fronts lies primarily in addressing the security crisis facing Haiti. Similarly, we also want to stress that tackling the security crisis and advancing the political process must be done in tandem, to ensure a speedy restoration of constitutional order and democratic institutions. Strong institutions, including governance and judicial institutions, are an essential precondition for the effective and efficient functioning of any State. We therefore welcome the assurances of the transitional authorities, including the new interim Prime Minister and Cabinet, on the expectation of reaching the goal of holding elections by November 2025, in keeping with the agreed framework. We urge the region and the international community to remain steadfast in their support for Haiti’s determined path to peace, stability and democracy. In that vein, we welcome and appreciate the Caribbean Community’s commitment to continuing to provide its good offices and facilitating Haiti’s efforts to arrive at home-grown solutions, resolved by and for the Haitian people. Haitians deserve the same opportunity as everyone else to live in a stable and secure country. And in upholding our commitments under the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, we have a moral obligation to ensure that no one is left behind in the pursuit of justice and equality.

I thank Assistant Secretary-General Jenča for his briefing. I also thank Ms. Juma for the information she provided, and Mr. Pape and Mr. Cohen for sharing their views. In October the Council discussed the worsening security situation in Haiti (see S/PV.9757), marked by a brutal gang attack in Pont Sondé, as well as the persistently alarming levels of human rights violations and abuses. A month later, amid changes in Haiti’s transitional Government, reports of thousands of residents fleeing battles between armed gangs and police in the Solino neighbourhood of Port-au-Prince vividly illustrate the continued suffering of the Haitian population. Mr. Pape’s briefing today painted a horrific picture as well, especially for women and girls. We have been saying for a while now that decisive action by the Haitian authorities and the international community is urgently needed to address the crisis and the dire humanitarian situation, with nearly half of the Haitian population facing food insecurity and more than 700,000 displaced. To that end, access to humanitarian aid must remain unimpeded and sustained, and the safety of humanitarian personnel must be ensured. In September, the Council reaffirmed its continued support for the Multinational Security Support Mission and its mandate. We welcome the recent decision by El Salvador to deploy additional personnel to the Mission, joining contingents from Kenya, Jamaica, Belize and the Bahamas, and we are looking forward to the report on the implementation of resolution 2699 (2023). At the same time, we express concern about several challenges, primarily resource-related, faced by the Mission, which hinder the successful fulfilment of its mandate and the necessary scale-up of its presence, in support of the Haitian National Police’s efforts to regain control of gang-controlled areas. In that vein, we acknowledge Haiti’s call for the transformation of the Mission into a United Nations peacekeeping operation, as that would enable more sustainable funding and personnel deployment, as well as clearer and more predictable operational parameters. Additional security assistance from the international community, along with a stable domestic political environment, is necessary to quell the current spiral of deadly gang violence in Haiti. To that end, we urge the continued deployment of the Mission’s personnel as we consider the best way to address the challenges that the Mission is facing. Building on the lessons learned, all options, including the transformation of the Mission into a United Nations peacekeeping operation, as requested by Haiti and supported by the region, should be assessed. In that regard, Slovenia has constructively engaged in negotiations on a draft resolution, seeking recommendations from the Secretary-General on the Mission’s transformation. To emphasize, it is crucial that an assessment of the suitability of a United Nations peacekeeping operation for the security conditions in Haiti be an integral part of those recommendations guiding our further considerations. Amid the process, let us not lose sight of the fact that our primary task is to support the Haitian population in their urgent need to bring stability and security to Haiti.

