S/PV.9831 Security Council

In accordance with rule 37 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representatives of Egypt and the Sudan to participate in this meeting. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the following briefers to participate in this meeting: Ms. Edem Wosornu, Director of the Operations and Advocacy Division of the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs; and Ms. Beth Bechdol, Deputy Director-General of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I give the floor to Ms. Wosornu. Ms. Wosornu: The Sudan remains in the grip of a humanitarian crisis of staggering proportions. More than 11.5 million people are now estimated to be internally displaced, of whom nearly 8.8 million have been uprooted since April 2023. More than 3.2 million others have fled into neighbouring countries. This year, humanitarian organizations aim to support close to 21 million people inside the Sudan — that is approximately half of the country’s population. And today’s briefing follows the deeply worrisome news that famine conditions are spreading. Armed conflict continues to severely impact civilians across the country, including humanitarian workers, despite repeated calls for a cessation of hostilities. The situation in and around El Fasher, in North Darfur, remains especially catastrophic. December saw further escalation of the fighting, including in the Zamzam displacement camp, with civilians killed and injured by artillery shelling and reports of those seeking to leave the camp being blocked from doing so. Fighting also continued in other parts of the country, including Khartoum, Gezira, Sennar, South Kordofan and West Kordofan. On 19 December — the same day as our most recent Council briefing (see S/PV.9822) — three of our World Food Programme colleagues were killed by an air strike on their compound in Yabus in Blue Nile state. Accessing areas of greatest need, including famine-affected locations, remains a fundamental challenge. But we have seen some positive steps in recent weeks. On 25 December 2024, a convoy of 28 trucks arrived in Khartoum from Port Sudan with food, nutrition supplies and other assistance. That was the largest United Nations convoy to reach the capital since the beginning of the crisis and follows many weeks of negotiations. That is important progress, on which we must build with urgency. Last week, a separate World Food Programme convoy was able to deliver food to Abu Jubeiha town and surrounding areas in South Kordofan. But we are also seeing a further tightening of the space to operate in key areas. The Adré crossing remains a crucial entry point — entry route — but inside Darfur additional restrictions are being imposed on the work of humanitarian organizations and new inspection procedures for trucks intended for conflict-affected areas in North Darfur are creating new bottlenecks. We continue to press the authorities on the implementation of their agreement to establish a humanitarian hub in Zalingei in Central Darfur as a base for operating across the region. Key areas in South This morning’s briefing comes after the issuance of new analysis by the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC). The findings are shocking, but sadly not surprising. A white note shared with the Council last March highlighted the risk of millions of people slipping into catastrophic food insecurity. In April, with key food security indicators rapidly deteriorating, the Sudan humanitarian country team issued a famine prevention plan, aimed at enabling an integrated, prioritized response, with delivery supported by a network of hubs and spokes. In late July, the IPC’s Famine Review Committee confirmed famine conditions were feasible in Zamzam camp, with similar conditions likely in two nearby displacement camps and many other areas at imminent risk. With fighting having intensified and access to key hunger spots having tightened, a further spread of starvation and hunger was tragically the most likely scenario. The latest IPC analysis indicates that famine conditions are now present in five areas, including Zamzam, Al Salam, Abu Shouk, internally displaced persons camps and in the western Nuba Mountains. It projects that five additional locations — all in North Darfur — will be affected between now and May, with a risk of famine in 17 other areas. Our colleagues from the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations can speak to the details, but the main drivers are conflict and forced displacement. That is a human-made crisis. It is also important to be clear that the impacts are not experienced evenly across the population, with extreme hunger posing disproportionate risks for women and girls and for the very young and the elderly. The Sudan is currently the only place in the world where famine has been confirmed. Hunger and starvation are spreading because of the decisions being made each day to continue to prosecute this war, irrespective of the civilian cost. Our three asks of the Security Council remain unchanged since last month (see S/PV.9822) and since the white note was shared with the Council 10 months ago. First, we need the Security Council’s help to press the parties to comply with international humanitarian law. That includes the obligation to meet civilians’ essential needs and to protect vital goods, infrastructure and services needed for food systems and food production. We call once more for an immediate cessation of hostilities and for real and inclusive steps towards the lasting peace that the people of the Sudan so desperately need. Secondly, access must be ensured. We need the Security Council’s influence to ensure all routes — via road and air, across conflict lines and borders — are open for relief supplies and humanitarian personnel. Bureaucratic impediments must be lifted and permits and visas for incoming humanitarian personnel issued swiftly and efficiently. Humanitarian personnel and their assets must be protected. Thirdly, funding must be provided. The unprecedented scale of the needs in the Sudan demands an unprecedented mobilization of international support. The 2025 Sudan humanitarian needs and response plan will require a record $4.2 billion to support close to 21 million people — again, half the population of the Sudan. A further $1.8 billion is needed to support 5 million people — primarily refugees — in seven neighbouring countries.

I thank Ms. Wosornu for her briefing. Ms. Bechdol: I thank the Security Council for inviting the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) to brief virtually on the deeply concerning situation in the Sudan. The latest reports on food security are the worst in the country’s history and, before I share with Council members the discouraging details of the latest Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) report, let me remind Council members that over the past 15 years only four famines have been confirmed: Somalia in 2011, South Sudan in 2017 and 2020, and now the Sudan in 2024. And as we have learned from those extreme crises, tens of thousands of deaths had already occurred before any famine was classified. In August of last year, famine was classified in Zamzam in the Sudan’s North Darfur state and it persists and it has expanded. The independent Famine Review Committee concluded in late December that between October and November 2024 famine conditions persisted in the Zamzam camp for internally displaced persons and expanded to other sites in North Darfur, as well as to the western Nuba Mountains in South Kordofan State. And from last month until May, five additional areas are projected to face famine conditions, with a confirmed risk of famine in 17 more areas. The latest IPC analysis shows that half of the population — or nearly 25 million people — are facing acute food insecurity levels. That is 3.5 million more people since June 2024. Today 15.9 million people are in IPC 3 — crisis; 8.1 million in IPC 4 — emergency; and just more than 637,000 in IPC 5 — catastrophe. Conflict and forced displacement remain the primary drivers of the crisis, exacerbated by restricted humanitarian access. Sustained violence and economic turmoil have disrupted markets; displaced 11.5 million people, leading to the world’s largest internal displacement crisis; and have also driven prices of staple goods to unaffordable levels. Nearly two thirds of the Sudanese population depend on agriculture, and the primary crops grown in the country are sorghum, millet and wheat. During the first year of the conflict, the 2023-2024 season, production of those three crops was 4.1 million tons, but that was a 46 per cent reduction from the previous year. That production loss could have fed approximately 18 million people for a single year and also represented an economic loss somewhere between $1.3 and $1.7 billion. The production of other minor crops, such as sesame, sunflowers, groundnuts and cotton, was well below average too. And the low availability and high prices of inputs also significantly impacted both planted and harvested areas, as well as yields. Then, the 2023 rainy season was erratic, with dry spells reported in key producing areas, which further constrained limited yields. And soon harvest will begin for the 2024–2025 production season. Yet hunger and malnutrition are escalating when food availability should be at its highest. Conflict and mass displacement have resulted in abandoned or devastated farmland and infrastructure, significantly disrupting local food production. We must take urgent action to address the famine in the Sudan. The Security Council has a critical role, as reaffirmed through resolution 2417 (2018). The risk of famine and its spread has been on our collective conscience since August, and now it is here — not only with people dying from hunger, but also with a breakdown of health systems, livelihoods and social structures, leaving irreversible consequences that can last for generations. There are a few actions that deserve prioritizing and require the Council’s collective support. Secondly, we echo the calls from our United Nations and other partners, including the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, the World Food Programme and UNICEF, for immediate and unimpeded humanitarian access. It is crucial to safely reopen commercial supply routes in order to address current shortfalls in key hunger hotspots. Thirdly, we need to deliver multisectoral humanitarian assistance. While scaling up food, water and cash assistance is vital, this alone cannot address the full scope of the hunger crisis. Ensuring local production through emergency agricultural support is critical to building resilience and preventing further humanitarian catastrophe. When farmers can access land and inputs, they will produce food. Last year, FAO’s agricultural interventions had an impact. More than 2.7 million people in 11 states received more than 5,000 tons of sorghum and millet seeds, with okra seeds prioritized for IDP camps. Nearly 600,000 agropastoral households benefited from livestock vaccinations, feed and veterinary services to protect their animals, a vital source of nutrition and income, but challenges remain. Heightened security risks for transportation providers hinder access to vulnerable communities, and funding gaps remain misaligned with the agricultural calendar, limiting our ability to act at the most critical times. In this coming year, we aim to scale up our response to reach more than 14 million people — farmers, livestock herders, fishermen and women — with the seeds, livestock feed and fishing supplies they need to produce their own nutritious food. Emergency agricultural support in the Sudan must be prioritized. No one affected by the conflict, whether they are in an IDP camp or in their home community, wants to depend on food aid. They want to provide for their families and reclaim their dignity. And delaying that support risks deepening food insecurity. And let us be honest — resources for traditional humanitarian responses are shrinking. Agricultural support is a cost-effective, sustainable way to meet immediate needs while helping rebuild. If we fail to act now — collectively and at scale — millions of lives are even further at risk. And, as you know, Mr. President, and as Council members know all too well, so is the stability of many nations in the region. I am grateful for this opportunity to brief the Council and reaffirm the FAO’s dedication to the people of the Sudan.

