S/PV.9794 Security Council

In accordance with rule 37 of the Security Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representative of Israel to participate in this meeting. I propose that the Council invite the Permanent Observer of the Observer State of Palestine to the United Nations to participate in this meeting, in accordance with the provisional rules of procedure and previous practice in this regard. There being no objection, it is so decided. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite Mr. Muhannad Hadi, Deputy Special Coordinator, Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process, to participate in the meeting. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I give the floor to Mr. Hadi. Mr. Hadi: At the outset, I would like to convey the apologies of Special Coordinator Wennesland, who asked me to deliver these remarks on his behalf owing to unforeseen circumstances. Last week, the Special Coordinator briefed the Security Council on the dynamics unfolding in Gaza, the occupied West Bank and the broader region (see S/PV.9787). Regrettably, the situation remains grave across the region. Israeli military operations continued across the Blue Line with Lebanon, as did the firing of rockets by Hizbullah towards Israel, including a barrage this weekend. I welcome the ongoing diplomatic efforts to reach a cessation of hostilities and urge the parties to accept a ceasefire anchored in the full implementation of resolution 1701 (2006). The Special Coordinator also outlined a number of key principles that would lay the groundwork for a viable and sustainable political future for Israelis and Palestinians within a more peaceful and stable region. Since the conflict began, the United Nations has consistently urged the international community and the parties to chart a course towards peace. We continue to call for an immediate ceasefire, the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages and the de-escalation of tensions around the region. We continue to demand immediate steps to improve the delivery of humanitarian assistance, which is failing to meet even the most basic needs of Gaza’s population. We continue to call for political and security frameworks that would move us closer to resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, ending the occupation and achieving a two- State solution. As winter approaches, the horror in Gaza continues to grind on with no end in sight. In the more than 13 months of conflict since the vicious attacks by Hamas and other Palestinian armed groups inside Israel on 7 October 2023, some 44,000 Palestinians and some 1,700 Israelis and foreign nationals have been killed. Over 100,000 Palestinians, many of them women and children, and tens of thousands of Israelis, including women and children, have been injured; 110 Israelis are still being held in Gaza, in horrific conditions and denied humanitarian visits. Recent weeks have seen the devastating intensification of operations by the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) in northern Gaza, with mass casualty incidents occurring with alarming frequency. On 10 November, 36 Palestinians, including women and children, were reportedly killed, while others were injured, when a multi-storey building was hit in Jabalya Al-Balad. On 16 November in Beit Lahiya, two separate Israeli airstrikes reportedly killed at least 65 Palestinians, including women and children, when buildings hosting internally displaced persons (IDPs) were hit. Those are but a small fraction of the deadly incidents that have occurred in recent weeks. The IDF has said it is targeting Hamas personnel and locations and that it takes steps to mitigate harm to civilians. On top of the daily carnage, we continue to witness displacement and destruction, including of civilian infrastructure. Repeated evacuation orders issued by the IDF have triggered over 100,000 people to be displaced from northern Gaza southward since IDF ground operations resumed in the area on 6 October. The resulting influx into Gaza City and surrounding areas has increased the population to some 375,000 people, with only an estimated 75,000 remaining in northern Gaza. Access to humanitarian aid remains a daily struggle and involves huge personal risk. The looting of humanitarian supplies by Palestinians is intensifying and becoming more organized and more violent. In one incident, on 16 November, a United Nations convoy comprised of 109 trucks of food supplies was violently looted by Palestinians, with 97 trucks lost. On 18 November, over 20 people were reportedly killed by armed Palestinians in an operation said to have been led by the Gaza Ministry of the Interior to target looters of humanitarian aid. I again unequivocally condemn the widespread killing and injuring of civilians in Gaza and the endless displacement of the population. I also condemn the continued holding of hostages in Gaza and the indiscriminate firing of rockets towards Israeli population centres by Hamas and other Palestinian armed groups, which has continued this month. Attacks on humanitarians and humanitarian convoys must cease immediately. Law and order must be restored. And the civilian population must have safe access to vital aid. The level of essential goods, including humanitarian assistance, that has been allowed into Gaza is inadequate to meet the overwhelming needs of the population. The campaign in Gaza to vaccinate against the polio virus concluded, having reached over half a million children. That demonstrates what is possible when basic humanitarian operational requirements are met. As I warned in my capacity as Humanitarian Coordinator, the delivery of critical aid across Gaza is grinding to a halt, and the survival of 2 million people hangs in the balance. I urge Israel to fulfil its obligations to facilitate the rapid and unimpeded passage of humanitarian relief into and throughout Gaza and for all parties to respect the safe delivery of assistance. As we confront the enormous challenges in Gaza, we are also witnessing the increasingly dangerous dynamics unfolding in the occupied West Bank, including East Jerusalem. Violence has continued at alarming levels. During the reporting period, 32 Palestinians were killed, mostly in the context of Israeli security forces operations and clashes with armed Palestinians, including in Area A. The IDF says it is targeting Palestinian militants. While shooting and ramming attacks by Palestinians continued, no fatalities were reported in the occupied West Bank or Israel. Israeli settlers and other civilians also continued to attack Palestinian communities in the West Bank, many in the context of the olive harvest, while Palestinian attacks on Israelis also continued. The Israeli Government has also continued its unrelenting advancement of settlements and its policy of evictions and demolitions of Palestinian- owned structures. On 28 October, Israeli planning authorities advanced approximately 120 housing units in settlements in Area C, in the occupied West Bank. And, on 5 November, Israeli forces demolished nine homes in East Jerusalem. While those dangerous steps accelerate, some Ministers are now openly calling for the annexation of the West Bank. I reiterate that annexation constitutes a violation of international law and must be firmly rejected. It is crucial that the Palestinian Authority (PA) be supported politically and financially. The waiver that allows Israel’s banking system to cooperate with Palestinian banks is set to expire at the end of the month, once again threatening the Palestinian banking sector and economy. The use of that renewal letter as a perpetual threat of economic instability, alongside other unilateral steps that undermine the PA’s fiscal stability, must end. Allow me to share a few final reflections from the Special Coordinator. Developments across the occupied Palestinian territory — both Gaza and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem — suggest we are at imminent risk of losing the frameworks we have been operating under since 1967 (resolution 242 (1967)) and 1973 (resolution 338 (1973)) when the Security Council adopted the resolutions aimed at laying the foundations for a just and lasting peace. We must never allow for a repeat of the 7 October 2023 Hamas attacks and their aftermath. We must treat Gaza and the West Bank as a whole, integral to the vision of an independent Palestinian State, and avoid repeating the political and administrative divides of the past. We must preserve and strengthen the Palestinian Authority and its institutions. We must create the space for a political solution, not a violent one. If the forces seeking to undermine the two-State solution are successful, the collapse of the relevant principles and institutional structures will have a ripple effect that could spread far beyond the Middle East. The United Nations, and the Office of the Special Coordinator in the Occupied Territories in particular, has a critical role to play in protecting and promoting the very frameworks that the international community — and the parties themselves — have identified as the basis for a more peaceful and secure future. However, that requires renewed support from the international community, particularly from the region, to create the enabling conditions for diplomacy to be effective. We need a ceasefire. We need to get the hostages out. We need life-saving support to be delivered safely now. And we need to ensure the long-term safety and security of Palestinians and Israelis.

I thank Mr. Hadi for his briefing. I shall now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements.