I thank Assistant Secretary- General Jenča and Ms. Juma for their informative briefings, and Dr. Pape for sharing his experience and valuable insights with us today. I have also taken note of the views expressed by Mr. Cohen. As Haiti continues to face numerous challenges, we reiterate our call on all Haitian stakeholders to put differences aside and work together towards expediting the political transition and the restoration of democratic institutions. We underscore the need for the full, equal, meaningful and safe participation of women in all aspects of the political process. Malta remains alarmed by the deteriorating humanitarian and human rights situation. Gang control has continued to expand within the country, escalating violence, hunger and fear. The number of displaced persons has soared to more than 700,000. As we heard from Dr. Pape today, healthcare in Haiti remains alarmingly inaccessible. Escalating violence and brutality, coupled with the State’s weakened capacity and abilities to deliver such services, have led to the spread of diseases and preventable loss of life. Gang violence and insecurity have also escalated the number of Haitians experiencing high levels of acute food insecurity. Humanitarian efforts must be expanded and intensified, and the humanitarian response plan scaled up. We underscore the need to fully implement United Nations sanctions, in particular the arms embargo, to stem the illicit flow of arms and ammunition to gangs. Children continue to bear the brunt of insecurity in Haiti, including by being the victims of killings, maimings and displacement. Hundreds of thousands have been deprived of education owing to closures or attacks on schools. Up to half of gang members are children, and we urgently call for their immediate release to the civilian child protection actors. Violations of women and girls’ rights continue with impunity, including sexual violence and trafficking. We condemn these crimes in the strongest terms. Malta strongly supports the efforts of the Multinational Security Support Mission to provide assistance to the Haitian National Police. We commend all Member States that have pledged their support for the Mission. We take note of the letter from Haiti’s Transitional Presidential Council asking for the transformation of the Mission into a United Nations peacekeeping operation. The continued insecurity makes it clear that predictable and sustainable security support is critical for Haiti to overcome its immediate and long-term challenges. An assessment on how best the United Nations can support Haiti in its current context, while ensuring safeguards are in place to prevent the recurrence of past misgivings and promote accountability, would be important for the Council in those consultations.

I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the representative of the United Kingdom. I thank Assistant Secretary-General Jenča, National Security Adviser Juma and Dr. Pape for their briefings. I also take note of Mr. Cohen’s remarks. The United Kingdom welcomes the participation of the representatives of Haiti and of many other countries of the region in today’s meeting. We are extremely concerned about the security situation in Haiti. Armed gangs have increased abhorrent and indiscriminate attacks against the civilian population. The targeting of commercial airliners has added a dangerous new dynamic. As Dr. Pape’s testimony demonstrates, no one, not even health workers or children, is spared the horrors of gang violence. The United Kingdom pays tribute to Kenya for its leadership of the Multinational Security Support Mission. We recognize the request from the Haitian Transitional Presidential Council to transition the Mission to a United Nations peacekeeping mission. That request deserves thorough consideration by the Security Council. Our next step as a Council should be to request, as a matter of urgency, a report from the Secretary-General with recommendations for this transition, including the scope, coverage, size, cost and mandate. Only once we have that information can the Council seriously engage on the merits of the request. We acknowledge the recent changes to the Haitian Government and encourage Haiti’s Transitional Presidential Council, Prime Minister Alix Didier Fils- Aimé, his new Government and all stakeholders to work together for a secure and stable Haiti. I resume my functions as President of the Council. I give the floor to the representative of Haiti.