I thank Ms. Bechdol for her briefing. I shall now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements.

I thank Ms. Wosornu and Ms. Bechdol for briefing us today. I welcome the participation of the representatives of the Sudan and Egypt. I will make three points. First, the United Kingdom expresses alarm over the latest Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) report, which confirms that famine is rapidly spreading in the Sudan. As we heard today, children are acutely malnourished. Preventable disease is spreading, and basic services collapsing. According to current projections, more than 630,000 people face famine by May 2025. Urgent action is needed now or more lives will be lost. We are concerned that the Sudanese authorities have halted their participation in the IPC system in response to this report. Continuing to deny the food insecurity spreading across the Sudan will only exacerbate suffering. We call on the authorities to fully cooperate with the humanitarian response. Thirdly, we know that these devastating IPC figures are driven by the ongoing conflict and poor humanitarian access. It is within the power of the warring parties to prevent a deepening of this human-made crisis. We welcome the Sudanese Armed Forces agreement to establish humanitarian supply hubs and extend permissions for the Adré crossing, which should be sustained. But humanitarian access needs to be expanded to all civilians in need. That includes enabling other access routes, including through South Sudan and cross-line deliveries. We also encourage the authorizing of further humanitarian hubs, including in areas held by the Rapid Support Forces. We urge both sides to lift all bureaucratic impediments and to put in place necessary safety guarantees for aid workers. And we fully condemn the killing of three World Food Programme staff members in December and call for a thorough investigation. To conclude, with excess deaths potentially reaching into the millions, the latest IPC warning should be a rallying call for action to end this conflict now and to scale up humanitarian support. In 2025, the Council and the international community must work together to bring an end to this dark chapter for the Sudan and to forge a pathway towards lasting peace.

I deliver this statement on behalf of the informal co-focal points on conflict and hunger to the Security Council, Slovenia and my country, Guyana. We thank the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs Director of Operations and Advocacy, Ms. Edem Wosornu, and the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations Deputy Director-General, Ms. Beth Bechdol, for their briefings. Guyana and Slovenia are gravely concerned about the Famine Review Committee’s most recent confirmation of famine in five areas in the Sudan for the period from October to November 2024 and its projection of famine conditions in an additional five areas by May 2025. We are disheartened that, following the confirmation of famine in the Zamzam internally displaced persons (IDP) camp just six months ago and warnings that Integrated Food Security Phase Classification phase 5 conditions could spread to the Abu Shouk and Al-Salam IDP camps, the Committee has returned to confirm that all three IDP camps in El Fasher, as well as in the Western Nuba Mountains, in West and South Kordofan states, are displaying credible evidence of famine among its population. The protection crisis in the Sudan is unprecedented. The Sudan has long been labelled the world’s largest displacement crisis, with more than 12 million people — a quarter of its population — displaced since the onset of the conflict in April 2023. As the conflict rages on, rapidly approaching a second year of carnage and destruction, it is the civilians who are most affected. The Sudanese people are plagued by constant shelling, aerial bombardment and air strikes in densely populated areas, sexual violence and the destruction of essential infrastructure, with the consequent obliteration of critical services. Displacement of farming communities and indiscriminate attacks on agricultural production sites have turned a once-thriving country, the breadbasket of the region, into the world’s largest hunger crisis, with over half of the nation’s population in need of humanitarian and protection assistance. Among them are 16 million children whose future and well-being are now gravely imperilled. First, there is a need for an immediate ceasefire and the protection of civilians. Secondly, there is a need to protect the humanitarian space in the country and ensure rapid, safe and unimpeded humanitarian access to enable life-saving interventions. Thirdly, there is a need for all parties to respect international humanitarian law and abide by Security Council resolutions, in particular resolutions 2417 (2018), 2573 (2021), 2730 (2024) and 2736 (2024). Fourthly, there is a need to scale up international support for both humanitarian assistance and mediation efforts. Allow me to conclude by reaffirming Slovenia and Guyana’s commitment to lasting peace in the Sudan — a peace in which the Sudanese people can realize their full democratic aspirations and rebuild the Sudan.

I also wish to extend my gratitude to today’s briefers, Ms. Wosornu and Ms. Bechdol, for the very clear and factual presentations. They said three sentences, which, in summary, for me is all we need to know. First, this is the worst food insecurity in the country’s history. Secondly, the famine conditions are worsening and spreading, and the drivers are conflict and forced displacement. I think that this is all that we need to know, for the Council to take action. It is, therefore, very appropriate for the Council to urgently address the deteriorating situation in the Sudan. Slovenia remains steadfast in taking action to address conflict-induced food insecurity and famine, alongside Guyana as informal focal points on hunger and conflict, guided by resolution 2417 (2018). As we meet at the start of the new year — a time for reflection and renewed resolve — we confront the stark contrast faced by millions in the Sudan. For them, there is no renewal or hope. Their lives remain overshadowed by hunger, displacement and despair. The humanitarian catastrophe in the Sudan is accelerating; it is a man- made crisis, a tragedy we saw coming, a crisis about which humanitarians warned countless times. Despite their warnings, the response has fallen short, and we are now facing one of the largest humanitarian crises of our time. Today’s briefings made one point clear: the war in the Sudan is not only leaving millions hungry, but also pushing hundreds of thousands to the brink of starvation. Even during the harvest season, when food should be abundant, millions are starving. This should be the moment when we collectively say “no more”. Allow me to make four points. First, we take note of the concerns raised by Sudanese authorities regarding the findings of the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) analysis. While the IPC system is not without its limitations, it remains the most robust tool available to the international community for assessing food security in collaboration with the authorities. Those numbers are not mere statistics. Behind them lies the stark reality of a starving child, a new mother unable to nourish her newborn and older persons and persons with disabilities left without access to essential services. Starvation, death and destitution are no longer only possibilities, they are realities in the Sudan. Secondly, while the conflict is a clear driver of hunger, the Council must also take a strong stance on severe restrictions to access. Bureaucratic impediments, excessive levels of paperwork, fees on passes and deliveries, visas delayed and denied and meddling in human resources continue to hinder aid efforts, as we heard from both briefers today. The Council must demand concrete action. Violations of international Thirdly, as hunger continues to spread across the Sudan, it becomes increasingly evident that the suffering will cease only when the commitment to peace matches the urgency of the crisis. Escalating clashes between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) across multiple states and the grave consequences of the RSF’s continued attacks on El Fasher, Zamzam and other areas underscore the urgency of an immediate halt to hostilities. There is no military solution, and diplomacy must remain the avenue to resolving the conflict. We fully support the efforts of Personal Envoy Lamamra, along with those of regional and international actors, to secure a peaceful Sudan. Fourthly, and in conclusion, I wish to honour the aid workers who risk everything to bring relief to those in need. Their dedication and sacrifices reflect the best of humanity. We strongly condemn the recent tragic deaths of World Food Programme staff members in an aerial bombing in Blue Nile state. With 2024 the deadliest year on record for aid workers in the Sudan, their safety must be a priority for all parties and the Council. Humanitarians must never be targeted.