I thank Deputy Special Coordinator Hadi for his briefing. The United States remains opposed to proposals to annex the West Bank or construct Israeli settlements in Gaza, which, if implemented, would be inconsistent with international law, sow the seeds of further instability and create new obstacles to Israel’s full integration into the region. We are also deeply concerned by increasing extremist settler violence in the West Bank. Recent incidents include those in Jurat Al-Khiel, near Hebron, where Palestinians were attacked by scores of extremist settlers, who damaged property, assaulted civilians and released dogs to attack residents. In the Palestinian village of Jalud, south of Nablus, dozens of extremist settlers reportedly killed livestock, attacked homes and set fire to vehicles. We are concerned that increased attacks are also preventing Palestinians from harvesting their olive crops. Beyond causing intense suffering for Palestinians, those attacks threaten Israel’s security, make the realization of a two-State solution more difficult and undermine the prospects for regional peace and stability. The Government of Israel must deter extremist settler violence and protect all communities from harm. That includes intervening in, preventing and stopping attacks. We urge the relevant authorities to do everything possible to de-escalate tensions and hold all perpetrators of violence accountable, no matter the background of the perpetrator or victim. Since February, the United States has sought to promote accountability by imposing sanctions on 17 individuals and 16 entities for their actions to undermine peace, security and stability in the West Bank. Just last week, we sanctioned three entities and three individuals for their roles in violence targeting civilians or in the destruction or dispossession of property. Among those designated entities is Amana, the largest organization involved in settlement and illegal outpost development in the West Bank, and its subsidiary, Binyanei Bar Amana. In its support of settlers, Amana has established dozens of illegal settler outposts and directly engaged in the dispossession of private land owned by Palestinians. As Secretary of Defense Austin made clear to his Israeli counterpart, we are also concerned about Israel’s decision to stop using administrative detention orders against settlers suspected of attacks against Palestinians in the West Bank. We will continue to use all the tools at our disposal to promote accountability for those who further destabilize conditions in the West Bank and support extremist violence. Moreover, we recognize that the West Bank’s economic stability is also critical to Israeli and regional security. For that reason, the United States strongly urges Israel to extend corresponding banking services by at least one year to prevent economic collapse in the West Bank, which not only jeopardizes Israel’s security but also regional stability. We have discussed Gaza at length, and so let me simply reiterate that the United States is doing everything possible to end the war in a way that secures the release of the hostages, surges humanitarian aid to Palestinian civilians and ensures Israel’s security. The Security Council has an obligation not to let Hamas off the hook, not after the misery, death and destruction it sparked 13 months ago. Hamas has cynically demonstrated that it prefers that the war continue, including by rejecting multiple ceasefire offers and other formulas that would bring much-needed relief to Palestinian civilians desperate for an end to the fighting. We must not cave to Hamas’s demands or allow it to dictate the course of events. Rather, we must increase pressure on Hamas to implement resolution 2735 (2024) without condition and without delay. To that end, the United States last week imposed additional sanctions on Hamas political leaders and fundraisers. At the same time, Israel must take more steps to facilitate humanitarian access and the sustained delivery of aid at scale, to restore the flow of commercial goods and to address persistent lawlessness, which prevents aid from reaching Palestinians in Gaza. It is abhorrent that criminal gangs have been allowed to loot humanitarian assistance for their own ends. They are taking food and medicine out of the hands of Palestinian civilians, including children. Only after we reach a ceasefire agreement with hostage release, consistent with resolution 2735 (2024), will it be possible to chart a new path forward in Gaza that enables Palestinians to rebuild their lives free from Hamas’s tyranny. As we have stressed, the United Nations is not the problem. Rather, it is part of the solution, and we join other Council members in recognizing the risk and sacrifices that United Nations staff are making daily to deliver aid. It is vital that Israel and relevant United Nations entities find productive and proactive solutions, including regarding the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, so they can get more life-saving assistance delivered to people in need. At the same time, the United States fundamentally rejects the decision of the International Criminal Court (ICC) to issue arrest warrants for senior Israeli officials. We have been clear that the ICC does not have jurisdiction over this matter, and we are deeply concerned about the Prosecutor’s rush to seek arrest warrants, as well as about the troubling process errors that led to that decision. Moreover, that decision does not make the pursuit of peace any easier. We have an opportunity for a political settlement that provides a better future for Israelis and Palestinians, but only if we pressure Hamas, and only if we do not waver in our commitment to the two-State solution. The United States will continue to support diplomacy on the ground and to encourage steps to alleviate the tremendous suffering of Palestinian civilians in Gaza, who did not start the conflict and are relying on all of us to help end it.

We thank Deputy Special Coordinator Hadi for his sobering briefing. Malta remains deeply concerned about the ongoing war in Gaza and the unprecedented humanitarian catastrophe it has fomented. Civilians continue to suffer as the prospects for peace grow ever dimmer. We deeply regret that the Security Council’s efforts to adopt a draft resolution to end the hostilities were once again vetoed last week (see S/PV.9790). We said it on that day, and we will say it again: the draft resolution (S/2024/835) co-penned by the 10 elected members of the Security Council represented the bare minimum of what is needed to begin to address the desperate situation on the ground. We reiterate our unequivocal demand for an immediate, unconditional and permanent ceasefire across Gaza and the broader region. We also reiterate our demand for the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages held by Hamas and other armed groups since the horrific terrorist attacks of 7 October 2023. It is even equally critical that a ceasefire be accompanied by unhindered and sustained humanitarian access to deliver aid at scale, required to address the population’s critical needs. Following the developments of recent days, as a firm and committed supporter of the International Criminal Court, Malta will abide by its obligations as a party to the Rome Statute. Gaza continues to be subjected to incessant bombardment by Israel. The dire situation has been exacerbated by the denial of humanitarian aid. Basic and essential food and health systems have collapsed, and widespread displacement and catastrophic living conditions are prevalent. The risk of famine in northern Gaza grows with each day that humanitarian aid is denied. Malta urges Israel to lift all restrictions hindering humanitarian aid from being distributed to and throughout Gaza and calls for the immediate restoration of humanitarian access. The forced displacement of civilians, including women and children, must end, and all efforts should focus on facilitating the return of civilians to their homes. Moreover, Malta equivocally condemns all targeting of civilians and civilian infrastructure. All parties must uphold the principles of international law, including international humanitarian law. In that vein, we stress that attacks targeting humanitarian workers and United Nations personnel are unacceptable. In the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, settlement expansion, settler violence and the dispossession of Palestinian communities continue. That further destabilizes the region, entrenches the illegal occupation and undermines the prospects for a two-State solution. We call on Israel to reverse those actions and to respect and abide by international law. Irresponsible calls for the annexation of the West Bank by some Israeli officials and inflammatory rhetoric on the status quo of the holy sites are resurfacing, adding more fuel to the fire. Such actions would also be in violation of international law. We recall the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice of 19 July, which clearly stated that Israel’s presence in the occupied Palestinian territory is unlawful and must end as soon as possible. Malta condemns any attempts to abrogate the 1967 agreement between Israel and the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) or to obstruct the Agency’s capacity to implement its mandate. We call upon Israel to rescind those legislative actions. The Agency is irreplaceable in providing essential support to Palestinian refugees and ensuring regional stability. UNRWA is the last remaining lifeline for many Palestinians. It must be strengthened, and its personnel must be protected. Without significant de-escalation and the re-establishment of a credible political framework, Israeli-Palestinian peace will remain elusive. Malta urges the parties to rapidly de-escalate and fully commit to diplomacy, including on the gravely worrisome situation along the Blue Line and in Lebanon. Those with influence on the parties must exert it in the direction of peace. An effective political framework must be accompanied by support for a revitalized Palestinian Authority that integrates Gaza and the West Bank and is part of a sustainable recovery plan for Gaza. The key to durable peace lies in the fulfilment of Palestinian aspirations for statehood and self-determination, while also ensuring robust guarantees for Israel’s security. In conclusion, Malta remains steadfast in its commitment to a credible and irreversible two-State solution along the pre-1967 borders and in line with Security Council resolutions and internationally agreed parameters. That is the only viable path to just and lasting peace.

I thank Deputy Special Coordinator Hadi, speaking on behalf of Mr. Wennesland, for his informative updates. At the outset, Japan reiterates its unequivocal condemnation of the brutal terrorist attacks by Hamas and others on 7 October 2023. Since then, the Security Council has held numerous meetings on Palestinian issues, including three within the past week. Frankly, we are running out of words to explain the agony in Gaza, especially in the north. Recently, United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East Commissioner-General Lazzarini stated that Gaza is a post-apocalyptic environment, which means after the end of the world. A situation like that is truly unthinkable. And then, what next? We must bring an end to this nightmare. To do so, an immediate ceasefire and the release of all remaining hostages are urgently needed, as the 10 elected members of the Security Council once again called for in its draft resolution (S/2024/835) last week. Japan continues to support the diplomatic efforts on the ground to conclude that deal. Meanwhile, famine is imminent and many displaced persons are living in makeshift tents as winter approaches. Hospitals are still being attacked, and the health system is on the verge of collapse. Safe and unhindered access to humanitarian relief must be guaranteed. Civilians, including aid workers and medical personnel, must be protected. More broadly, international law, including international humanitarian law, must be respected. Any efforts to intentionally block the delivery of critical life-saving assistance to the civilian population in Gaza are unacceptable. The role of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) has never been more crucial, but the clock is ticking on the implementation of the two laws that would have a devastating impact on UNRWA and those who depend on the Agency. A concerted international effort is imperative to avoid that. At the same time, UNRWA should continue to take steps to ensure its neutrality. The Middle East is facing a heightened risk of full-scale regional conflict. In the shadow of Gaza, violence is unfolding in the West Bank. Daily exchanges of fire continue across the Blue Line. Intense aerial bombardment in Lebanon, including in densely populated areas, has affected millions of innocent civilians. We renew our call for the full implementation of resolution 1701 (2006) and fully support ongoing diplomacy to realize an immediate ceasefire in Lebanon. The peaceful coexistence of Israel and Palestine is the only viable pathway to a safe, stable and prosperous Middle East. However, an Israeli Minister recently made a concerning remark about plans for annexation of the West Bank. Such a plan must not be carried out. We also reject any attempt at demographic or territorial change in the Gaza Strip, including any actions that would reduce its territory. Japan reiterates its unwavering commitment to the vision of the two-State solution and is against any attempt to ruin prospects for the two-State solution. In that regard, we stress the importance of unifying the Gaza Strip with the West Bank under a revitalized Palestinian Authority (PA). We offer our steadfast support for the reform of the PA, both politically and financially.