First of all, I would like to thank you, Mr. President, for convening today’s important and timely meeting, taking into account recent developments in the security situation in the metropolitan area of the capital of Haiti. I thank Mr. Jenča, Ms. Juma and Mr. Cohen for their briefings. I am also very honoured by the presence here of Dr. William Pape, a leader in treating infectious diseases in Haiti and across the world. He provided a harrowing account of the ordeal being experienced by the Haitian people, who are being subjected to violence by armed gangs. It is with deep gratitude and a sense of responsibility that I address members today at this important Security Council meeting on Haiti. I was struck by the significant convergence of views in the various statements on the best way to address the new developments in the country in recent days. In the many comments made by Council members, I see there is a desire to find, once and for all, suitable elements for a response that would contribute to a lasting solution to this multidimensional crisis eating away at the country. It reflects a sincere understanding of the aspirations and needs of the Haitian people. Since the beginning of November, Haiti has been experiencing an extremely distressing situation. The security situation in the capital has significantly deteriorated. Armed gangs have launched attacks on several areas that had thus far been spared, for example Canapé-Vert, Bourdon, Musseau and Pétion-Ville, where they attempted to take control. Armed gangs are becoming increasingly violent and emboldened, operating without fear or restraint. They are committing terrifying acts: murder, kidnapping, rape and arson. Children, women and men are trapped in that wanton violence. In response, thousands of families have fled their homes, leaving behind their entire lives, in fear of becoming the next victims. People live in a constant state of fear, facing violence that only gets worse with each passing day. Our capital city’s main international airport is closed, suspending flights in and out of Port-au- Prince, as some airlines’ aircraft have been hit by bullets fired by armed gang members. The images of residents fleeing their homes in neighbourhoods such as Solino, Nazon, Christ Roi and Delmas, to name but a few, are heartbreaking. The Haitian National Police and the troops deployed, despite their courage and the means at their disposal, are unable to repel the advance of the criminal gangs, which are better armed and in larger numbers. It is clear that the Multinational Security Support Mission in Haiti, although well-intentioned, faces enormous challenges. The current financial, human and logistical resources are in no way sufficient to meet the scale of the threat. The promises made by the international community remain largely unfulfilled. The approximately 430 soldiers deployed on the ground remain largely insufficient for a situation of this scale, in which more than 2,500 troops would be needed to contain the advance of the criminal gangs. The terror caused by this violent situation compels us to acknowledge an overwhelming reality — Haiti needs robust and sustained assistance that is commensurate with the situation it faces. In that alarming context, we are requesting that the Multinational Security Support Mission be transformed into a United Nations peacekeeping mission, as requested by the President of the Transitional Presidential Council, His Excellency Mr. Leslie Voltaire, in his letter addressed to the Secretary- General (S/2024/765, annex). Such a transformation would guarantee a greater mobilization of resources, a more robust mandate, broader participation of countries and improved international coordination in restoring security and rebuilding citizens’ confidence in their institutions. A peacekeeping mission would also provide Haiti with the necessary framework for disarming the armed groups, re-establishing peace and security, restoring the rule of law and enabling the Haitian National Police to rebuild itself. It would also send a clear message to those who are committing violence — namely that the international community is committed to supporting the Haitian people in their quest for security and justice. This is not just about restoring public order. It is about preserving human lives, rebuilding democratic institutions and renewing the hope of an entire nation. Security is the foundation without which all sustainable progress — whether it is economic, social or political  — is impossible. Haiti is therefore at a crossroads. The international community can either provide substantive support, or it can allow the country to spiral further, with consequences that will extend far beyond Haiti’s borders. Our request is supported by the Caribbean Community and the Organization of American States, the latter having recently adopted by consensus a resolution supporting the transformation of the Multinational Security Support Mission into a peacekeeping operation, while also stressing the importance of providing continued international assistance to restore peace, the rule of law and democracy in Haiti. That support is crucial, not only to meet Haiti’s immediate security needs, but also to ensure long-term stability in the country and the region. We thank both of those organizations for their commitment to finding a lasting solution to the crisis in Haiti. Such a new peacekeeping mission in the country will have to learn from the past, so that it does not repeat the same mistakes made by the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti. We kindly request the Security Council to take a decision that makes it possible to address the challenges of the current situation, within the framework of its responsibilities for the maintenance of international peace and security, and to show the Haitian people that the international community remains committed to the principles of peace and security. Together, we can turn the tide of this crisis and restore hope. That is the wish of the Haitian Government and people. In conclusion, Haiti is at a critical moment in its history. If no action is taken or the response is insufficient, it could risk worsening an already disastrous situation. The Security Council has the opportunity to demonstrate its ability to respond to the world’s most pressing challenges by taking determined action in a spirit of solidarity. I therefore urge the members of the Council to respond positively to my Government’s call and to transform the Multinational Security Support Mission into a peacekeeping mission, for the benefit of the Haitian people and the stability of our region.

I wish to remind all speakers to limit their statements to no more than three minutes in order to enable the Council to carry out its work expeditiously. Flashing lights on the collars of the microphones will prompt speakers to bring their remarks to a close after three minutes. I now give the floor to the representative of the Dominican Republic.