First of all, I would like to extend my felicitations to you, Mr. President, on your assumption of the presidency of the Council for this month. We thank Ms. Wosornu, Director of Operations and Advocacy of the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, and Ms. Bechdol, Deputy Director- General of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, for their sobering briefings. The Sudan is a brotherly country with which Pakistan enjoys a very close and fraternal relationship. The people of Pakistan are deeply grieved by the current ordeal of our Sudanese brothers and sisters. On today’s agenda, I would like to make the following points. First, Pakistan upholds firmly the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Sudan. Any scheme that undermines those principles of the Charter of the United Nations will not yield a durable solution to the conflict and will further undermine regional and international peace and security. Secondly, we call for an immediate and unconditional ceasefire. The parties must find a sustainable political resolution to the conflict through dialogue. It will not be resolved on the battlefield. War will only bring more death and destruction for the Sudanese people. The bloodshed and brutality against civilians must end now. The violations of international humanitarian law must stop. The Jeddah Declaration of Commitment to Protect the Civilians of Sudan must be implemented by both sides. We commend the efforts of Mr. Ramtane Lamamra, Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General, and encourage all parties to engage with him in good faith. We look forward to the next round of proximity talks called by the Personal Envoy. Thirdly, the worsening food security situation in the country is obviously alarming. More than 24 million people — over half the population — face high levels of acute food insecurity. We have reviewed the report of the Integrated Food We encourage the international community to work with the Sudanese Government in addressing the humanitarian crisis in the country. We welcome the visit of Under- Secretary-General Fletcher, the agreement on an increased humanitarian presence in the country and the fact that the World Food Programme (WFP) convoy was able to reach Zamzam camp, in North Darfur, on 22 November 2024. Those positive developments should be sustained. The Sudanese authorities should continue to facilitate the delivery of aid to the needy. Pakistan condemns in the strongest terms the killing of three WFP staff members in the Sudan on 19 December 2024. We appreciate the recent steps taken by the Sudanese authorities in opening additional air, sea and land borders for humanitarian aid and extending the Adré border crossing, which has brought some improvement in the humanitarian situation. The international community must help to alleviate the humanitarian crisis in the Sudan and bridge the 36 per cent funding gap for humanitarian appeals relating to the Sudan. In 2025, the Sudan will need $4.2 billion to support nearly 21 million people. Fourthly, and most importantly, the humanitarian situation in the Sudan should not be used as a pretext for foreign intervention in the Sudan. The international community must unite to support a common vision for the return to peace and normalcy in the Sudan. Foreign interference in the internal conflict of the Sudan must stop. The Security Council arms embargo on the Sudan must be respected. Fifthly, the Council must ensure the implementation of its resolutions, including resolution 2736 (2024), demanding that the Rapid Support Forces halt the siege of El Fasher and calling for a ceasefire. I would like to make one final observation. Internal divisions and external intervention can destroy great nations. We urge the warring parties in the Sudan not to allow a further threat to the Sudan’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.

I have the honour to deliver this statement on behalf of the African members of the Security Council plus (A3+), namely, Algeria, Guyana, Somalia and my country, Sierra Leone. We thank the presidency for scheduling today’s important meeting at the request of the United Kingdom, Guyana and Slovenia, with support from Denmark and Sierra Leone, to discuss the deeply disturbing reports of famine in the Sudan — a direct consequence of the conflict in the country. We are grateful to Ms. Edem Wosornu, Director of the Operations and Advocacy Division of the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, and Ms. Beth Bechdol, Deputy Director-General of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, for their helpful briefings on the worsening food insecurity in the Sudan. We welcome the participation of the representatives of the Sudan and Egypt in today’s meeting. The ongoing conflict in the Sudan has raged on for nearly 21 months, with devastating impacts on the people of the Sudan, especially women and children, who continue to be disproportionately affected. The Council bears the collective responsibility to do everything possible to end the heartbreaking and untold suffering in the Sudan. The A3+ takes due note of the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) report, which contains the findings of the Famine Review To put that into a national context, the IPC report also suggests that the Sudan is facing a risk of sliding into a broad famine crisis and a substantial upsurge in acute malnutrition that would potentially push half of the population into an acute food insecurity crisis. In that regard, the A3+ agrees that the main cause of that appalling development in the Sudan is the brutal armed conflict, which has been characterized by extraordinary mass displacement, a failing economy, the interruption of essential social services, limited humanitarian access and gross violations of human rights and international humanitarian law. The Security Council has adopted resolutions demanding that the warring parties in the Sudan cease hostilities, pursue a mediated settlement to the conflict and facilitate the unhindered delivery of humanitarian aid to those in desperate need. Those demands have remained largely unheeded. In that regard, the A3+ wishes to underline the following three points. First, we reiterate the urgent need for political action by all stakeholders with influence to achieve an immediate and sustainable ceasefire in the Sudan. The cessation of hostilities is the only action that can mitigate the risk of famine spreading further in the Sudan and contain the high levels of acute food insecurity. We accordingly express our unflinching support for the centrality of the mediating role of the Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General, Mr. Ramtane Lamamra, in close consultation with the African Union, including representatives from all strands of Sudanese society, in the pursuit of a Sudanese-owned and -negotiated political solution to the conflict. We welcome the momentum generated by the third Consultative Meeting on Enhancing Coordination of Peace Initiatives and Efforts for the Sudan, which was jointly convened in December 2024 in Nouakchott through the initiatives of Personal Envoy Lamamra and His Excellency Mr. Mohamed Ould Cheikh El Ghazouani, President of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania, in his capacity as Chair of the African Union. As underscored by participants during that meeting, we emphasize the pressing need for a ceasefire in the Sudan to lay the foundations for achieving sustainable peace and stability in the country. We urge the warring parties to fully adhere to their commitments under the Jeddah Declaration. Secondly, the A3+ is of the view that a lasting solution to the conflict in the Sudan also requires an end to foreign interference and to the support provided by external actors to the warring parties. We reiterate our call for public and firm condemnation of foreign interference in the Sudan. It is important that all stakeholders and the international community actively support an agreed peace plan for the Sudan. Thirdly, the A3+ re-echoes its call to the warring parties to ensure immediate and unhindered humanitarian access to all areas affected by the conflict. While welcoming the recent positive measures taken by the Sudanese Government to facilitate humanitarian access, we underline the need to sustain those measures for the benefit of the Sudanese people. We insist on the imperative to uphold the principles of international humanitarian law, which prohibits the use of starvation of the civilian population as a weapon of choice in warfare. The siege imposed by the Rapid Support Forces on the city of El Fasher, despite the Council’s clear decision, is a principal contributing factor to the increase in the risk of famine in that region and elsewhere. In that regard, we express deep concern about the continued attacks by the warring parties, particularly the Rapid Support Forces, against civilian infrastructure and objects. We note that humanitarian organizations have continuously ramped up the provision of vital food and nutrition products and of other essential support across the various camps and communities in We acknowledge the valuable work of humanitarian workers in difficult circumstances in the Sudan, and we express our deepest condolences to the families and colleagues of the three World Food Programme workers killed. The A3+ firmly believes that the restoration of domestic food production systems and support for livelihoods is extremely essential in providing critical life-sustaining agricultural activities in the country. We call on the Sudanese Government and stakeholders to facilitate the resumption of farming activities and food production across the country. Sustainable food supply in the Sudan will require more than humanitarian aid, given the need for a comprehensive national agricultural and market plan. Finally, we stress the Council’s demand that the warring parties take every necessary measure to ensure the protection of civilians and that they further agree to cease hostilities and pursue a peaceful resolution of the conflict.

We thank the United Kingdom, Guyana and Slovenia for organizing this important meeting on the protection of civilians in the Sudan. We also appreciate the briefings by Ms. Edem Wosornu, Director of the Operations and Advocacy Division of the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, and Ms. Beth Bechdol, Deputy Director-General of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, whose accounts give us a picture of the humanitarian situation in the Sudan that is as clear as it is distressing. The most recent Integrated Food Security Phase Classification report reflects a crisis of catastrophic proportions. Today more than 24 million people in the Sudan are facing acute food and security, accounting for more than half of the country’s population. The severity of food insecurity in the Sudan has been classified by experts as in the crisis, emergency and catastrophe phases — worrisome conclusions that merit serious consideration. According to the report, the lack of timely and adequate interventions has allowed the crisis to escalate, placing millions of lives at risk. The situation is particularly serious in certain regions, such as Darfur, in which a minimum of five areas are in famine conditions, and the projections grow ever more disheartening. According to reports, famine is not an isolated phenomenon, but rather the result of a devastating armed conflict that has caused massive displacement, the destruction of civilian infrastructure, economic collapse and the interruption of basic services. The lack of food is compounded by the climate crisis, which, in turn, exacerbates a dire situation by causing droughts that diminish fertile land and curtail access to safe drinking water. The effects on the daily lives of the population are undeniable. Millions of people find themselves trapped between conflict, forced displacement, the climate crisis and acute famine conditions. It is equally crucial to mention the particular situation of women in this crisis, as they tend to be the primary providers of food and care in their families and are most affected by the disproportionate violence, given the armed conflict context. According to the World Food Programme, existing funding is insufficient to meet immediate needs. It is warned that that an additional $500 million in contributions would be required to alleviate the situation. The disproportionate indifference to this conflict is surprising, in contrast with other situations that have received greater attention and financial resources. In that regard, it is urgent that the international community act with resolve to ensure safe humanitarian access to all affected Panama reaffirms its commitment to the security and humanitarian assistance in Sudan, and it stands with the Sudanese people, highlighting that famine must not be used as a weapon of warfare. Immediate assistance must be the priority in order to alleviate the suffering of the population and prevent more deaths. At the same time, Panama acknowledges that the crisis in the Sudan requires the creation of conditions conducive to the de-escalation of the conflict, the protection of human rights and thorough reconstruction, with the support of the international community.