We thank Mr. Muhannad Hadi, Deputy Special Coordinator, Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process, for his thorough briefing on the situation in the region. The Middle East today is the best illustration of the dangers borne by long-standing unresolved regional conflicts. The failure to resolve the Palestinian question for more than 70 years has given rise to a series of brutal wars that have brought unimaginable suffering to the peoples of the region. Several days ago, we marked 400 days since the Arab-Israeli confrontation entered its hot phase. Throughout those 400 days, the Security Council has been unable to fulfil its mandate to maintain international peace and security, and neither has it been able to assume the role entrusted to it by the Charter of the United Nations. Meanwhile, Israel, which has received carte blanche from Washington to take absolutely any action, arrogantly ignores the position of the international community and deliberately exacerbates the situation. Since the beginning of the escalation of the Palestinian-Israeli confrontation in October 2023, more than 44,000 people have been killed and 104,000 Palestinians have been wounded in the Gaza Strip. In yet another flagrant violation of all norms of international law, on the eve of our meeting, Israel bombed the Kamal Adwan Hospital area in the north of Gaza, wounding 12 hospital personnel, including its medical director. Since the beginning of the conflict, the Israel Defense Forces have been committing blatant violations of international humanitarian law and attacking civilian targets such as homes, schools and hospitals. Those strikes were not accidental mistakes, but a deliberate tactic. According to Mr. Philippe Lazzarini, Commissioner-General of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), an estimated 80 per cent of Gaza is a high- risk zone where the civilian population is trapped and essentially serves as live targets for the Israeli military. Yet for 40 days now the people of Gaza have been unable to receive humanitarian aid, the delivery of which has been obstructed at all costs by the Israeli authorities. We know from humanitarian personnel that, in the past week alone, the Israeli authorities have prevented two thirds of humanitarian operations from taking place. All of that is taking place against the backdrop of the campaign of oppression launched by West Jerusalem against UNRWA. Strikes on the Agency’s facilities have led to the deaths of more than 230 staff members, and a total of 380 humanitarian workers have fallen victim to Israeli attacks since the beginning of the escalation in the Gaza Strip. That is a monstrous record — indeed, the worst in modern history. By ignoring the opinion of the overwhelming majority of United Nations States Members and in violation of international law and the terms of its own admission to our world Organization, Israel has adopted laws against UNRWA that prohibit the Agency’s activities and revoke the privileges and immunities of that United Nations entity. If those decisions enter into force, the final pillar left supporting the lives of Gazans will collapse, as nothing will be able to replace UNRWA in the foreseeable future. Once again, we demand that Israel respect its international legal obligations and either not enact or repeal those bills. The Council has been unable to take any action on Gaza for five months since the United States forced through resolution 2735 (2024) in support of the so-called Biden plan, which was based on the false assertion that Israel had consented to a deal. In fact, West Jerusalem has not consented to any scheme and has spent the entire time continuing to implement its military plans and impose its own demands in violation of resolution 2735 (2024). In response, the United States has only demanded, and continues to demand, that we all put pressure on Hamas. Against that backdrop, the regular calls for the deportation of Palestinians from Gaza by the Israeli Ministers of National Security and Finance are telling. All of that speaks to the true intentions of the Israeli authorities, whose agenda does not include a negotiated solution. Their plan is obvious: to create another irreversible fact on the ground, namely, a scorched, depopulated Gaza that has been emptied of Palestinians. Last week, the Council, which has been unable to demand an immediate, unconditional and permanent ceasefire for more than 13 months, had another opportunity to do so. The 10 non-permanent members of the Council (E10), led by Guyana, took the initiative to draft a worthy draft resolution that demanded both an immediate, permanent and unconditional ceasefire and the immediate and unconditional release of hostages (S/2024/835). But the United States once again single-handedly vetoed the draft resolution (see S/PV.9790), demonstrating to the world that it does not care about saving the lives of Palestinian civilians or rescuing the hostages. After all, if the United States really were driven by the desire to secure the hostages’ release as soon as possible, it would have done everything in its power to stop the Israeli military operation in the Gaza Strip, which, among other things, is responsible for the deaths of captured Israeli hostages. It was recently reported that one hostage had died, and another was seriously injured in an area in the north of the Gaza Strip that had been bombed by Israel. That is yet further confirmation that further escalation will not help the hostages in any way. It is clear to all of us that their release is possible only with an immediate ceasefire in the Gaza Strip. By vetoing the E10’s draft resolution, the United States has found itself in complete international isolation. Its approaches are not supported by the countries in the Middle East, or by members of the Security Council, or by the overwhelming majority of United Nations Member States. Washington’s line of blocking the work of the Security Council in the Middle East remains a stain on the reputation of the outgoing United States Administration that it will never be able to wash off. Its indulgence of, and complicity with, Israel has already led to the deaths of more than 44,000 Palestinian civilians, most of them women and children. How many more must die before peace is finally established in Gaza? Or will the United States obstruct it until all Palestinians are exterminated and the vision of a two-State solution falls apart by itself? We would hope that other sensible members of the international community will be determined not to let that happen. Russia will continue to insist that the most decisive measures be taken to stop the bloodshed in Gaza. We are ready to work in that regard with all rational and responsible members of the Council, as well as to work within the framework of the General Assembly. The conflict in Gaza is spilling over into the region in the worst possible scenario, wreaking havoc and destruction everywhere and threatening to drown the Middle East in blood. The Israeli military operation in Lebanon has killed more than 3,500 people, in addition to injuring nearly 15,000 and displacing more than 1 million others. As in Gaza, the majority of the casualties are civilians crushed under the destructive tread of Israel’s war machine. The key to resolving the conflict in Lebanon is for all parties to fully implement resolution 1701 (2006), which calls for Israel to comply with its obligation to cease all offensive military operations, withdraw its armed forces from southern Lebanon and to end its occupation of Lebanese territory, in addition to the provisions that call for the withdrawal of all Hizbullah formations to the north of the Litani River. Russia’s approaches for finding a settlement in the Middle East are well-known, based on the universally recognized international legal framework and have remained consistent and principled for many decades. We have no doubt that only a ceasefire in Lebanon and Gaza and a stabilization of the situation in the West Bank can create the preconditions for peace negotiations towards realizing a long-awaited just and sustainable peace in the Middle East. Such negotiations should be based solely on a two-State solution that envisions the establishment of an independent, sovereign Palestinian State within the 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital, coexisting in peace and security with Israel. The experience of the past decade shows that such negotiations must be conducted under the aegis of all key international and regional players — and not monopolized by individual Powers interested exclusively in advancing their own agendas. Only then will it be possible to deliver the Palestinian people historical justice by ensuring their right to self-determination.

At the outset, I would like to thank you very much, Madam President, for organizing this meeting. I would also like to thank Mr. Muhannad Hadi for his comprehensive briefing, which illustrates the gravity of the situation in the Middle East and the need to take urgent action to ensure the stability of the region and prevent it from being drawn to further violence. The Middle East today stands at a crossroads. It can either seek out a definitive settlement to its crises by upholding the rule of law and guaranteeing rights, or it can allow the mindset of force and impunity to prevail. Today the effectiveness of our collective action and the current international order are being put to the test. In the face of the horror of systematic violations of human rights and international humanitarian law in the occupied Palestinian territory, especially in the Gaza Strip, the international community cannot remain powerless to find a solution that would guarantee the dignity of Palestinians and save their lives. The fact that the Security Council’s hands have unfortunately been tied and that it cannot fulfil the most basic demand for an immediate, unconditional and permanent ceasefire raises questions about the effectiveness of the collective security system and the weight of international law. We once again regret the Council’s failure to adopt draft resolution S/2024/835, submitted last Wednesday by the 10 elected members (S/PV.9790). We therefore call on everyone to rise to the occasion and its requirements in order to enable the Council, as the body authorized under the Charter of the United Nations to maintain international peace and security, to shoulder its legal and historical responsibilities in full. Every hour that passes without us being able to stop the Israeli killing machine means more suffering for the entire population of Gaza. Hundreds of people are being martyred and injured, especially children and women. Together we must stop the bloodshed in Gaza before it kills any remaining hope for the Palestinians. The aggression by the Israeli occupier does not only target Gaza; it also targets the presence of Palestinians on its territories, wherever they are. The goal is to move forward with this despicable, racist project aimed at eliminating the Arab presence between the river and the sea — something that the Israeli occupation authorities do not hide but rather boast about. Algeria renews its condemnation of the Israeli occupation’s policy of expanding settlements in the West Bank — and threats to annex it — in clear and explicit violation of resolutions of international legitimacy, especially resolution 2334 (2016). We also condemn the continued violations of the Al-Aqsa Mosque and Muslim and Christian holy sites in Al-Quds Al-Sharif and call for respecting the historic and legal status quo of the Jordanian Hashemite custodianship of those sites. We condemn in the strongest terms the increase in settler terrorism against the Palestinian population and in attacks on their property, committed under the protection of the occupation authorities. That terrorism will undoubtedly grow given the continued arming of settler gangs and the decision to stop administrative detentions against them. Those horrible acts must be condemned, and the Security Council should impose deterrent sanctions in that regard to ensure that its resolutions are enforced, especially since its credibility has become at stake. In the light of the paralysis affecting the Security Council and the crippling of its mechanisms, the International Criminal Court (ICC) has issued two arrest warrants against officials from the Israeli occupation authorities for committing war crimes and crimes against humanity in the Gaza Strip. That move has renewed the hope for freedom for the Palestinian people and others around the world. Algeria stresses that that action represents an important step and tangible progress towards ending decades of impunity and immunity for the Israeli occupation, which has not been held accountable for its crimes against the Palestinians and the States and peoples of the entire region. We also stress the need for the international community, specifically the States parties to the ICC, to enforce the warrants issued by the Court, and we reiterate our call for the work of the Court to not be hindered. This is another test of our commitment to the international rules-based order and our adherence to the rule of law. We emphasize that any attempt to protect the occupation officials would give them a blank check to continue to destabilize the Middle East and be an implicit approval for an expansion of the conflict. The silence — and in some cases the support — of the international community in the face of the crimes of the Israeli occupation have emboldened the latter to expand its aggression to Lebanon and Syria. And today it is even threatening Iraq. It is necessary to stop Israeli occupation’s aggression and to put an end to its arrogant behaviour in the region. In conclusion, as we are a few days away from celebrating the International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People, we stress that the best way to show solidarity with our Palestinian brothers and sisters is to stop the genocide against them and to put an end to any attempt to eliminate their national project, by allowing them to enjoy their legitimate and inalienable rights to self-determination and to establish the independent Palestinian State with East Jerusalem as its capital.