We truly appreciate that the Security Council is giving this important topic the renewed attention it deserves. We would have preferred this meeting to have been convened with a view to hearing about progress made in the stabilization process in Haiti. We regret that that is not the case, which is why I take this opportunity to reiterate my country’s position on the ongoing tragic situation in our neighbouring nation. The Haitian authorities have the primary responsibility for ensuring the security and stability of Haiti. However, given the gangs’ barbaric acts against the civilian population and their increasing control of the country’s territory, firm support by the international community is required. As we already know, gangs in Haiti are extorting, robbing, raping and killing. They act without any apparent fear and in constant defiance of the Haitian authorities. Not even the presence of the troops that have arrived to assist the Haitian National Police has been able to stop those terrorist groups from committing their brutal acts. And neither have the sanctions imposed by the Committee established pursuant to resolution 2653 (2022) concerning Haiti succeeded in stopping either the gangs or their supporters inside Haiti. There is therefore an urgent need for robust and decisive action by the international community, as has been undertaken by the Council in similar situations, including in others that were probably less grave than the current situation in Haiti. The history of the peacekeeping missions approved by the Security Council has been commendable, since in most cases they have indeed managed to restore and maintain peace in highly volatile and conflict situations around the world. That is a credit to the Organization and imposes on it the obligation to continue to fulfil its important leadership role, wherever it is most needed at any given time. Let us be honest with ourselves — all of us in this Chamber are aware that the dire situation in Haiti surpasses the minimum conditions required to merit decisive action by the Security Council, as soon as possible and without delay. We therefore express our full support for the request made by the Haitian authorities in October to transform the Multinational Security Support Mission in Haiti into a United Nations peacekeeping mission, as the purpose of such missions is to protect civilians, actively prevent conflicts, reduce violence, strengthen security and enable national authorities to assume those responsibilities — all of which corresponds perfectly to the current situation in Haiti. Given its relevance, the request was also supported by the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean through resolution 1268/24 of the Organization of American States and, more recently, in Cuenca, Ecuador, through the declaration adopted at the Ibero-American Summit of Heads of State and Government. The time has come for this Organization and for the Council in particular to take the lead in the peacemaking process in Haiti and to initiate sustained support for its authorities in order to re-establish a level of order that would allow the country to achieve peace, support its institutions and hold elections as soon as conditions permit. We firmly believe that only with an effective transformation of the Multinational Security Support Mission for Haiti into a United Nations peacekeeping force will we be able to see peace and certainty return to Haiti. The urgency to move in that direction is now. There remains much unfinished business, and there is no expectation that it can be accomplished, as the facts demonstrate. Haiti is out of control and represents a danger to the Haitian people and a constant threat to the Dominican Republic and the region.

I now give the floor to the representative of Canada.

It is clear that the Haitian people are suffering enormously. With the United Nations country team, I recently visited a school in Tabarre, a district of Port-au-Prince held hostage by gangs. Children, women and men are taking refuge there after fleeing extreme violence, in search of protection and food. They have fled from burnt-out homes and have been victims of kidnapping, sexual violence and multiple displacements. The conditions facing the Haitian people are extremely alarming and completely unacceptable. All in all, 5.5 million people in Haiti are in need of humanitarian aid and protection. (spoke in English) There is an urgent need now for the international community to rally, with its tools and resources, to support Haitian institutions to restore stability for the population and help the country emerge from the crisis. The Haitian National Police, with the assistance of the Multinational Security Support Mission, have, in fact, stepped up operations to re-establish State authority over neighbourhoods that have been dominated by gangs. I, too, wish to commend Kenya for its leadership of the Mission in support of the Haitian National Police, and I want to thank all countries that are contributing with personnel, equipment and logistical resources. I am proud to say that Canada has contributed half a billion Canadian dollars in the past two years in humanitarian assistance and in support for the trust fund. That is, per capita, an extremely large contribution for our country, and we are very proud of it. But we also have to recognize that more needs to be done. We join the partners in the region in encouraging the Council to urgently support Haiti’s request to transition the Multinational Security Support Mission into a United Nations peace operation, and I want to emphasize that, while continuing to support robust coordination between the United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti and the Mission. We urge all Member States to strengthen implementation of the United Nations sanctions regime, and I must emphasize once again that that includes the arms embargo. The arms that are being used by the gangs are being supplied by States Members of the United Nations. We need to understand that to say we cannot control the situation is completely unacceptable  — of course we can control it. We encourage the Council to apply sanctions to individuals and entities that are supporting the gangs and that are, in fact, fuelling violence. These words have been spoken before, but I must say them again: we must act now. Time is not our friend. There is not a moment to lose, and we would urge Council members to take the necessary steps to create a mission that is going to succeed.

I now give the floor to the representative of Grenada.