First of all, I would like to thank Ms. Edem Wosornu of the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs and Ms. Beth Bechdol of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations for their briefings. I would like to emphasize three points. First, France is concerned about the worsening food crisis in the Sudan. The latest Integrated Food Security Phase Classification report is unequivocal. As a result of the continuing conflict, more than half the Sudanese population is experiencing extreme food insecurity. Today famine is rife in at least five regions of the Sudan, particularly in the displaced persons’ camps in North Darfur. Once again, the continuing conflict is responsible for this dramatic humanitarian situation. A ceasefire is therefore urgently required. The international community is called upon to mobilize to fund the 2025 humanitarian response plan for the Sudan published by the United Nations and to provide assistance to 21 million people in need. Secondly, it is imperative that all parties to the conflict allow rapid, complete, safe and unhindered humanitarian access across borders and front lines. Access constraints are the primary cause of food insecurity in the Sudan. France also condemns all attacks against humanitarian workers, who must be protected under international humanitarian law, as stated in resolution 2730 (2024). It expresses its full solidarity with the families of the three World Food Programme employees killed by aerial bombardment on 19 December and pays tribute to their work and that of all humanitarian personnel. A collective surge in efforts is needed to protect civilians in the Sudan. That is, first and foremost, the responsibility of the parties to the conflict. The Rapid Support Forces and the Sudanese Armed Forces must respect their commitments pursuant to the Jeddah Declaration, and France supports the establishment of a monitoring and verification mechanism to ensure its implementation. France also reiterates the demands contained in the declaration of principles adopted at the Paris conference of 15 April 2024, which led to the mobilization of more than €2 billion in humanitarian financial commitments. We remain determined to act without delay to implement the recommendations made by the Secretary-General in his report of 21 October 2024 (S/2024/759). We regret the Russian Federation’s veto of the draft resolution submitted by the United Kingdom and Sierra Leone on 18 November 2024 (S/2024/826). An immediate ceasefire is essential to put an end to the suffering of the people, the spread of famine in the Sudan and the impact on displaced persons and refugees in neighbouring countries. Only an inclusive political process involving all parties and the entire civil society will make it possible to find a lasting political solution to the conflict, while respecting the aspirations of the Sudanese people and the sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of the Sudan.

I thank Director Wosornu and Deputy Director-General Bechdol for their briefings. I also welcome the participation of the representatives of the Sudan and Egypt at today’s meeting. The conflict in the Sudan has been going on for 20 months now. Currently, the fighting is continuing, civilian casualties are rising, displacement is increasing, and food shortages, frequent outbreaks of infectious diseases and other problems are becoming more acute with each passing day. Given the bleak situation, the international community should not and cannot stand idly by. I would like to make the following three points. First, humanitarian assistance should be scaled up further. China welcomes the many recent initiatives taken by the Government of the Sudan to facilitate humanitarian access by opening additional border crossings and expediting visa approvals. Recently, a United Nations humanitarian aid convoy reached the Zamzam internally displaced persons camp in North Darfur for the first time since the conflict began, and airlift routes have also been opened in South Kordofan and Blue Nile states. Those positive developments deserve to be recognized and welcomed. We call on the United Nations to strengthen cooperation with the Government of the Sudan and other parties to ensure that assistance is delivered to those in need in a timely manner so as to bring hope to the Sudanese people affected. The international community, especially traditional donors, should increase their humanitarian support to the Sudan and its neighbouring countries and effectively honour their pledges. Secondly, humanitarian issues should not be politicized. China takes note of the fact that the Sudanese Government expressed reservations about the findings of the Famine Review Committee’s recently released Integrated Food Security Phase Classification report. The Government also has concerns about the methodology used in collecting the data for the report and its analysis. During the drafting of the report, there were differing opinions about the relevant conclusions between the Committee and the country-specific technical working group. The relevant organizations should abide by the principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality and independence in their work, so as to ensure that the relevant assessments and findings reflect, objectively and comprehensively, the actual situation with a view to solving the problem in a more targeted manner. It must be emphasized that a humanitarian issue should not be used as a pretext for interference and pressure, nor should it be turned into an instrument for political expediency. Thirdly, the root causes of the problem should be actively addressed. As mentioned in the Committee’s report, the prolongation of the conflict is the main driver of food shortages. Once again, that shows that a ceasefire and an end to the fighting are the best way to alleviate the humanitarian situation. China calls on all parties to the conflict to implement the provisions of the relevant Council resolutions, promote de-escalation on the ground, resolve differences through dialogue and consultation, protect civilians and civilian facilities, ensure the safety of humanitarian workers and avoid overstepping the boundaries of international humanitarian law. Special Envoy Lamamra concluded a visit to the region recently. The Intergovernmental Authority on Development’s Special Envoy for the Sudan is also planning to visit the country. China calls on the international community to work on the basis of full respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of the Sudan, accelerate the synergy of good offices, explore innovative and effective approaches and jointly find a political solution to help the Sudan restore peace at an early date.

At the outset, I would like to thank the United Kingdom, Slovenia and Guyana for calling this urgent meeting, a call which Denmark and Sierra Leone supported. I also wish to thank our briefers from the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs and the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. Their messages and recommendations for action are just what the Council needs to hear and, importantly, to heed. I would also like to welcome the participation of the representatives of Egypt and the Sudan in this meeting. When Denmark last served on the Council, some 20 years ago, the people of Darfur were experiencing appalling levels of violence. It is therefore deeply saddening and a damning indictment that we are once again faced with a brutal war in the Sudan, a war with a devastating impact on millions of civilians, including through widespread acts of sexual gender-based violence against women and girls. Denmark is deeply concerned by the findings of the latest report by the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification Famine Review Committee. But let us be clear, those findings do not indicate a complete lack of food across the Sudan. Rather, they indicate a cause that is much more sinister — that is, the lethal impact of forced displacement and conflict-induced hunger, a catastrophe that is entirely human-made, entirely preventable and entirely reversible. The United Nations and humanitarian organizations on the ground have sounded this alarm several times. Regrettably, as we heard today, we now face a situation in which famine has spread to at least five areas in the Sudan, with projections that the catastrophe will only deteriorate further without urgent action. Denmark’s view is clear. In this world of plenty, there is simply no place for famine. We strongly condemn starvation as a weapon of war, and we urge the warring parties to comply with resolution 2417 (2018). Allow me to make three points. First, all parties must abide by their obligations under international humanitarian law and facilitate full, rapid, safe and unhindered humanitarian access. That means access both into and across the Sudan. Denmark acknowledges efforts by the Sudanese authorities to open air, sea and land crossings in certain locations. However, much more is needed. If we are to address the spread of acute food insecurity and hunger in the Sudan, both the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces must allow the rapid and unimpeded passage of humanitarian assistance in accordance with humanitarian principles. Arbitrary bureaucratic impediments imposed on the United Nations and some humanitarian partners are unacceptable and can amount to a de facto denial of humanitarian access. Humanitarians need to be able to scale up rapidly to reach those in need without politicizing or instrumentalizing their efforts. That also goes for access to telecommunications networks. Secondly, as has been stated many times here today, a political and negotiated solution is the only viable solution. Ending the war is key to ending the famine. Denmark echoes the repeated plea for an immediate nationwide ceasefire and urges the parties to uphold their commitments, outlined in the Jeddah Declaration. We welcome the engagement by Personal Envoy Lamamra, along with other international and regional partners. However, we cannot accept the status quo. Time is of the essence. Efforts must be intensified urgently. Thirdly and finally, an immediate increase in financial and humanitarian support is essential for the countless civilian men, women and children trapped in this insidious conflict. Millions require immediate humanitarian food assistance, as well In conclusion, we are inching ever closer to the grim milestone of two years of this brutal war. We cannot sit idly by as civilians starve before our eyes. The Council has a responsibility to act. Actors with influence on the parties have a responsibility to act. That means implementing what we have agreed, including resolution 2736 (2024). It means refraining from destabilizing external interference. It means harnessing our collective political will to end the suffering and give peace a chance in the Sudan. As Denmark commences its tenure on the Council, the intentional community can count on its unwavering commitment to that goal.