I would like to thank you, Madam President, for organizing today’s meeting. I also thank Deputy Special Coordinator Hadi for his sobering briefing. In the past week, the Security Council has met on three occasions to consider the situation in Gaza, but there appear to be no points of hope that the sun is setting on this war. Instead, to date, the sun has set on the lives of more than 44,000 persons in Gaza, and it may set on the lives of hundreds of thousands more who are confronted with mounting starvation, injury and disease, if action is not taken to end the suffering. Regrettably, the draft resolution (S/2024/835) of the elected 10 members of the Council that sought to take such action was vetoed last week (see S/PV.9790). Guyana reiterates its call for an immediate, unconditional and permanent ceasefire as the first and most fundamental step to changing the situation on the ground for the numerous civilians in Gaza, who have been experiencing unprecedented levels of violence and deprivation. Guyana is deeply concerned that civilians in north Gaza continue to be besieged and are consequently facing diminishing conditions for survival. Bakeries and kitchens have shut down, nutrition support has been suspended and the refuelling of water and sanitation facilities remains restricted. In that context, we have noted that all attempts by the United Nations to support people in north Gaza have been denied or impeded. For example, between 1 and 18 November, 27 out of 31 coordination requests by the United Nations to access the besieged areas were denied, and the remaining four were initially approved but then impeded on the ground. Those developments come on the heels of the recent report by the Famine Review Committee of the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification that famine is likely occurring in north Gaza or imminent. Our responsibility as a Council is mounting in the face of the tragedy. We must act to bring the suffering to an immediate and permanent end. The situation in the Gaza Strip as a whole is equally concerning. Humanitarian operations across Gaza continue to be severely affected by access restrictions, and there is little or no cooperation from the Israeli side with the United Nations and humanitarian partners trying to address the unprecedented suffering. That is consistent with the pattern that we have seen since the start of the war to inflict pain on the Palestinian people and deny them the means of easing that pain. That is the reason that we continue to witness systematic attacks on healthcare infrastructure and continued disregard for deconfliction and coordination mechanisms. Guyana calls on Israel and all parties to comply with their obligations under international law, including international humanitarian law, and prioritize the well- being and protection of civilians. The situation of Palestinians in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, also continues to deteriorate. The worrisome statistics include the killing by Israeli forces of an average of three Palestinian children per week in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, since 7 October 2023 — a 400 per cent increase in such killings as compared to the first nine months of 2023 — and the displacement of hundreds of Palestinians in the West Bank due to settler violence, intimidation and harassment and school dropouts attributable to rising access restrictions. Shocking levels of barbarism characterize those illegalities, and even children are not spared such acts. We have heard repeated arguments about Israel’s right to defend itself in response to Hamas’s attack of 7 October 2023, attacks that Guyana has repeatedly condemned. But let us be clear: while fully respecting every State’s right to defend itself under Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations, the Charter is also clear on how that right is to be exercised. It is neither absolute nor limitless. It is governed by clear rules under international law, and it is Israel’s complete disregard for international law that makes what is taking place in Gaza so fundamentally wrong. In what scenario does a State’s defence depend on the brutal killing of more than 13,000 children? No United Nations Member State can invoke Article 51 of the Charter to defend killing, maiming and starving innocent women and children. In the context of the appalling situation in the occupied Palestinian territories, Guyana underlines the following four key messages. First, the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories has brought nothing but decades of pain and destruction to the Palestinian people, although it continues to be couched as a necessity for Israel’s security. On the contrary, the occupation has led to insecurity and instability for both Palestinians and Israelis and for the Middle East as a whole. Guyana therefore recalls the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on the illegality of the continued Israeli presence in the occupied Palestinian territories and emphasizes Israel’s obligation to bring that occupation to a swift end. Secondly, the Security Council has a responsibility under the Charter of the United Nations for the maintenance of international peace and security and a mandate to address threats to the peace, breaches of the peace and acts of aggression. Guyana therefore calls on all members of the Council to consider how the mandate should be applied in the current conflict, bearing in mind the heavy toll that the war continues to have on civilians. Thirdly, the need for accountability cannot be overemphasized. The international rule of law must be consistently applied across contexts and cannot be strenuously defended only when a particular set of people are the victims. The law must be blind to all distinctions. Fourthly, the two-State solution is still the only just path to ending the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, but the prospects for achieving it are dwindling with every day that the atrocities against the Palestinian people continue with impunity. It is our collective responsibility to chart a path towards the implementation of the two- State solution as the only way for the Palestinian people to exercise their right to self-determination. Guyana is committed to working with the Council to address all of those concerns in line with the scope provided by the Charter.

We thank the United Kingdom presidency for convening this briefing on the situation in the Middle East, including the Palestinian question. We extend our appreciation to Mr. Muhannad Hadi, Deputy Special Coordinator and Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator of the Office of the Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process, for his important briefing. From the briefing by the Deputy Special Coordinator, it is clear that the situation in Gaza and the occupied Palestinian territories remains a matter of grave concern. So far, diplomatic efforts have not been successful in bringing about a peaceful resolution to the conflict. The geopolitical complexities add layers of difficulty that make it a profoundly challenging environment for peace and stability. The humanitarian situation remains critical, with civilians bearing the brunt of the ongoing relentless war. The United Nations has reported a number of incidents involving settlers and affecting hundreds of Palestinians, including a high number of attacks that have resulted in casualties and property damage. In addition to the attacks, reports indicate that forced demolitions persist, including the destruction of Palestinian agricultural resources, in East Jerusalem, Silwan and Rafat. We strongly condemn those heinous acts. We underscore the urgent need for all the parties involved to strictly abide by international law and the importance of upholding justice and human rights. We hold the view that lasting peace and security in the Middle East require more than just military interventions and the crude use of force. The recent inability of the Security Council to present a united stand to address the critical issue of the Middle East is troubling. However, we continue to believe that the Council’s role remains crucial in the pursuit of peace and stability in the Middle East, including in the resolution of the Palestinian issue. In that connection, we consider that previous and relevant Security Council resolutions on the matter must be observed and implemented. Despite the current challenges, we advocate more diplomatic action, genuine and constructive dialogue and unified action within the Council as the best path towards peace, stability and prosperity in the region. There is an urgent need for renewed and intensified efforts to find a sustainable political solution to address the root causes of the conflict. A solution that respects the rights and aspirations of all peoples in the region is imperative. In that connection, we call for an immediate, unconditional and permanent ceasefire in Gaza. We also call for the immediate and unconditional release of the hostages and the free and unhindered flow of humanitarian aid, in line with the resolutions we have adopted, including resolutions 2712 (2023), 2720 (2023), 2728 (2024) and 2735 (2024). Ensuring a future of safety, dignity and well-being for the peoples of both Israel and Palestine through the two-State solution must be our vital and shared objective. Both peoples deserve to live side by side in peace, security and prosperity. Efforts to forcibly impose a one-State solution will not bring peace, security or stability to Israel or Palestine. A two-State solution is an essential goal to be attained. It requires sustained diplomatic efforts, mutual understanding and a commitment to the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. In conclusion, we strongly believe that peace and stability in the Middle East is essential for both regional and global security and development.

I thank the Office of the Special Coordinator for the sobering briefing this morning and, as always, I reiterate my country’s support for its work, as well as for the United Nations and all its agencies. Barely five days have passed since the Security Council last met to discuss this subject (see S/PV.9787). Our message has not changed. Ecuador reiterates the need for an immediate ceasefire, the immediate release of all hostages and the immediate implementation of the four resolutions already adopted by the Council, namely, resolutions 2712 (2023), 2720 (2023), 2728 (2024) and 2735 (2024). Almost 14 months after the terrorist attacks perpetrated by Hamas on 7 October 2023 — the immediate cause of the war in Gaza — Ecuador once again unequivocally condemns them today. My country deplores all attacks against civilians, critical infrastructure and civilian objects, as well as all violence and hostilities against civilians. My country recalls that all parties must comply with their obligations under international law, including international humanitarian law and international human rights law. Failure to do so entails serious responsibilities. Due process and accountability are necessary. There is an urgent need to stop the spiral of violence that is advancing in the region and to protect and support those who are working to minimize suffering and help the victims of war, in line with resolution 2730 (2024). It is equally urgent, and I conclude with this, to take concrete steps towards a political, definitive and just solution — a peaceful solution, which will allow the coexistence of two States, Palestine and Israel, with security and dignity for both peoples.