I have the honour to deliver this intervention on behalf of the 14 States members of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM). At the outset, we welcome the comprehensive briefing provided and express our appreciation for the continued engagement of the United Nations on the situation in Haiti. CARICOM is deeply concerned about the rapidly deteriorating situation in Haiti, where the political, security and humanitarian crises have coalesced to form a persistent and toxic web of suffering, which the Haitian people have endured for far too long. We have witnessed a sharp increase in violence at the hands of armed gangs, which has led more than 700,000 persons to become internally displaced — with approximately 20,000 in the past week alone in Port-au-Prince — and 4,000 to be killed, to date, in 2024. The humanitarian situation is still dire, with almost half of the population experiencing food insecurity. We recognize that the multifaceted nature of the crisis makes the path to peace and stability appear daunting. We also recognize that the scale of suffering requires an urgent and multifaceted strategic plan of action. Today Haiti is in urgent need of security, and we must respond. Understaffed, underarmed and underequipped because of a lack of resources, the Multinational Security Support Mission, while working in concert with the Haitian National Police, has not been able to have the requisite impact on the increasing insecurity. Within that context, CARICOM underscores its strong support for a transition from the Multinational Security Support Mission to a United Nations peacekeeping mission, in line with the official request made by the transitional Government of Haiti. We strongly believe that a robust and well-supported mission will be critical to creating the conditions necessary to restore peace, rebuild democratic institutions and facilitate the implementation of initiatives that would address the urgent humanitarian challenges and socioeconomic needs, to catalyse Haiti’s long-term resilience and sustainable development. The transition to a peacekeeping operation is indispensable to ensuring the path to free and fair elections, in line with the agreed transitional framework, and will provide the space to avert famine, get children back into school and begin the reversal of land degradation through a major reforestation effort. CARICOM is fully aware of Haiti’s experience with previous United Nations peacekeeping missions and understands the legitimate concerns expressed by some. We also recognize that resolution 2699 (2023) has not attracted the necessary resource support to be effective. An alternative is urgent. While we must acknowledge the past mistakes, we must not allow them to paralyse us. Instead, we must use the learnings to ensure the requisite safeguards are put in place to prevent a repeat of the past. A new United Nations peacekeeping operation must be built on accountability, transparency and coordination with the Haitian authorities, bearing in mind the need to respect Haiti’s ownership over the process. The international community must work collectively to empower Haitian institutions and governance structures. CARICOM will remain steadfast in our commitment to supporting the Haitian people. We reiterate our strong support for their request for a United Nations peacekeeping mission, which we believe should be acceded to with a sense of urgency. We have no other option available to rescue the people of Haiti. Haiti must not be abandoned. We implore Council members’ earnest and urgent consideration. Inaction is simply not an option. Haiti fatigue cannot be a reason. Haiti’s story is deserving of a new chapter of hope.

I now give the floor to the representative of Mexico.

Mexico believes that it is particularly important for the Security Council to hold this meeting on the prevailing situation in Haiti, given the events of recent weeks. We are also grateful to be able to participate in this meeting, given that the issue is of great concern for the region. With regard to the political situation, we echo the call of the Secretary-General’s on all Haitian political actors to put aside their differences and work together to ensure peace and security in, and the future of, Haiti. The 14 November statement by the Community of Caribbean States was also clear that any solution to the country’s problems must be home-grown, with the agency of the Haitian people. The Security Council must therefore support the work involved in the political transition in line with the interests of the Haitian people, and which enables focused support from abroad. With regard to the security situation, the increase in violent incidents, the continuous flow of weapons and the consequent displacement of people are of concern. We thank Kenya, the Bahamas and Belize for contributing troops to the Multinational Security Support Mission in Haiti. Their bravery and sacrifice merit to be acknowledged by the international community in their role in establishing security in Haiti. We have taken note of the letter sent by Mr. Leslie Voltaire, President of the Presidential Transitional Council, requesting that the Multinational Security Support Mission be made into a peacekeeping mission as soon as possible. For its part, on 13 November, the Permanent Council of the Organization of American States adopted by acclamation its resolution to, “encourage the Security Council to urgently support Haiti’s request to transition the Multinational Security Support Mission into a peacekeeping operation under a United Nations mandate, while continuing to support robust coordination between the United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti and the Multinational Security Support Mission.” Mexico believes that a new peacekeeping operation in Haiti must very seriously take into account the lessons learned from past operations in that country. In addition to supporting the Haitian authorities in the peace and security operations, as well as in establishing an environment conducive to holding elections, my country also believes that it is important that such an operation can support the reconstruction of infrastructure and institutions. In conclusion, I call for redoubling our efforts to stop the flow of weapons, which serve only to prolong the violence. The arms embargo was established to stop any transfer of weapons to the non-State actors, who, in addition to terrorizing the civilian population, are destabilizing the country. Arms trafficking is a scourge for many countries and must be firmly and expeditiously combated.