Let me begin by congratulating Algeria on its assumption of the Security Council presidency. And I would like to also thank the United Kingdom, Guyana and Slovenia for calling this urgent meeting. I would also like to take the opportunity to commend my own team — team United States of America — for getting us through a successful presidency in December. I would like to welcome the new members of the Council as well, and we look forward to working with them. I would like to thank Ms. Wosornu and Ms. Bechdol for their briefings. I welcome the participation of Egypt and the Sudan in this meeting. The 24 December 2024 report of the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) Famine Review Committee is deeply alarming — and shocking, as Ms. Wosornu stated. Secretary Blinken reiterated when he was here last month, “The world cannot and must not look away from the humanitarian catastrophe that is happening in the Sudan on our watch, before our eyes.” (S/PV.9822, p. 7) The report only reaffirms what we already know: the Sudan is experiencing one of the greatest human crises not only of the day, but our lifetime. We can quibble over what we call it, but none of us can quibble over the fact that people are suffering in the Sudan. At least five areas are currently experiencing famine. In five more, we see projected famine over the coming months. And at least 17 additional areas are at risk of famine in the same period. More than half a million people, including children, are struggling to survive. Twelve million people have fled their homes owing to fighting between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). And now, as a result of 20 months of brutal civil war, more than half of the Sudan’s population is acutely food insecure. The Sudanese authorities’ decision to suspend their collaboration with the IPC system and impede international efforts to provide humanitarian assistance and prevent starvation is simply unacceptable. We urge the Transitional Sovereign Council to immediately re-engage with the IPC and take affirmative steps to address the widespread food insecurity. Refusal to cooperate will only disrupt donor efforts and further damage the Sudan’s credibility with respect to its humanitarian obligations under international law. In addition, both military factions must facilitate the establishment of humanitarian hubs to support the flow of aid and cease all diversions and theft of it. Both the Sudanese Armed Forces and the RSF have failed to meet their commitments On 20 December 2024, an aerial attack on a World Food Programme compound in Blue Nile state killed three humanitarian workers. We must do everything to protect humanitarian workers, to clear obstructions from humanitarian corridors into and across the Sudan and to mitigate the dangers humanitarians face in delivering assistance. We also note with deep concern reports of ongoing ethnically targeted violence, indiscriminate attacks on civilian infrastructure, attacks on protected spaces such as camps of internally displaced persons and pervasive conflict-related sexual violence. Each and every member sitting here today has seen the evidence that the Sudanese Armed Forces and RSF have committed war crimes. Each and every member sitting here today has seen evidence the RSF has committed crimes against humanity and engaged in ethnic cleansing. It is why the Council met just two months ago to discuss a draft resolution calling for a nationwide ceasefire, increased civilian protection and unhindered flow of aid (see S/PV.9786). Fourteen Council members approved the text drafted by Sierra Leone and the United Kingdom. And yet, Russia chose obstruction: standing alone as it voted to imperil civilians, while funding both sides of the conflict — yes, that is what I said — both sides. Nevertheless, we will continue to work tirelessly to prevent abuses and hold perpetrators to account. We urge all members of the Council to do the same: to prioritize the lives of civilians over domestic policy objectives. For our part, the United States has imposed sanctions in response to atrocities and arms procurements. And we are prepared to take further action soon. We renew our call for collective action, asking partners to join us in imposing sanctions on individuals and organizations whose actions have worsened this conflict. We also once again appeal to the international community to support the Sudan’s refugees. We want to express our deep appreciation to the countries already hosting approximately 3.2 million Sudanese people while they await with hope returning home in safety and dignity. Most of all, we call on all actors to stop the ongoing atrocities, to end the fighting and allow immediate unconditional and unhindered humanitarian access so that tens of millions of people can get the food and water, shelter and medicine they so desperately need. This is in all likelihood my final Council meeting as United States Ambassador to the United Nations. It is fitting that it touches on a crisis I have spent the past few years working to alleviate, in a region I have spent my entire career working to uplift. It is fitting, yes — also heartbreaking. I wish I were leaving with a sense of closure on at least one such file, that I was taking with me a real confidence that tomorrow will bring a brighter day for the people of the Sudan. I wish that I could tell the Sudanese refugees I met all those months ago in Chad, the Sudanese refugees whom I met all those years ago in that very same camp in Chad, that everything would be okay, that help was on the way. And yet, despite the devastating the reality that they face and the disappointment that I could not do more, that we — all of us — did not do more, I still remain hopeful. I remain hopeful that the representatives sitting around this table, the colleagues who have become friends, will continue this sacred mission, this ultimate responsibility.

We are grateful to Ms. Edem Wosornu, Director of Operations and Advocacy of the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, and Ms. Beth Bechdol, Deputy Director- We regret to acknowledge that the humanitarian situation in the Sudan remains difficult. Almost three quarters of medical facilities are not operational, there is a shortage of medicines, and two thirds of the population does not have access to medical care. There have been reports of dangerous diseases spreading. The 2024 humanitarian response plan remains unimplemented, which is a serious challenge. We have carefully read the report of the Famine Review Committee on the Sudan, which covers the period from October 2024 to the present, providing a forecast that extends to May 2025. The report states that up to 637,000 Sudanese could face the threat of imminent famine in the very near future. It also notes some positive trends. Over the past reporting period, across the country the number of people suffering from malnutrition fell by 1 million. Let us stress at the outset that the Sudan is not now experiencing and cannot experience serious famine. As the authors of the publication emphasize, we are talking only about the risk of such a situation emerging in five small areas of the country — four of which are refugee camps. The Sudan has between 7.5 and 8.5 million hectares of fertile land, most of which is irrigated. In that respect, it is significantly ahead of almost all Arab and many African countries. According to estimates by the Sudanese Ministry of Agriculture, the country could harvest up to 6 or 7 million tons of grain in the current year, primarily corn and sorghum, with an average annual demand of between 4 and 4.5 million tons. As for other key crops, including wheat, the Sudan could easily meet its needs through imports. All of that data is available to the World Food Programme and FAO working in the country. Against that backdrop, the report’s conclusions look strange, to say the least. First, its data is purely speculative in nature. Let me remind the Council that previously published similar reports by the Committee predicted an imminent famine in the Sudan as soon as September–October 2024. As we can see, such alarmist assessments did not come to pass. Secondly, the report was prepared remotely, without information being collected on the ground. Let me remind the Council that, back in 2022, representatives of the Famine Review Committee were interacting regularly with the relevant Sudanese ministries and agencies, painstakingly collecting information about food security and conferring with the country’s Government, which supplied the Committee with all the necessary information. Yet no such trips were made in 2024. We also noted that the Committee’s assessments do not fully align with the analysis conducted by the country team — the Sudan Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) Technical Working Group, which, in contrast to the Famine Review Committee, is working in the field and includes representatives of the United Nations and various non-governmental organizations, as well as Government bodies. That is pointed out in the report, but no additional clarifications are provided on that matter. It would be interesting to locate the discrepancies in the assessments of the hunger situation in the Sudan. We are surprised that, while the IPC country team continued to confer with the Sudanese about the contents of the report until 24 December, before that work was completed, the Famine Review Committee’s report was disseminated in the Western media already on 23 December. Apparently, it wanted to promote uncorroborated speculation on the issue of famine before leaving for the Christmas holidays. That cannot but raise suspicions regarding the possible manipulation of this material. That is to say, its authors did not deem it necessary to properly coordinate with We also note that the IPC and Famine Report Committee’s publications use outdated demographic data, which they obtained back in 2022. They did not take into account the significant number of refugees and internally displaced persons or the outflow of residents to other countries. Moreover, the latest report claims to have analysed the hunger situation in 15 of the Sudan’s 18 States, including Darfur and Kordofan, where access for specialists is restricted or even impossible, owing to ongoing military hostilities. How, then, did the authors draw their conclusions, and why were the states in the report coloured dark red in the publication? An examination of the Committee’s report suggests that the problem of hunger in the Sudan is being politicized and exploited to exert pressure on the Government. Some Council members are enthusiastically seizing upon these speculations and discussing them. It seems that someone desperately wants famine to begin at last in the Sudan. In addition, an important issue is being forgotten — the deliberate obstruction of agricultural activities, the distribution of food by insurgents in the areas they control, as well as their depletion of food stocks. All that I have mentioned certainly does nothing to resolve the issues of the dire humanitarian situation in the Sudan and the problems of Sudanese refugees in neighbouring countries, nor does it remove the need to take measures to rectify the situation. As we have repeatedly emphasized, in order to increase food security in the Sudan, we must ensure the equal distribution of food and address the issue of ordinary Sudanese lacking the financial resources to buy such food. We believe that instead of instrumentalizing the topic of hunger and humanitarian access, priority should be given to agricultural development, farmers’ access to markets to sell food and the distribution of food vouchers among the people. We know that various specialized United Nations system agencies are carrying out such work, and we are very much in favour of expanding such programmes. Port Sudan’s efforts to improve food security should be underpinned by the humanitarian assistance from United Nations agencies and their partners, as well as from all States friendly to the Sudan. It is important that that assistance be channelled exclusively through the central Government and that it not be used to promote destructive agenda in the country under the guise of humanitarian issues. Port Sudan has repeatedly demonstrated flexibility in addressing various problems, proactively opening aid access through several border points and working to broaden the centres of humanitarian deliveries within the Sudan. We call on everyone not to escalate tensions by demanding that the Government lift all bureaucratic restrictions, including through the issuance of visas and travel permits. Those issues are the sovereign prerogative of the Sudan. Hence, demanding that Sudan automatically resolve those issues is tantamount to casting doubt on its sovereignty. Moreover, refusing visas to a dozen workers out of several thousand is hardly decisive. As for the restrictions on movement imposed by the Government, they are largely aimed at bolstering the safety of humanitarian workers themselves, who, unfortunately, continue to be exposed to danger in the Sudan. For its part, the Russian Federation continues to contribute to humanitarian assistance to the Sudan. On 30 December, yet another consignment of Russian food aid, in the amount of 70 tons, was delivered to Port Sudan. In a broader sense, resolving the Sudan’s humanitarian and food-related issues is inextricably linked to the need for a prompt cessation of hostilities and a political settlement. Once the acute phase of the conflict is over, it will be important to take practical steps to resume the broadest possible inter-Sudanese dialogue. That said, With regard to the disappointment expressed today by a number of Western countries regarding our blocking of the draft resolution (S/2024/826) on 18 November (see S/PV.9786,), we would underscore that we will continue to prevent the Council from taking unbalanced decisions by that would undermine the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Sudan for the benefit of external sponsors of instability in the country. We are convinced that the Sudanese people can and must independently resolve their internal problems.