I thank you, Madam President, for convening this briefing on the situation in the Middle East. I also thank Mr. Muhannad Hadi, Deputy Special Coordinator, for his briefing on behalf of Special Coordinator Tor Wennesland. Through you, Madam President, Switzerland pays tribute to the central role of the United Nations for peace, stability and humanitarian aid in the region. The Secretary-General, his senior representatives and the United Nations agencies must be able to do their job, talk to all parties without hindrance and help all those in need. On this International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women, Switzerland reiterates its sympathy and support for the women and girls who are victims of violence in this conflict, particularly sexual violence. Such violence, attested to by the United Nations during the acts of terror perpetrated by Hamas on 7 October 2023, constitutes serious violations of international humanitarian and human rights law and may constitute war crimes or even crimes against humanity. We are also deeply concerned about reports of sexual and gender-based violence against Palestinians in places of detention, during raids on homes and at checkpoints. In Gaza, the catastrophic humanitarian situation and the breakdown of law and order mean that women play an essential role in the response to the crisis. However, it also exposes them to a lack of privacy, with all its consequences for their hygiene and physical integrity. The suffering and dehumanization of all the victims of this conflict must come to an end. Switzerland reiterates its call for an unconditional and immediate ceasefire and release of the hostages. We deeply regret the non-adoption, last Wednesday (see S/PV.9790), of the draft resolution of the elected members coordinated by Guyana (S/2024/835), which had explicitly requested it. While the search for a Security Council consensus for firm action must continue, the fundamental principles of international law, including international humanitarian law, have been agreed upon for decades. Obligations in that area apply in armed conflicts in all circumstances. Those obligations include the that of treating all persons deprived of their liberty in connection with the conflict humanely, prohibiting taking people hostage, the obligation to facilitate rapid, safe and unhindered access for humanitarian aid and ensuring the protection of civilians and civilian infrastructure, including United Nations personnel and premises. Moreover, as an occupying Power, Israel has an obligation to ensure to the best of its ability that the basic needs of the Palestinian population are met. Switzerland supports any action that ensures accountability for serious violations of international law, including the acts of terror perpetrated by Hamas on 7 October 2023 and any other violations committed by the parties during the hostilities in Gaza and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. Regarding the arrest warrants issued on 21 November by the International Criminal Court, Switzerland stresses that the independence of that judicial institution must be respected. It deplores all forms of threats or measures taken against the Court, its officials and those who cooperate with it. Switzerland rejects all declarations aimed at annexing territory, developing new settlements or taking measures that would introduce permanent changes, notably demographic and administrative, in the occupied territory, both in Gaza and in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. We recall that the Israeli occupation, which has lasted since 1967, is illegal. Together with the settlers’ attacks, threats and intimidation, it constitutes a major obstacle to the solution of two democratic States, Israel and Palestine, of which Gaza is an integral part, living side by side in peace within secure and recognized borders. The destructive logic that prevails today must be countered by concrete efforts for peace, such as the Global Alliance for the Implementation of the Two-State Solution, launched here in New York in September.

I thank Deputy Special Coordinator Hadi for his briefing. Last Wednesday (see S/PV.9790), because of the lone United States veto, the Security Council’s efforts to push for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza were once again thwarted. In the days that followed, hundreds more civilians lost their lives in Gaza. With every passing day, the situation is worsening, moving in an even more dangerous direction. We saw that, on 21 November, in an early morning Israeli attack of a residential area in Beit Lahiya, north Gaza, dozens of women and children were killed in their sleep. On 23 November, Israel again attacked the Kamal Adwan Hospital in north Gaza, causing further serious damage to the only remaining medical facility in the north. Newborn babies lost their oxygen supply and went into cardiac arrest. On 24 November, Israel issued an emergency evacuation order for the eastern part of Gaza City, and a large number of people were forced to flee overnight, being displaced yet again. Also in the past few days, Israel continued its indiscriminate bombardment of south and east Lebanon, repeatedly striking the densely populated urban area of Beirut, levelling large areas containing villages and leaving hundreds of innocent civilians in flames. While the Council remains paralysed, the war machine is proceeding at full throttle. The facts show that the Council’s continued delay will mean even greater destruction and civilian casualties. The Council cannot afford to pause and wait. It must seize every minute and take all the necessary actions at the earliest opportunity. First, it must promote an immediate, unconditional and lasting ceasefire. A ceasefire is an essential precondition for saving lives and must not be made dependent upon any issue. Insisting on preconditions for a ceasefire means condoning the continued killing of innocent civilians and giving a green light to a prolongation of the war. Secondly, barriers to humanitarian access must be removed. Compliance with international humanitarian law is a non-negotiable obligation and must not be a bargaining chip. Israel must lift all restrictions on access, cease the implementation of and revoke its bill against the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East and effectively guarantee access to and the safe distribution, at scale, of humanitarian supplies throughout Gaza. Thirdly, unilateral actions that undermine the basis of the two-State solution must be rejected. The implementation of the two-State solution, on the basis of international law and Security Council resolutions, is the only viable way to resolve the Palestinian question. In order to preserve prospects for the two-State solution, the barbaric expansion of illegal settlements in the West Bank must be halted and any dangerous attempt to annex the West Bank must be rejected. Future arrangements for Gaza must be premised on an Israeli withdrawal and be decided by the Palestinian people, through their own consultations. Any change in Gaza’s demographics and territory is unacceptable. Fourthly, a wider regional conflict must be prevented. The situation in the Middle East is already precarious. Israel must abandon its obsession with the use of force and cease its aggression and provocative adventures against Lebanon, Syria, Iran and other countries. All parties must respect and guarantee the safety of the personnel and facilities of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon, which is authorized to carry out its mandate in accordance with Council resolutions. As the Deputy Special Coordinator said, the Gaza conflict is the biggest stress test the United Nations has ever faced in the Middle East. In our view, that stress test is, first and foremost, a test for Council members. It tests their ability to save lives and maintain peace. It tests their determination to uphold the international rule of law, fairness and justice. It tests their willingness to safeguard the authority of the Council’s mechanisms and resolutions. So far, owing to the negative attitude of a certain country, the Council’s performance has not passed the test. We call on that country to face up squarely to its responsibilities and support the Council in using all options in the toolbox to take further action so as to achieve an immediate ceasefire and restore peace.

I would like to thank Deputy Special Coordinator Muhannad Hadi for his briefing. The continuation of the conflict in the Gaza Strip, which has gone on for more than a year now, is horrendous for the civilians who are forced to accept a life they really do not deserve. Despite the unfortunate scenario, the end of the conflict is not in sight, especially as the parties are not adhering to their responsibilities outlined in international law, international humanitarian law and international human rights law. It is saddening to note that the laws designed to inject some semblance of humanity into conflict situations are outrightly disregarded and flagrantly violated. In addition, resolutions adopted by the Council, including resolutions 2712 (2023), 2720 (2023), 2728 (2024) and 2735 (2024), have not been implemented, and other efforts to clearly address the situation, including efforts to institute an immediate and unconditional ceasefire, in order to save lives, have not been fruitful. This conflict has brought with it a high humanitarian cost, with increased civilian casualties and massive destruction in the Gaza Strip. We have witnessed a dangerous progression, with civilians and civilian objects particularly targeted. The principles of humanity, distinction, precaution and proportionality, repeated ad infinitum in this Chamber by various Council members, have not been respected since the start of the conflict. As stated by the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, the current siege in the northern Gaza Strip has lasted for more than 40 days, and the probabilities of survival diminish by the day. Attempts by humanitarian workers to assist the people in the north are frequently denied or impeded. Bakeries and kitchens are not operational, and civilians cannot access the nutritional support they need to remain healthy. Water and sanitation services also remain restricted. Reports from the West Bank are also alarming owing to air strikes, raids and persistent settler violence, which result in displacement, intimidation and harassment. Access restrictions in certain areas are affecting children, who are compelled to forgo their educational development because the opportunities simply do not exist. Simmering tensions in the region continue to escalate as fighting between Israel and Hizbullah intensifies in Lebanon. In that regard, we are appalled by the wounding of four peacekeepers of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon as a result of Hizbullah rocket fire. We also deeply regret the deaths of a hospital director and five paramedics a few days ago. We welcome the ongoing diplomatic efforts to achieve a ceasefire between Israel and Hizbullah. What we are witnessing in the Gaza Strip and the Middle East region is not just unacceptable, but a reflection of a deeper systemic acceptance of injustice, oppression and impunity. Therefore, to end this tragedy and the catastrophic humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip, Sierra Leone reiterates its call for an immediate and unconditional ceasefire, which in our considered view will create the pathway not only to save lives, but also for meaningful diplomatic engagement to take place. We also reiterate that all hostages held by Hamas since October 2023 are to be immediately and unconditionally released. We further call for unimpeded humanitarian assistance — food, medicines, medical equipment and other vital supplies — to be delivered to civilians in need and request that commodities needed to assist humanitarian workers and ensure that hospitals and other critical infrastructure remain operational be made available. We acknowledge that a long-term settlement of this conflict will require a political solution, to be agreed through a negotiated agreement. Therefore, we look forward to the urgent resumption of the diplomatic negotiations facilitated by the United States, Qatar and Egypt, and we appeal to the conflicting parties to exercise political courage and willingness to engage. In conclusion, we will continue to stress the need for accountability and justice for the victims of atrocities and all breaches of international law through appropriate international legal mechanisms. In that vein, we call for adherence to the decisions of the International Court of Justice on the conflict in Gaza. It is our fervent hope that, now more than ever, the two-State solution can be realized, with Israel and Palestine living side by side as neighbours in peace.