I now give the floor to the representative of Jamaica.

Jamaica aligns itself with the statement delivered by the representative of Grenada on behalf of the Caribbean Community. Let me start by conveying my gratitude to members of the Security Council, especially the United States of America and Ecuador, for their dedicated work on the situation in Haiti and the United Kingdom for convening this timely meeting during its presidency. We appreciate the opportunity to participate in these important discussions. As we have heard over the past several months, and increasingly over the past few days, the security and humanitarian situation in Haiti is dire. We have seen and have heard the reports from the United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti, the Panel of Experts established pursuant to resolution 2653 (2022) and today’s briefers, as well as in the media, of gang violence, attacks on communities, widespread incidents of sexual violence against women and girls, the increased recruitment of children into gang activities, significant increases in the number of people internally displaced and the inability of the security forces to respond fully and effectively to the activities of armed groups. The deteriorating security environment in Haiti impairs the ability of the State to provide basic services and the necessary protection for Haitians, including human rights, access to health care and education and the protection of children. The crisis in Haiti is also affecting the security of the Caribbean region by facilitating the growth of transnational organized crime. We have heard in the reports that criminal networks outside Haiti are exploiting the crisis to fuel their trade in small arms and light weapons. The reports have clearly indicated that more, not less, support from the international community is required to address the worsening security crisis in Haiti. Jamaica takes this opportunity to renew its appreciation to the Government of Kenya for its continued commitment to, and support in leading, the Multinational Security Support Mission in Haiti. We reiterate our thanks for the contributions of personnel, training and other resources by bilateral partners to date to the Mission. Jamaica is pleased to have contributed to the Mission, which is providing critical support to the Haitian National Police in its efforts to repel the advances of the gangs, provide security to the people and stabilize the country. However, the response from the international community to the situation in Haiti must now be even more coordinated and robust. I want to mention to basic truths in that regard. As bad as the situation is now, without the Mission the situation would be much worse. The Mission needs more support to reach full deployment and achieve its objectives. In order to secure the gains made and preserve the achievements of the Mission in the effort to contain gang violence and re-establish security, safety and stability in Haiti, we must move to the next logical phase to ensure that the gains of the Mission are sustainable. Jamaica therefore supports the efforts towards a transition of the Mission into a United Nations peacekeeping mission in Haiti. We urge Council members to recognize that such a transition is necessary for the restoration of peace and stability in Haiti, to begin the process of reversing the humanitarian tragedy unfolding there and open pathways to growth and sustainable development. But it is also critical to ensure peace and stability across the broader region as well. In conclusion, Jamaica stands in solidarity with the Haitian people in their time of need. I urge members of the Security Council to do likewise, for Haiti and for the region, and approve the transition of the Multinational Security Support Mission into a United Nations peacekeeping mission in Haiti.

I now give the floor to the representative of Brazil.