We thank Director Wosornu of the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs and Deputy Director-General Bechdol of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations for their comprehensive and sobering briefings. We also thank the United Kingdom, Slovenia and Guyana for their initiative to convene this meeting. We welcome the participation of the representative of the Sudan and Egypt in this meeting. At the end of 2024, instead of looking forward to the new year with hope, we were informed of the harrowing finding that famine is ongoing in at least five areas of the Sudan, and we learned of an attack on World Food Programme (WFP) staff members. We extend our deepest condolences to the families of the WFP employees killed in the unlawful attack. Tragically, those are just a few aspects of a broader humanitarian disaster unfolding in the war-torn country. In the face of such a grave humanitarian catastrophe, we should all make a New Year’s resolution to do everything in our power to bring the conflict to an end as soon as possible. To that end, I would like to highlight three points. First, as the Famine Review Committee noted in its report, the root cause of the famine is the ongoing armed conflict. An immediate end to the conflict is therefore the most direct and effective solution to the famine. The parties to the conflict must abandon once and for all the illusion that a military solution is still possible. Given the great suffering that the Sudanese people have already endured, every responsible leader in the Sudan should immediately engage in serious talks to discuss a ceasefire and a political process. We urge the parties to the conflict to translate their commitment in the Jeddah Declaration of Commitment to Protect the Civilians of Sudan into action. We support diplomatic efforts to make progress in that direction, including the recent visit of the Secretary-General’s Personal Envoy, Mr. Lamamra, to Port Sudan and neighbouring countries and other mediation initiatives led by regional actors. Secondly, all regional and international actors must immediately put an end to their activities that are fuelling the conflict in the Sudan. Continued military assistance by external actors will only exacerbate the conflict and further destabilize the region. The supply of arms to Darfur is a flagrant violation of the arms embargo set forth in the relevant Security Council resolutions. All external actors must recognize that the benefits to regional stability of ending the conflict in the Sudan far outweigh any short-term transactional gains from exploiting the current chaos. Thirdly, the response to the humanitarian crisis must begin with a proper diagnosis and acknowledgment of the situation. We are deeply concerned that the Sudanese authorities have rejected the finding by the Famine Review Committee, which is composed of United Nations agencies and international non-governmental organizations, on the existence of famine. We are not convinced by the claim by the Sudanese authorities that the report on the existence of famine politicizes the humanitarian situation. In particular, it is difficult to understand the logic in calling on the international community to massively increase its humanitarian assistance to In conclusion, the conflict in the Sudan has been worsening for nearly two years. In the new year, we hope that United Nations-led efforts and a shift in priorities by regional and international actors will mark a turning point in the conflict in the Sudan. Even before a ceasefire can be secured, the protection of civilians is a matter of urgency and requires decisive action by the Council. In that regard, we hope that the draft Security Council resolution on the protection of civilians in the Sudan (S/2024/826), which was vetoed by one permanent member in November 2024 (see S/PV.9786), can be adopted with updated measures that reflect the evolving situation on the ground.

I would also like to thank our distinguished briefers, Ms. Wosornu, Director of Operations of the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, and Ms. Bechdol, Deputy Director-General of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations for their detailed yet sobering briefings. The Sudan is facing a dire humanitarian situation and famine crisis. Greece fully shares the Secretary-General’s concerns about the rapidly deteriorating food security situation in the country, as highlighted in his 24 December 2024 statement. The findings of the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification report by the Famine Review Committee reveal a dire reality: famine conditions are present in five areas of the country. More than half the population of the Sudan faces acute food insecurity. Those numbers underscore the gravity of the crisis and the urgent need for immediate measures to address the deepening food crisis situation. The link between conflict and hunger is evident in the Sudan, and urgent international engagement is required to address the human-provoked calamity. Greece urges all parties involved in the conflict to focus on the following three critical priorities. First, unrestricted access for humanitarian aid must be ensured. We join calls for the immediate removal of administrative and security barriers that hinder humanitarian operations. Safe and sustained access to famine-stricken areas must be guaranteed. Resolution 2417 (2018) explicitly condemns the use of starvation as a weapon of war and emphasizes the obligation to comply with international humanitarian law. Greece calls for the regular monitoring of food insecurity and reiterates its commitment to pledge support for any future initiatives, as we did in April 2024 at the International Humanitarian Conference for Sudan and Neighbouring Countries in Paris. Secondly, humanitarian assistance must be expanded. The immediate scaling- up of food aid, medical services and protection efforts for the most vulnerable is essential to supporting displaced populations, host communities and the areas most affected by the conflict. That is especially true when it comes to the impact of the situation on women and girls, as it has left them disproportionately vulnerable to violence, displacement and with limited access to essential services. Those challenges demand targeted interventions to ensure their safety and well-being. At this point, let me underline that, according to UNICEF, the severe consequences of the crisis are particularly evident in the plight of Sudanese children. Their protection must remain at the forefront of our efforts. Thirdly, there must be a cessation of hostilities and a political solution. The ongoing humanitarian crisis in the Sudan risks escalating further and poses a threat to Before I conclude, allow me to express Greece’s support for, and solidarity with, the Sudanese people. Now, more than ever, they need our collective commitment to alleviate their suffering, and our efforts should be aimed at building a future of hope for the Sudan and its people. We stand ready to engage further in the Council’s efforts in that respect.

I now give the floor to the representative of the Sudan.