There is an urgent need to establish an immediate and permanent ceasefire in the Gaza Strip. France will continue to work towards that goal. France calls on Israel to ensure the protection of all civilians and civilian infrastructure. Any and all forced displacement of populations is a grave violation of international law. The obstructions imposed on the delivery of aid to the north of Gaza must be lifted without delay. All crossing points must be opened and the necessary aid delivered to the people throughout the Gaza Strip. In the face of this absolute humanitarian emergency, United Nations agencies are playing an indispensable role, first and foremost the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East. France has condemned the terrorist attacks of 7 October 2023 and reiterates its unwavering commitment to Israel’s security and continues to demand the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages. Security Council resolutions must be implemented fully. We must also work towards a two-State solution, based on the agreed parameters. There must be security guarantees for the Israelis. We must work towards the establishment of an independent, viable and contiguous State for the Palestinians. The Security Council must be fully mobilized to achieve those objectives. In Lebanon, the war must end without delay. The solution is clear: the full implementation of resolution 1701 (2006), whose implementation since 2006 has been inadequate. That is the framework recognized by all, and it is more relevant than ever. We must ensure compliance with resolution 1701 (2006) by all. The United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) plays a key role in that regard. Its action can be strengthened while remaining within the scope of its mandate. France reiterates its condemnation of all attacks on UNIFIL’s security. UNIFIL must be able to exercise its freedom of movement in order to implement its mandate. Finally, the Lebanese Government must continue to deploy its armed forces south of the Litani River. The Paris conference on 24 October raised $200 million for that purpose, in addition to $800 million for humanitarian aid. In that spirit, France remains fully committed and is actively pursuing its contacts with the various actors to achieve a ceasefire and lasting stability along the Blue Line.

I wish to begin by thanking Deputy Special Coordinator Hadi for his briefing. Since day one of the war in Gaza, there has been one common denominator to all our statements in this Organization’s chambers. More than a year after the terrorist attack by Hamas and the ensuing war in Gaza, the tone of our statements may have changed, but the call that we have made since the beginning has remained the same. It is our call for respect for international law. It is our firm belief that, in a world of clashing interests, international law represents a safety net. International law is not a menu to choose from, and it should know no double standards. We must all stand by it, and we must all act based on its guidance. And to answer a question posed to us last week: there is only one body of international law — for everyone. We have met many times throughout this war. While discussing the complex war or individual incidents, all members of the Council have made it clear all along that international law matters. It matters how the war is conducted. The protection of civilians matters. Accountability matters. Every country, including Israel, and every entity, including Hamas, must be held accountable to those international legal standards. Slovenia underlines the need for accountability for all grave violations and abuses of international law, in all situations. Without accountability, any peace we are pursuing will remain illusory. Accountability must be a cornerstone of sustainable peace and of the closure that people in the region will desperately need. As we have been clear in the case of the International Court of Justice, we want to be clear in relation to the International Criminal Court. Slovenia is a long- standing supporter of the work of the International Criminal Court, its independence and its integrity. Full respect for international law must include respect for the decisions and judicial advice of international courts and tribunals, including arrest warrants. We built this system to serve humankind. We are alarmed by the continued deterioration of the situation in the Middle East. In the West Bank, air strikes, raids and operations continue. We are appalled by the number of children killed in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, every week since 7 October 2023. Settler violence, restrictions and demolitions further compound the dire situation. And let me also add to that that Slovenia rejects any idea of annexing or plan to annex the West Bank. International law is clear on that. People in Gaza are facing an apocalyptic situation in the north, which has been besieged. Hunger is spreading, aid is restricted, winter is coming and insecurity could bring the humanitarian operation in Gaza to a standstill. We deplore the looting of humanitarian aid convoys, and we underline the responsibility of parties to the conflict to ensure that aid reaches people in need. Slovenia highlights the vital role of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East in providing assistance to the Palestinians in Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem. Today we mark the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women. We must highlight the dire situation of all women and girls in Gaza, including Israeli women being held hostage, who continue to be exposed to heightened risks of gender- based violence. Displacement, overcrowding and a lack of privacy in temporary shelters deprive women and girls in Gaza of safe spaces, rendering them more vulnerable to violence and abuse. When meetings end and the lights go off in this Chamber, our work ends only if we managed to give people on the ground hope for a better tomorrow. As the Secretary-General said some weeks ago, the only certainty people in Gaza have is that tomorrow will be worse. That also seems to be the case for the remaining hostages. Therefore, our work cannot stop here. We must do more. We must achieve an immediate, unconditional and permanent ceasefire. The Council must act decisively and give people on the ground hope for a better tomorrow.

I would like to thank Deputy Special Coordinator Hadi for his briefing. One week ago, the Security Council received a briefing emphasizing the urgent need for an immediate ceasefire and the release of hostages in Gaza (see S/PV.9787). Today we received another sobering briefing, giving us a strong sense of déjà vu. Since October of last year, the Security Council has held numerous meetings, with countless briefings. For more than 13 months, we have experienced endless déjà vu in this Chamber. However, in the repetition of meetings, we are also able to identify a clear tendency — the voice of the international community calling for an end to the bloodshed. Last week, the 10 elected members of the Security Council co-penned a draft resolution demanding an immediate, unconditional and permanent ceasefire in Gaza, in parallel with an immediate and unconditional release of hostages (S/2024/835). Those 10 members of the Council — all regionally, politically and culturally different from each other — spoke with the same principled voice, demonstrating the common demand of the international community. We therefore believe that, even though the draft resolution was not adopted, the message that we collectively strived to deliver has in fact been communicated to the parties to the conflict. In besieged northern Gaza, tens of thousands of civilians have been facing diminishing conditions for survival, which the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs has described as a direct consequence of Israel’s blocking of aid. Israel’s ban of commercial imports, along with the increased looting due to the total collapse of law and order, are further pushing the entire Gaza Strip into chaos and risk of famine. All across Gaza, air strikes go on. Not only Gaza, but the wider region, including the West Bank, Lebanon and Syria, remains on the precipice as well. Hizbullah is increasing its rocket attacks against Israeli population centres. And in Gaza, Israeli attacks against hospitals and shelters are still ongoing. The rest of the world was particularly appalled by the graphic images broadcast in the media over the weekend, showing the bombardment of entire residential buildings in Beirut, some of which had been carried out without any evacuation orders, after midnight. It is beyond our imagination how such instances can be repeated in the twenty-first century when international law, including international humanitarian law, should be guiding us. We hope that the deal for a ceasefire across the Blue Line can be finalized as soon as possible. We would also like to see hopeful news of a crucial ceasefire in Gaza. On the other hand, we will not forget the Israeli hostages still being brutally held in Gaza, and we were heartbroken to hear of the death in captivity of one of the female hostages announced over the weekend. If Hamas truly wants the war to end, the remaining hostages must be released without conditions.

I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the representative of the United Kingdom. I would like to start by thanking Deputy Special Coordinator Hadi for his briefing and by welcoming Special Coordinator Wennesland. Perhaps the Special Coordinator could say a few words at the end of the meeting. I would like to make three points. First, the deterioration of the humanitarian situation in Gaza is catastrophic and unacceptable. Famine is likely imminent in some areas, and the unthinkable hardship that millions of civilians, including children, are already facing in Gaza is set to get even worse as winter continues. As my Foreign Secretary reiterated last Monday to the Council (see S/PV.9787), there is no excuse for Israeli restrictions on humanitarian aid. We need much better protection of civilians in Gaza, a huge surge in aid and for the United Nations and humanitarians to be able to operate in safety. An immediate and unconditional ceasefire and the immediate release of hostages are the best way to achieve that. Secondly, as we have repeatedly said, the bills on the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) that Israel’s Knesset has passed are gravely concerning and risk jeopardizing the entire international humanitarian response in Gaza and the delivery of essential health and education services in the West Bank. UNRWA is indispensable. No other agency can get aid into Gaza on the scale needed or replace its mandate to serve Palestinian refugees. Israel must ensure that UNRWA can continue its vital operations. Thirdly, we remain deeply concerned about instability in the West Bank. The economic situation is dire. We urge the Government of Israel to extend correspondent banking relations for at least one year, to immediately release withheld clearance revenues and to stop settlement expansion on Palestinian land, which is illegal under international law. The rate of expansion is unprecedented and undermines stability and the prospects for peace. We have announced three tranches of sanctions targeting illegal settler outposts and organizations that have supported and sponsored violence against communities in the West Bank. Palestinians must be able to live without fear of violence or intimidation. We must continue to work together to end the wars in Gaza and Lebanon, to secure the release of all the hostages, who are living in unimaginable horror, and to stop the suffering of civilians. Too many people have lost their lives. The region needs a lasting peace with a two-State solution at its core. I resume my functions as President of the Council. I now give the floor to the Permanent Observer of the Observer State of Palestine.