I thank you, Mr. President, for granting our participation in today’s briefing. I am also grateful to the briefers for the important information they provided to the Security Council. I am pleased as well to take part in this meeting together with the representatives of so many countries sincerely interested in Haiti’s fate. Brazil closely follows the situation in Haiti. In our recent common history, Brazil played a leading role in the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti from 2004 to 2017; it has conducted joint technical cooperation projects to promote Haiti’s sustainable development and the strengthening of its institutions; and has welcomed, including for humanitarian reasons, a hardworking Haitian immigrant community, which has been making important contributions to our society. It is alarming to see a close friend in such a dire situation. Gangs have been terrorizing Haitians since 2020. The recent upsurge in violence in Port-au-Prince, after a short-lived improvement in its security situation, is especially concerning. The number of internally displaced people in the country has surpassed 700,000 people, half of them children. They seek refuge mostly in host families that are overburdened, already scraping by themselves. The continuing flow of weapons into the gangs’ hands is a key element in sustaining the violence they perpetrate and their illicit and lucrative activities. Countries that are providing weapons in any possible way must face their responsibilities. It is essential to ensure full implementation of the arms embargo and the United Nations sanctions against gang leaders and accomplices to curtail their action. According to the World Food Programme, food insecurity has hit a historic high, affecting one in two Haitians, whereas almost one fifth of them suffers from hunger on emergency levels. That is unacceptable. The Global Alliance against Hunger and Poverty, which President Lula launched on Monday at the opening of the Group of 20 Summit, provides the international community with an invaluable tool to address food insecurity in countries going through protracted instability such as Haiti. Also, the discussions on reforestation in the Working Group on Food Security of the Economic and Social Council’s Ad Hoc Advisory Group on Haiti can have a positive impact not only for the environment, but also for food production in the country. During its most recent mandate in the Council, Brazil consistently stated that there will be no durable solution for Haiti’s recurring crises if their underlying causes remain unaddressed. The search for political stability and sound institutions in Haiti is inextricable from the achievement of the sustainable development of the country, with the support of the international community. Security and development are closely interlinked and mutually reinforcing and key to attaining sustainable peace. The international community must stand by Haiti’s side in its pursuit to reinstate an elected Government by the beginning of 2026. All five pillars of peacebuilding and consolidating peace must be addressed in a holistic way for Haiti to be successful in its search for peace: sustainable development, food security, institution strengthening, full respect for human rights in all their dimensions and a strong judicial system combined with efficient and responsible police forces. Still, we cannot ignore the urgent, immediate need to improve the security situation in Haiti. A more secure context will pave the way for the country to address many of its other needs, including the organization of free and fair elections in a peaceful environment conducive to wide participation and to the legitimacy, authority and efficiency of the new democratic Government. We acknowledge efforts by the countries that have contributed troops and resources to the Multinational Security Support Mission in Haiti. However, there is no denying that the Mission faces considerable challenges to discharge its mandate. During the negotiations on resolution 2699 (2023), Brazil frequently stated that there should be an exit strategy for the future Mission. At the same time, we also acknowledged that a United Nations mission could benefit from all the expertise and practices the United Nations has accumulated over the years. We encourage the Council to consider, in consultation with the Haitian Government, possible solutions to address the challenges that the Mission faces, including the possibility of transforming the Multinational Security Support Mission into a United Nations peacekeeping operation. We would also welcome the assistance of the Secretary-General in evaluating how best to support Haiti and its long- suffering population in overcoming the immense difficulties that lie ahead.

I give the floor to the representative of Panama.