I commend you, Mr. President, on your presidency for this month and pay tribute to the support that you have extended to us by virtue of your national position and your participation in the group of the three African members of the Security Council (A3). We appreciate that support for the Sudan from within the Council. I also welcome the new members of the Council: Denmark, Greece, Pakistan, Panama and Somalia. We look forward to working with them on the issues affecting the Sudan. I thank the Ambassador of Egypt for his presence and the support that he has given the Sudan through his position, reflecting Egypt’s support for reconciliation and mediation in the Sudan. I am also grateful to Mozambique, whose tenure on the Council has come to an end, for the support that it has shown to the Sudan through the A3. I also wish to express my appreciation for Mrs. Linda Thomas-Greenfield’s support for the Sudan over the past two years and her particular concern for the Sudanese refugees in Chad. We would also like to express to her that the Sudan will miss her. Famine, as a narrative, amounts to a politicized classification and to slander. It is reminiscent of how, in the world of financial investment, a stock market crash is declared to be unfortunate. It is therefore ironic to say that the Sudan is suffering from hunger. The truth is that it is suffering from artificial starvation. Sixty-five per cent of the population is engaged in agricultural activity, with the agricultural sector representing more than 16 per cent of gross domestic product. The area of the country’s farmland is approximately 26 million hectares. Our objection to the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) report is not simply a matter of academic disagreement or semantics. Instead, our disagreement is with the statistics and the reliability of the data on which the findings are based. Although the Government of the Sudan recognizes the critical need to engage in international cooperation on the issue of food security during the conflict, we would like to express our grave concern about the IPC report published on 24 December 2024, covering the period from October 2024 to May 2025 and referring to the onset of famine in five areas of the Sudan. The findings of the report and its methods are marred by methodological flaws. It should be noted that the Famine Review Committee is a voluntary body, which assists Governments, United Nations agencies and others in analysing and addressing food insecurity and malnutrition. Eleven of the 15 states analysed are affected by war, which means that field teams could not access them, with seven states still under the siege of rebel militias, preventing direct contact with the affected residents. The report also failed to factor in the dynamics of displacement and sampling irregularities. The high levels of displacement and the demographic changes resulting from violations perpetrated by the militia on the basis of ethnicity mean that crucial data is lacking. Key famine indicators, such as the acute malnutrition rate and the mortality rate, Accordingly, the Government of the Sudan categorically rejected the report and its classification of the situation in the Sudan as famine. We do not do so to cover up famine, but because the methodology lacks accuracy and transparency and the data analysis is flawed, resting mainly on conjecture. The Sudan takes issue with the report’s reliance on assumptions, such as the protracted nature of the war, restricted humanitarian access and economic instability. I hereby put on record the Sudan’s reservations regarding the report. The way in which the data was collected and analysed led the national team to disagree with the report’s findings. The changing situation in the Sudan due to war means that the report’s findings and statistics are unreliable, given that the data was not collected from the field with the necessary methodological rigour. The IPC had forecast earlier that famine would set in in the months of September and October 2024, which did not occur. Facts confirmed that it was purely a forecast, with no basis in real statistics. The Sudan agreed to update the IPC’s report covering the period from October 2024 to February 2025 in order to avoid the inaccuracies that affected the previous report, along with results and forecasts that proved inaccurate. The IPC has, however, unjustifiably extended the reporting period to May 2025, and there are significant discrepancies between the national team’s report and the amended IPC report. Moreover, the fact that the Sudan was notified about the report only on Christmas Eve and that it was released hours later without the competent government authorities being given sufficient time in which to acquaint themselves with it also raises many questions. What is more, the leaking of the draft report to some media outlets on 23 December 2024 — that is, one day before its release — also casts legitimate doubt as to the motives behind those unprofessional actions that coincided with the Christmas holiday. The data for this report, collected through field surveys by following up the population movements to support the analysis and decision-making, were not comprehensive. They represent less than 60 per cent of the samples, as it is impossible to field survey the seven states under control of the Rapid Support Forces. All the relevant organizations have withdrawn their personnel from those states and relocated their offices from Khartoum and other locations to Port Sudan, making it impossible to put field teams together to collect data. According to the report, 11.5 million internally displaced persons live in schools, which is preventing the schools from reopening. If that is true, the question then arises as to why organizations did not provide any humanitarian assistance while those displaced persons were in safe states. The United Nations did not set up camps for them, unlike what it does in most countries, but instead wasted time debating about declaring a famine. I will set out the Government’s position on the technical IPC report’s forecast for the period from October 2024 to February 2025, which covers the five states of Darfur, in addition to Kordofan, Khartoum, Gezira, Sennar, Red Sea, Kassala, River Nile and Northern. The revised report determined that some areas are at risk of famine and found famine in five areas. Those findings call for the following observations. The report relies on estimates of the food security situation that were based on real fieldwork and used data collection methodology and analysis. Because of the war, the most recent data collected from the field was in 2022. Since then, at the federal, state and local levels, it has been impossible to dispatch field survey teams, staff from government ministries and personnel from international, voluntary and civil society organizations to survey the population in person and to fill out the In addition, there has been restricted movement and a lack of national expertise in the analysis. Therefore, the report relied highly on unofficial sources and, in some cases, unknown sources that used different dates that do not coincide with the dates in the report. The report refers to 15 states, including seven besieged by the militia, and there is no evidence that the technical teams reached the targeted population in the field. The report, although prepared while taking the population count in consideration, did not take into account the range of population dynamics as a result of displacement, which affected sample sizes, undermining the reliability and accuracy of the data. The surveys were not accurate, and quarterly updates — such as those taking into account mortality rates and socioeconomic indicators — were not taken into consideration. The Sudan has welcomed cooperation with the IPC and approved the preparation of the report and the updating of the data, in which the national team participated. However, the approval procedures were not adequate, and there has been a difference of positions and lack of consensus with the national team. The national team was notified that a unified brief report will be prepared on the basis of the two reports of the national team and the IPC published in December 2024. The notification came after the report was leaked to the media and before the national team was consulted, the results discussed and the report presented to the designated ministry. Transparency requires that the committee should have published only the amended report or that of the national team. Therefore, the Sudan decided to discontinue its cooperation with the IPC and to withdraw from it. The Sudan understands that the war of aggression that is being fought, with all of the evidence now available, has taken a very dire turn and appalling acts that now include deliberate starvation, instigated by the militia on one side and regional and international Powers on the other, through the imposition of sanctions on the largest Sudanese agricultural produce company, which produces 70 per cent of revenue. Lately, the flooding of villages and farms has been used, along with the spreading of food poisoning, the closure of the water turbines at the Jabal Aulia reservoir and the use of famine as a pretext by parties and organizations with hidden agendas to interfere, targeting the sovereignty of the Sudan and plundering its wealth and valuable minerals. Those parties want the Sudan to remain dependent on humanitarian assistance. The Sudan initially cooperated with the IPC in the hopes of helping it to carry out surveys and develop recommendations and suggestions to address the food insecurity situation, not to promote an imaginary famine. The agricultural season and harvest for 2024 included many crops, such as millet, corn, sesame, peanuts and others, in an area of 39 million acres out of the planned 47 million acres, 17 million of which were dedicated to corn and millet. The harvest was good in many states, and, as per the Global Food Security Index, which relies on factors such as cost, quality and quantity, production increased from 27 million tons in 2023 to 28 million tons in 2024. The Sudan has suffered from food insecurity owing to factors such as war and the barbarity of the militias that aim to destroy the crops by terrorizing farmers and plundering their crops in order to make famine a reality. They are plotting with external actors and regional supporters who supply them with weapons, drones and logistical support. The Sudan’s needs for corn and millet have reached 4.5 million tons, and we are projected to produce between 7 and 8 million tons. The major developments that refute the assumptions on which the IPC report was based on are, inter alia, renewed stability in a number of areas, which has allowed citizens to return to their farms and homes. As per the IPC classification, between October and November 2024, the number of persons in the different phases of food insecurity are: phase 1, 7.388 million people, 16 per cent of the population; phase 2, 15.6 million, 33 per cent; phase 3, crisis, 15.8 million, 33 per cent; phase 4, emergency, 8.1 million people, 17 per cent; and phase 5, catastrophe, 525,000 people, which constitutes only 1 to 2 per cent of the total population of the Sudan, which is 47.5 million people. The areas in phases 4 and 5 are the areas coloured in red and black on the map and not the entire areas that the IPC has claimed to have reached famine. We hear requests to facilitate humanitarian access, but all 10 land routes and 5 or 6 aerial routes allocated by the Sudanese Government have remained open, and we are taking emergency measures to issue visas and permits to humanitarian personnel of the United Nations and non-governmental organizations — I do not want to repeat statistics here. Food security will benefit from the positive conditions, which are improving. That will lead to rising food stocks and stabilized food prices. We emphasize that the humanitarian crisis is the result of grave violations committed by the Rapid Support Forces. Those include: the deliberate forced displacement of farmers; the intentional destruction of agricultural facilities and infrastructure; the obstruction and diversion of humanitarian assistance; attacks against humanitarian personnel and logistical convoys, which undermined relief efforts and prevented access to areas controlled by the militia despite the fact that the Government is working to facilitate access; the imposition of siege tactics and the use of starvation as a method of warfare; and the plundering of foodstocks to trigger price increases. Infrastructure is being destroyed, including roads, markets, water supplies and power grids, leading to increased restrictions on humanitarian access. There are international criteria used to declare famine. According to those criteria, the following elements must be fulfilled. First, adequate field surveys must be carried out to determine food security according to IPC phases, and data collection must be from the bottom up, meaning starting with the villages, towns and municipalities and proceeding all the way up to the national level. Secondly, surveys must confirm that 20 per cent of the population is in phase 5 of the classification, and we have statistically confirmed that only 1 to 2 per cent is classified in phase 5, which means famine is affecting 500,000 people, owing to inadequate food supply and the inability to access food or use it. The IPC contradicted itself by citing those reasons to explain famine, making sure that 30 per cent of children are affected by acute malnutrition, including children under the age of five. The Government adopted a joint report with organizations participating in the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) surveys within a specific year. The report must meet the technical consensus in order to make the decision to declare famine in a given country; that did not happen. A To conclude this overview, the needs and requirements can be summarized as follows. With regard to wheat, a crop of 2,442 tons is normal, and the shortfall in production usually occurs every season for the following reasons: lack of irrigated areas, shortage of areas suitable for wheat cultivation and the strict requirements of the wheat crop — because wheat, unlike corn and millet, is available globally and at prices lower than the price of the locally produced wheat. We have the following requests for the Security Council. In view of the food security crisis in the country, it is necessary to take immediate and urgent measures, including prioritizing the provision of food and medical supplies and other necessary humanitarian aid during the war period; ensuring that they reach the population of areas affected by the war of aggression — the Government of the Sudan has opened all crossings — providing financial and material support to farmers and qualified charitable organizations; ensuring the maximum success of the current and upcoming agricultural seasons by providing the necessary support and securing safe corridors to introduce agricultural inputs to areas under militia control; providing technical assistance to small-scale farmers; securing harvesting operations and assisting with crop sales; imposing deterrent penalties on the militias, which deliberately burn crops; providing financial and technical support to producer youth, women, families and displaced persons, including training in small business management; assisting women in developing projects and in the commercial aspects of agriculture; facilitating small-scale activities yielding rapid returns to settle displaced persons and improve their living conditions, which will result in cooperation with local families, increase production and improve the food security and peacebuilding situation; assessing the food situation; conducting a rapid and comprehensive assessment of the food situation in the affected areas; distributing food aid by organizing emergency food distribution campaigns in cooperation with the United Nations; launching cash grant programmes for the most affected families to enable them to buy food and basic supplies according to the Sudanese nutrition approach; establishing food banks; creating food warehouses in rural areas to ensure food availability in crises; improving transport routes; and repairing roads and infrastructure. Humanitarian assistance should be complemented by the following interventions aimed at boosting local production: improving food security and strengthening market performance; strengthening the technical capacity of agricultural extension services for farmers; improving post-harvest management; strengthening storage facilities at the household level; and operationalizing strategic stocks. The FAO, to which we express our gratitude, should provide capacity-building support on a recurring basis in order to avoid gaps in the team and support smallholders and medium-scale farm-holders with improved inputs and intermediate technologies. I thank the representative of the FAO and the Director of Operations for their briefings.