I thank you, Madam President, for convening this meeting. I also thank Mr. Muhannad Hadi for his presentation, yet again conveying the gravity of the situation at this moment. We have spoken many times of transforming the Middle East through peace. This war and this genocide are transforming the Middle East for generations to come, with the gravest implications for our region and the world. We say once again that this fire will devour everything in its path if it is not urgently stopped. This bloodshed and this inhumanity are having, and will continue to have, devastating consequences — some that we can all foresee, some that we can barely imagine. Every State represented in the United Nations has a decisive choice to make: whether to defend the rule of international law and the common institutions of humankind or to defend the massacres perpetrated by the Israeli Government. The choice seems quite simple, but it seems that a few politicians around the world are having difficulties making the right choice, regardless of how evident it is. We demand that they stop playing political games with our people’s lives. Our children should not be sacrificed for the sake of their political calculations and ambitions. And neither should they be left prey to political ideologies that are blinded by hate and fanaticism. Those politicians are the ones who attack judges in order to shield war criminals, who justify the indiscriminate mass killing and starvation of an entire civilian population. They are the ones who cynically explain that settlers should be supported and that the indigenous people should be forcibly removed. They are the ones who consider that rights vary according to nationality or faith. We say to them that, if they are not able to be on the right side, then they should at least step aside. No, Netanyahu is not Dreyfus, as the arrest warrant against him has nothing to do with his faith and everything to do with his crimes. Stand up to his diversions and distortions, to his smearing, his threats and his attacks. The International Criminal Court, the International Court of Justice, the Security Council, the General Assembly, the Secretary-General and the United Nations are not antisemitic. And Netanyahu’s efforts to frame efforts to uphold international law as antisemitic must be firmly rebuked. No one should accept such rhetoric, and no one should shy away from taking every step necessary to advance accountability, freedom and peace. No one should be deterred by the Israeli Government’s bullying and blackmail. The Council should not be deterred by the Israeli Government’s lies and crimes; it is the Israeli Government that should be deterred by the Council’s ability to uphold the law and the truth and its insistence on doing so. The Council must act now to restore primacy to international law and to humanitarian and human rights law, which Israel is shredding, to the detriment of all. Palestinians in Gaza are bracing for another winter as they live in makeshift tents, besieged and bombed, without any infrastructure to sustain life, amid all the destruction and death, while famine has made its way into what remains of their lives. How much more suffering must they endure? Their agony must be brought to an end, and life and hope must be restored. Israel’s war machine must be stopped, in Palestine and in Lebanon. It is sowing the conditions of insecurity and hatred for decades to come. What our region needs is not more wars, but just and lasting peace. What our region needs is not more occupation and annexation, but respect for the right of peoples to self-determination and sovereignty, upholding the universal prohibition of the acquisition of land by force. The Israeli Government has its plan — the “Generals’ Plan” in Gaza and the “Settlers Plan” in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. Those plans are the prolongation of the dispossession and displacement of the Palestinian people over decades, with the certainty of more misery and death if they refuse. What is the international community’s plan? What is the mighty Security Council’s plan? It is enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations — that is what the Council’s plan should be — United Nations resolutions and the rulings of the International Court of Justice. However, it requires that decisive measures be taken to uphold and implement the plan; take it beyond words to deeds; stop Israeli airplanes, tanks and bulldozers; save the millions of children, women and men whose lives are imperilled and chart an irreversible pathway to freedom and justice, the only way to achieve shared peace and security. That is the plan. That should be the Council’s plan. Do not allow a solvable political conflict to be transformed into an eternal religious conflict. Do not allow that to happen. That would have terrible, unimaginable consequences for our region and the world. The fate of our region is being determined in Gaza. And if the horrors continue, it is easy to foresee what that fate would be. Either Gaza becomes the graveyard of international law or the land of its resurrection. The choice is simple and clear, and it is the Council’s. The Israeli Government expects the Palestinian people to surrender. We will never surrender. It expects members’ Governments to surrender. The choice is theirs. It expects the United Nations to surrender. The United Nations should never surrender. It expects international courts to surrender. They should not surrender. It expects to betray every principle that humankind has ever pledged to uphold and every rule humankind has enacted. Surrender is not an option. Keep dreaming. Surrender will never be an option. Freedom will not mean surrendering. The Palestinian people will not surrender. We will continue our struggle for freedom and to put an end to this illegal occupation, as the International Court of Justice has articulated. Surrender is not an option. We need to collectively fight back with every legitimate tool at hand to change history’s trajectory, save lives — all lives, not just the lives their mind, all lives — uphold the law and achieve freedom, justice and peace. As we approach the commemoration once more of the International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People, which, through Madam President, we will commemorate tomorrow with the participation of the of Security Council, we appeal to members to uphold their commitments, responsibilities and obligations and act now to protect civilian lives and bring an end to this abhorrent, illegal situation and historic injustice inflicted upon the Palestinian people.

I now give the floor to the representative of Israel.

First, I would like to ask Mr. Mansour when he will address Hamas in his speeches. When will he actually speak about the problem of the Palestinian people? He blames us for everything, but he never mentions Hamas. It is a different world in which he lives, but we know what the problem is. We know why we are sitting here every week. It is because of Hamas. First, I must state that the State of Israel is deeply shocked and profoundly saddened by the monstrous kidnapping and murder of Chabad Rabbi Zvi Kogan in the United Arab Emirates this past weekend. Israel will use all means available against those responsible for that barbaric act and those who orchestrated it. None will escape justice. I greatly appreciate the cooperation of the United Arab Emirates in investigating this murder. We will strengthen the ties between us in the face of attempts by the axis of evil to undermine those ties. I would also like to mention that we are moving towards a ceasefire with Lebanon. However, at the same time, Hizbullah launched more than 500 rockets at millions of Israeli citizens just 24 hours ago. Over the past weekend, 500 rockets rained down on innocent families, schools and homes, leaving millions of civilians scrambling for shelter. Iran’s proxy attempts mass murder of Israelis daily. How many more rockets must be launched before the Security Council faces the reality of who the two aggressors are? Last week, the International Criminal Court (ICC) severely weakened our international system — its laws, its norms and, most important, its legitimacy, more so than at any other time since the Second World War. It decided to issue arrest warrants against a democratically elected leader of a law-abiding State, Prime Minister Netanyahu, and our former Defence Minister. Mr. Gallant, for acting in defence of Israel following the largest massacre of Jews since the Holocaust. All the while, Hamas still holds 101 of our people hostage. The very fact that the ICC thought it appropriate to issue arrest warrants for a democratically elected leader, alongside an arch-terrorist responsible for the 7 October 2023 massacre, is a mockery, a circus and an insult to the victims of 7 October and the victims of real war crimes committed around the world. The ICC has become the international circus court. The legal issues surrounding the warrants are glaring. Israel is not a member of the Court or a party to the Rome Statute. Yet the ICC shamelessly claims jurisdiction, blatantly bending its mandate to serve the political agendas of its Prosecutors. That is not justice; it is diplomatic terrorism. The harm caused to the international legal system will never be repaired. It has loudly and proudly declared that it is not impartial; that it will act based on the biased political agendas of its Prosecutors; that it has absolutely no interest in justice. The ICC was established to uphold the principles of justice, accountability and the rule of law. Instead, it has surrendered to the most barbaric terrorists on the face of the planet. It has reduced itself to a political tool used against democracies, while turning a blind eye to the atrocities of the world’s worst regimes. In September, I spoke of the diplomatic terrorism that has been weaponized against the people of Israel (see S/PV.9730). This is that diplomatic terrorism at its most dangerous. It is not about enforcing international law; it is about distorting it. Consider the world we now inhabit. Please take a moment to look at what is happening. Bashar Al-Assad remains in power after the death of over half a million Syrians during a brutal civil war. Ayatollah Khamenei oversees the Islamic regime in Iran that imprisons, tortures and murders tens of thousands of its own citizens while funding global terrorism. Conflicts rage across the globe — in Ukraine, the Sudan, Afghanistan and countless other places. Yet the ICC’s focus is on the leader of the only democracy in the Middle East, charged with the so-called crime of protecting its people from Hamas — the terrorists who burned families alive, raped women in their homes and kidnapped over 200 people to their terror dungeons. Again, I must remind members that many of the hostages are citizens of their countries: the United States, the United Kingdom, France, and Russia. Each of them has citizens held hostage. We are fighting to bring them home. Make no mistake, this is not just an attack on Israel — it is an attack on every nation that values its sovereignty, that dares to act in defence of its people or that seeks to protect its citizens from harm. Today the target is Israel; tomorrow it will be one of the countries represented here. Diplomatic terrorism spares no one. It poisons every institution it touches, undermines every moral principle and emboldens those who seek to destroy peace and stability. That is why all decent nations and every moral person in the world must unequivocally reject that injustice. Remaining silent in the face of such distortion of international law is to encourage the end of the global principles we hold dear and to abandon the ideals that bind us as free and sovereign nations. Yet the international community appears allergic to meaningful action. While the world watches, its most sacred institutions lose their legitimacy. We sit here and endlessly debate the slander against Israel. Week after week, we listen to representatives villainizing Israel and rallying their allies against us — not to propose solutions or to build peace, but to manipulate the truth to attack Israel. It was only a matter of time before that poison infected not just the halls of the United Nations, but the supposed purity of international courts. That is the natural evolution of diplomatic terrorism  — a campaign that destroys every institution it touches. I listen carefully to Mr. Mansour’s speeches. In all of them, I hear condemnation after condemnation of Israel; justifications of Hamas; and accusations without basis. What I do not hear is any tangible suggestion to improve Palestinian lives. If he truly cared about his own people, he would be here with solutions, plans for cooperation and calls for peace. Instead, he comes with venom and blame. Because for him, this is not about bettering Palestinian lives; it is about destroying Israeli ones. But the Palestinian delegation is not alone in its hypocrisy. Algeria’s actions — or inaction — speak volumes. While nations across the Arab world take meaningful steps to assist Gazans, Algeria does nothing. It provides neither aid nor coordination, just empty condemnations, empty threats and empty words. After all, this is the same Algeria that ranked 164th in economic freedom and 140 out of 146 for gender equality, all with an astonishing score of 3.6 out of 10 on the Economist Intelligence Unit Democracy Index. This is the same Algeria that told its prominent Jewish population, before it expelled them, to choose between “suitcase or coffin”. It would be bad enough if Algeria offered words without any action, but its hypocrisy is unbearable. With the state of human rights and respect for human values in his country, how dare the representative of Algeria sit here and posture as he does? The ICC’s actions and the venom we hear in this Chamber are symptoms of a larger disease: the destruction of international norms by diplomatic terrorism in a world where aggressors are emboldened, defenders are villainized and justice is a tool of convenience in a world on the edge of chaos. Last week, the Council almost made a similar historic mistake with its one-sided ceasefire draft resolution (S/2024/835) that abandoned the hostages. The path we are now on sets an extremely dangerous precedent. Diplomatic terrorism must be called out and confronted. We cannot allow the twisting of laws and the distortion of institutions to continue unchecked. Today the world and the United Nations mark the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women. Rather than advocating for the release of the 13 women being held by Hamas rapists, we must instead combat diplomatic terrorism. We will never forget Liri, Karina, Shiri, Agam, Daniella, Judy, Romi, Inbar, Ofra, Naama, Doron, Arbel and Emily. We will never abandon them. And we will never stop fighting for their release. Israel will not be intimidated. We will not be deterred. We will defend our people. We will speak out for the hostages and their loved ones. And we will call out hypocrisy wherever it rears its head.