Panama congratulates the United Kingdom on its assumption of the monthly presidency of the Security Council and on its wise initiative to convene this important briefing on the situation in Haiti. We also thank the briefers for their briefings, and the representatives of Member States for their statements. As the first independent nation in the Caribbean, Haiti marked a milestone in history as a symbol of freedom. Today, however, that brotherly country is facing a deep and prolonged political, economic and social crisis that is robbing its people of their most fundamental rights. Violence by criminal gangs has plunged Haiti into chaos, displacing more than 700,000 people so far this year alone, an alarming increase over the previous year. Human rights violations and the pressing humanitarian crisis are compounded by the systematic use of sexual and gender-based violence as a tool of terror, severely affecting women and children. According to recent reports, 94 per cent of displaced women and girls are facing increased risk. Those acts of violence are not limited to urban areas; gangs have expanded their influence into peripheral regions, intensifying fear and challenging the already limited capabilities of national security forces. Panama is witnessing the consequences of that tragic forced displacement. As of October, more than 11,800 Haitians had crossed our border with Colombia irregularly, which represents 4 per cent of the total number of migrants who transit irregularly through our country. Of them, a significant 21 per cent are minors. Those figures underscore the urgency of a coordinated international response to address the structural causes of the crisis and promote sustainable solutions. It is crucial that Haitian authorities, political leaders and security forces play a proactive role in seeking sustainable solutions to this crisis. Haiti’s stability and development depend to a large extent on a political leadership committed to the collective well-being and to consensus-building which enables progress to be made on the necessary reforms. Panama is confident that Haitian leaders, with the support of the international community and with constructive political will, will be able to lay the foundations for a more stable and prosperous future, ensuring inclusive processes that respond to the legitimate aspirations of its people. The United Nations and the Security Council have so far played an essential role in establishing support mechanisms such as the Multinational Security Support Mission, headed by the Republic of Kenya’s courageous police units. However, those efforts are facing significant challenges, such as the critical underfunding of the Mission and the continued access of criminal gangs to illicit resources, including weapons, without their provenance being known or identified and without their ability to continue fuelling violence and political, economic and social destabilization being disrupted. In that regard, the effective implementation of resolution 2653 (2022), which established an arms embargo, is a fundamental step towards cutting off the supply to the criminal gangs that perpetuate violence. Panama urges the international community to complement that measure with concrete actions to dismantle illicit arms trafficking networks through more rigorous and effective monitoring. By acting more firmly, we are not only protecting Haiti, but also bolstering the security of the entire region. Panama has supported the resolution adopted by the Permanent Council of the Organization of American States, which encourages the transformation of the Multinational Security Support Mission into a United Nations-mandated peacekeeping operation, as requested by the Haitian Transitional Presidential Council. Such a transformation would need to provide more sustainable financial and logistical support to ensure its effectiveness and provide sufficient assistance to the Haitian security forces to restore and maintain public order and peace. The proposal for the transformation of the Multinational Mission into a peacekeeping operation under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations should therefore not be rejected, but cautiously and responsibly considered, with a view to more effectively addressing the root causes of the conflict, such as poverty, inequality and institutional fragility, and to strengthen the foundations of a more stable and secure Haiti, offering the population opportunities and hope and establishing conditions conducive to free, fair, representative and transparent elections. It is therefore advisable to analyse the feasibility of transforming the current Multinational Mission into a peacekeeping operation, under a United Nations mandate, in a responsible manner in order to design a structure adjusted to the specific needs of the situation, with special attention to its adequate financing, so that it can be implemented effectively in the short, medium and long term. In the absence of practical solutions to the root causes of the crisis, doing nothing is not a sensible option and could, on the contrary, turn out to be irresponsible. Panama, in a constructive spirit, is not rejecting, but rather analysing the possibility of supporting, within its capabilities, the Haitian security forces and their training. In view of Haiti’s tragic reality that its people are suffering from and the risk of it becoming a failed State controlled by criminal gangs, with terrible consequences that are already affecting and could further jeopardize the entire region, it would be inconceivable for the Council not to consider some additional measures that seek to establish conditions of greater security and respect for the rule of law.

I now give the floor to Ms. Juma to respond to the comments made at this meeting.

I want to welcome the commitment of the Council, which is holding an emergency meeting today, to seek a sustainable solution to the situation in Haiti. The circumstances facing Haiti today —

I am afraid that we cannot hear Ms. Juma. I ask her to please try again.

Any society or country facing circumstances like those in Haiti today, would also face the tragedy we are seeing in Haiti. But we have also seen the very strong desire of the Haitian people for peace and sustainable development. Haiti has expressly sought the assistance of the international community, and a number of countries across the world have reinforced that request. Each and every member of the international community has a duty to respond to the people of Haiti because they all, like us, deserve peace and sustainable development. The Council, based on its mandate, has the capacity to help restore peace and stability in Haiti, like anywhere else in the world. It is important to note that the situation in Haiti  — as was said here today — requires a sustained, well-enabled effort owing to its complexity. It is for that reason that a transition to a peacekeeping operation would confer on the mission adequate resources, in a sustainable manner, to enable us to build back Haiti block by block. We submitted a second report on the implementation of resolution 2699 (2023), and we hope that, as the Council considers the request of Haiti, it will familiarize itself with the observations from the theatre. I would be remiss not to respond to some of the concerns raised by one of the briefers, Mr. Dan Cohen. Kenya has a professional police service, created 15 years ago, two years after the post-election violence of 2007. It is backed by our 2010 Constitution, which has a robust human rights architecture that has been central in the preparation of our police service. I therefore wish to reaffirm Kenya’s commitment and fidelity to the protection of human rights. It is indicative that, since our deployment on 25 June, we have not had any human rights incidents reported. In addition, our national security services, which are drawn from a very highly and professionally trained police service, have been engaging in this operation, with fidelity to the protection of civilians. I therefore wish to thank the Council members who have expressed confidence in our leadership and to reaffirm, yet again, the commitment of Kenya to stand with the people of Haiti as we assist them and express our solidarity in their search.

I thank Ms. Juma for the clarifications she has provided. There are no more names inscribed on the list of speakers. I now invite Council members to informal consultations to continue our discussion of the subject.