I now give the floor to the representative of Egypt.

At the outset, I would like to thank the briefers, Ms. Edem Wosornu and Ms. Beth Bechdol, for the valuable information they provided on developments in the critical humanitarian situation in the brotherly country of the Sudan. We also take note of the statement made today by my dear It is evident to all that the deterioration of the humanitarian situation in the Sudan as a result of the continued conflict is a real dilemma for us and for the international community. The continued suffering of the brotherly Sudanese people for almost two years is a source of pain for all of us as an international family, making it imperative for us to work in earnest to end the suffering of our brothers in the Sudan and turn this page as soon as possible. The human suffering of the brotherly Sudanese people, whose country is considered the strategic food basket of the Arab world, should not go on endlessly, with no solution in sight. Egypt therefore affirms its full solidarity with the brotherly Sudanese people in their plight and its determination to restore peace, security and stability in the Sudan in order to safeguard the capabilities of its brotherly people, based on the bonds of blood, neighbourliness, brotherhood, history and common destiny that unite us. In that context, Egypt continuously emphasizes a number of considerations that must be taken into account when dealing with the Sudanese issue, including the need to address the humanitarian situation. First, it is vital to safeguard the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of the Sudan, reject interference in its internal affairs that would fuel and perpetuate the current conflict, preserve the institutions of the Sudanese State and prevent their collapse, and uphold the supreme interests of the Sudan in finding solutions that lead to meeting the brotherly Sudanese people’s aspirations of security, stability and development. Secondly, it is imperative to take the necessary measures to stop the supply of arms to non-State armed groups and to establish an immediate and sustainable ceasefire, as that is the only way to protect civilians, stop the bloodshed and stop the waves of internally displaced persons and refugees to neighbouring countries. The international community is well aware of the magnitude of the Sudanese people’s suffering, especially that of the internally displaced. In addition, the magnitude of the burden borne by the Sudan’s neighbouring countries, compounded by the escalation of the crisis, is no secret to anyone. In that context, Egypt reiterates its determination to provide all means of care and support to its Sudanese brothers fleeing the conflict to Egypt and neighbouring countries. Egypt has already received more than 1,200,000 Sudanese brothers. In that regard, Egypt once again calls for increased support for neighbouring countries, to enable them to fulfil their responsibilities towards their Sudanese brothers, given the protracted conflict, and to respond to the needs of internally displaced persons. Thirdly, Egypt stresses the need to increase the volume of assistance and funding provided by donor countries and parties, including by fulfilling the pledges made in response to the current humanitarian needs and the needs of refugees in neighbouring countries, in addition to providing emergency assistance in various humanitarian areas, including food, health, education and others. Egypt welcomes all the humanitarian aid that has already been provided to the Sudan in response to the crisis, as Egypt continues to provide humanitarian and relief assistance to its Sudanese brothers in the context of contributing to containing the repercussions of the current crisis. Fourthly, it is important to continue endeavours to restore confidence between the Sudanese Government and the United Nations and its agencies. Egypt calls on the United Nations and the international community to take advantage of the Sudanese Government’s decisions to establish humanitarian warehouses in more than one location, to allow humanitarian aircraft and to identify entry points for humanitarian assistance in quantities that meet the needs of the brotherly Sudanese people in a manner that safeguards the security of the Sudan, respects its sovereignty and takes into account its security concerns. Egypt also trusts that the Sudanese authorities United Nations reports reflect the severity of the humanitarian crisis in the Sudan in terms of refugee flows and internal displacement, deteriorating health facilities and imperilled food security, undermining the safety and security of civilians and exposing them to multiple forms of violations of international humanitarian law and international human rights law. Consequently, the first step on the way out of the humanitarian crisis in all its aspects, including addressing the Sudanese situation, begins with stopping the fighting. That is the starting point from which to start and on which to build. Egypt supports that and is fully prepared to work to bring it to fruition, including by fully supporting the efforts of the Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General, Mr. Ramtane Lamamra, to coordinate initiatives and tracks aimed at ending the conflict and restoring security and stability, paving the way for a Sudanese-led, Sudanese-owned political process that meets the aspirations of the Sudanese people for a better future. Egypt has complete confidence in the wisdom and ability of the Sudanese brothers to reach understandings that will bring the current crisis to an irreversible end, under purely national ownership, devoid of any external interference and in a manner that promotes the supreme national interests of the Sudan and preserves the capabilities of its brotherly people. In conclusion, I would like to express my thanks to Ambassador Linda Thomas- Greenfield before the end of her duties at the United Nations, expressing full appreciation for the fruitful cooperation with her personally and with the Mission of the United States. We look forward to continued cooperation in the future as well.