The representative of Algeria has asked for the floor to make a further statement.

I asked for the floor following certain allegations to which I will not even stoop so low as to respond. The opportunity to speak in the Council was exploited by the representative of a certain country, who gave a statement so immoral and inhumane that a response is not merited. (spoke in French) Allow me to add two simple remarks. A response to a bloodthirsty brute who kills women and children does not deserve to be made at this table. Meanwhile, everyone here at Headquarters and around the world is witnessing a genocide perpetrated against a defenceless population who continues to hold fast to the hope of the implementation of international law. Through their representative, they truly deserve to have a voice at this table, as well as full membership of the United Nations as an independent State.

I would like to remind everyone that this is an official meeting of the Security Council and that all participants are expected to observe appropriate standards of tone and conduct. The Permanent Observer of the Observer State of Palestine has asked for the floor to make a further statement. I now give him the floor.

I am terribly sorry, Madam President, for taking the floor again, but I do not think that the representative of an occupying Power whose Government and army have killed more than 44,000 Palestinian civilians — possibly 10,000 more under the rubble — and injured more than 100,000 Palestinian civilians, most of them women and children, really has the credentials or the credibility to speak about the Palestinian people and his concerns about them. He represents a Government whose Head is a war criminal — for whom the very important global court, the International Criminal Court (ICC), has issued a warrant of arrest. The entire membership of the ICC, including all the member States of the European Union, all of which are States parties to the ICC, through Mr. Borrell Fontelles, their Foreign Minister — and States that are friends of the State of Israel, and others, have said that they honour and respect the independence and the position of the ICC. And even today, the representative of the occupying authority — the representative of those who are committing genocide — was not listening to any of the 15 members of the Security Council when they were telling him to stop the crimes, the killing and the starvation and to send assistance to the Palestinian people in Gaza, including in northern Gaza. Or when they were telling him not to stop the humanitarians from conducting their business. He does not listen. He listens to the noise in his head, but he does not listen to the members of the Council — some of whom are advising him in solidarity — and he does not even listen. It is either his way and the highway — but the highway he will soon be running on is that of the international community and the Security Council. He does not have credibility. He does not listen. They keep telling him the same messages. Still, he does not listen. He should listen to the members of the Council. He should listen to international law and what the United Nations stands for. He should not try to change things and to tailor a system in complete contradiction with what we all agreed to. That will never happen. He should wake up and listen to the international community; listen to justice, listen to fairness and listen to the people who want their hostages to be released and not killed on a daily basis. Ceasefire. Ceasefire now. Hundreds of millions of people are saying that in all corners of the globe — he should listen to them — including in Israel, including Jews in the United States of America and the young people in its universities and colleges. They are saying ceasefire. Ceasefire now. That is how the hostages will be released. He is not listening to anyone. He is listening to extremism, fanaticism and extremists in his Government and his society. And therefore he is perpetuating this war. And all of us, we who are led by international law, will succeed in either making him listen and understand — or forcing him to listen — just as all people like him in the past have been forced to listen to the will of the people in all corners of the globe, and to international law and the Security Council.

I reiterate to all participating delegations the importance of maintaining decorum in the Chamber. The representative of Israel has asked for the floor to make a further statement. I now give him the floor.

In my statement, I used the facts. Mr. Mansour is an expert on blaming Israel. We do not have to come to his event tomorrow. For 77 years in this Organization, his side has always said no and blamed Israel for everything. What I am trying to propose is a discussion on the future for Palestinians in Gaza. But in order for that to happen, his side will have to say no — not to Israel but to Hamas — and once it has the courage and the ability to say no to Hamas and no to terrorism, it can speak about the future of Gaza and the Palestinians. That is what I am saying. I am not taking his position, but I am telling him that if his side wants to move forward, it will have to say no to Hamas and yes to cooperation. If he wants to play the blame game — he has become an expert on that — he will continue to do it tomorrow. But look at what his side did over the past 77 years since Israel was established and it rejected the partition plan here at the United Nations. Look what he has done personally over the past 20 years he has been sitting here — he has always said no and blamed Israel. He should think about the future of the Palestinians.

The Permanent Observer of the Observer State of Palestine has asked for the floor to make a further statement. I reassure him that we have listened closely to his views and that, in the interest of time, I will give him the floor one final time to conclude his remarks.

I thank you very much, Madam President, and I apologize for taking the floor. I challenge the remarks just made by the Ambassador of Israel. I accept the resolutions of the Security Council. I accept the resolutions of the General Assembly. We recognize the State of Israel. His side does not recognize the State of Palestine. On the basis of international law and the Charter of the United Nations, I am willing and eager to chart a positive path for peace. He is the one who is refusing all those things. It is not us. Our President came to the Security Council and said many times, “I am ready to negotiate the end of occupation” and “I am ready to negotiate peace and a two-State solution living next to each other.” It was always the representative of Israel and his Government that were the rejectionists, refusing to open doors for peace. They want us to be negated. His country’s Knesset legislated that only Jews have the right to exercise self- determination between the river and to the sea. They have completely ignored us. Yet he is trying to say that he is for peace and that I am against peace. I accept the judgment and the position of all my colleagues. When we go peacefully, legally and in a very sophisticated manner to the General Assembly to ask the Member States whether we deserve the right to self-determination and they give me between 170 to 180 votes in favour, saying that, on the basis of the Charter of the United Nations, the Palestinian people do deserve to exercise their right to self-determination, including a two-State solution — who is the one who is working for peace? And who is the one who shredded the Charter of the United Nations in the Hall of the General Assembly? And who is the one who referred to the majority in the General Assembly as the immoral majority — it was the representative of Israel. I say to my colleagues that I accept their judgment. If we were to vote among our colleagues, our peers, as to who is working for peace and who is working for the killing of the Palestinian people, as we see it in the Gaza Strip, I think that the answer is obvious, but the representative of Israel will not accept the judgment of our colleagues. He wants to impose on us his judgment, which is not accepted by anyone. That is why he is still isolated and continues to insist on changing that reality by distorting the situation and trying to accuse a person who has been working all his life for peace. He is trying to say that the representative of the State of Palestine is not working for peace, but that he, himself, is. That is why I am telling him to wake up, listen to those in the General Assembly, many of whom are his friends. They are telling him that what Israel is doing is wrong. It should change its behaviour and policies so that we can have peace, end the illegal occupation and have a two-State solution. I will not say anything else. I thank you, Madam President, and I thank my colleagues for their patience.

In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite Mr. Tor Wennesland, Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process, to participate in this meeting. I now give the floor to Mr. Wennesland to respond to comments. Mr. Wennesland: As this is my last briefing before the Security Council, as presented by my Deputy, Muhannad Hadi, let me just add a few words. I think that, on a daily basis, including today, we have seen in the field and the Security Council how difficult the current situation is. I can assure members of the Council and the representatives of Israel and Palestine that this is a very difficult job to undertake in a situation where anyone serious from the United Nations will have to deal with both sides in an impartial way. I am deeply frustrated that the combined efforts of the Council, the mediators and the international community have not succeeded in delivering a ceasefire in Gaza or the release of the hostages. I am deeply frustrated from my visits to Gaza to see that, despite all efforts and in fear of their own lives, it has not been possible to deliver the aid and assistance in the amount needed for the civilians living in Gaza. And yet again, we have to admit that the failure, not only this time, but over time, to try to resolve the conflict politically has led to a dead end. I outlined the key principles in the way I see a different path to addressing the conflict before the Council exactly a week ago (see S/PV. 9787). The principles still stand, and the Council itself has adopted four resolutions — resolutions 2712 (2023), 2720 (2023), 2728 (2024) and 2735 (2024) — and delivered its assessment and decisions on how to move forward on the humanitarian issues. At this point in time, we therefore could have been in a better place. Nevertheless, allow me to thank all permanent and elected members of the Security Council during my term for their tireless engagement and support for our work, and the Secretary-General and the Secretariat for their guidance. I especially thank Under-Secretary- General DiCarlo and her team in the Department of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs. I would also like to use this opportunity to thank the United Nations agencies, funds and programmes operating in the occupied Palestinian territories for their dedication. In particular, I would like to recognize the brave and valiant efforts of United Nations colleagues in Gaza, working in unimaginable conditions. I would also like to thank the Palestinian and Israeli Governments, their civil servants and all interlocutors in Israel and Palestine for their continued engagement with me in my work as Special Coordinator. Finally, I thank my colleagues in the Office of the United Nations Special Coordinator in the Occupied Territories for their commitment, understanding and professionalism in dealing with very difficult issues. It has been an honour to serve the United Nations. It has been an honour to work with all Council members.

I thank Mr. Wennesland for the clarifications that he has provided and, as this is his last meeting as Special Coordinator, I thank him for his dedicated service in the position. There are no more names inscribed on the list of speakers.