S/PV.984 Security Council

On 19 November 1961 the Permanent Representative of the United Arab Republic addressed to the President of the Security Council a letter [8/5001] requesting that a meeting of the Security Council be convened in order to consider the application of Kuwait for ad~ mission to membership in the United Nations. I accord~ ingly consulted Council members regarding the most convenient time for such a meeting. 2. The provisional agenda for this meeting is to be found in document 8/Agenda/984. Are there any objec~ tions to its adoption? 3. As the representative of the UNION of SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLICS, I am obliged to state that the Soviet delegation objects to the adoption of the agenda, on the ground that it is inadvisable to discuss this item at present, since the available information about the situation in Kuwait does not enable us to consider Kuwait an independent State and does not at this time permit us to resolve the question of Kuwait's admis< sion to the United Nations. The Soviet delegation accordingly objects to the adeption of the agenda and considers that the item should be postponed.

I disagree with you, Mr. President. f consider that the information we have about Kuwait is sufficient, and it proves to our satisfaction that Kuwait is an independent sovereign State. I think that the agenda should be adopted and that we should consider the question of the admission of Kuwait to the United Nations.

Are there any others wishing to speak? Does any member Admission of new Members to the United Nations Letter dated 30 June 1961 from the State Secretary of Kuwait addressed to the Secretary-General ($/4852)

na letter of 29 November 1961 [S/5005] to the President of the Security Council, the Permanent Representative of Iraq, under rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure requested permission to participate in the discussion, before the Security Council, of the application of Kuwait. If -hers are no objections, I shall invite the represe: ative of Irag to participate, without vote, in the Council's discussion. At the invitation of the President, Mr. Adnan M. Pachachi (Iraq) took a place at the Council table. %, The PRESIDENT (translated from Russian): The Security Council will now proceed to consider the application of Kuwait for membership in the United Nations. This application is set forth in a letter dated 30 June 19614/ from the State Secretary of Kuwait, addressed to the Secretary-General. In addition, the representative of the United Arab Republic has sub~ mitted to the Council a draft resolution ([S/5006]. The first speaker on my list is the representative of the United Arab Republic, upon whom I now call.

My Government is very happy to have the honour of submitting to you the application of Kuwait for admission to membership in the United Nations. Kuwait is aware of the obligations imposed by the Charter and now wishes to join our Organization and become a part of the international community. 9. Kuwait fulfiis all the conditions for membership in our Organization both nationally and internationally. 10. This State has an area of 9,375 square miles and about 322,000 inhabitants of Arab origin, who have kept their Arab traditions and culture and are ruled by Sheikh Abdullah Al-Salim Al-Sabah. 11. From the economic point of view, it should be noted that Kuwait is the second largest petroleum ex= porting country on the world market and the fourth largest producer. In 1960 its petroleum production amounted to 650 million barrels, or more than onethird of the total production of the Middle East, and its petroleum reserves are estimated at about 22 per cent of the world's reserves. 12. By means of its oil revenue the Government of Kuwait has raised the level of living of its inhabitants and accelerated the country's development in various fields, The Government now supports 182 educational establishments of various types and grants many scholarships to enable students from Kuwait to study abroad. The education budget is 11.5 million Kuwait dinars, the equivalent of £11.5 million sterling. 4, Internally, institutions of a representative nature vere formerly responsible for the country's adminis= ration: these were the councils for education, health, nunicipal affairs and economic planning. The most ‘ecent development in the country's political life is he promulgation of an electoral law for the establishnent of the first constituent assembly, which will be lected in December 1961 to draft a constitution. 5. Internationally, Kuwait became independent on 9 June 1961. Until that date relations between Kuwait nd the United Kingdom were governed by the Agreenent of 23 January 1899,2/under which Sheikh Mubarak \l-Sabah agreed to let the British Government manage Suwait's external affairs, while Kuwait was to enjoy nternal self-government. It was in effect a protectorte treaty between the two States. On 19 June 1961, by m exchange of notes constituting an agreement, 3/ the yovernment of Kuwait and the Government of the Inited Kingdom decided to end the Agreement of 8 January 1899. The agreement of 19 June 1961 ‘ecognized that the Government of Kuwait had ex- ‘lusive responsibility for the conduct of its external ffairs. 6. In that connexion, it should also be noted that tuwait has been recognized by the majority of States embers of the United Nations. Sixty~two States in iurope, Asia and Africa have already recognized tuwait as an independent and sovereign country. 7. Tha presence of British troops, which the Council iscussed last July [957th to 960th meetings], has nded and the people of Kuwait now enjoy full indelendence and sovereignty. 8. Kuwait has been admitted to the League of Arab tates and, by that fact alone, has been recognized S an independent sovereign State. On 20 July 1961, fter deciding to admit Kuwait to the Arab League, he Council of the League decided to support Kuwait's pplication for admission to the United Nations. 9. Kuwait has already been a member of internaional organizations for some time and takes part in heir work as an independent and sovereign country. cuwait is a member of the Inter-Governmental Mariime Consultative Organization, the International "elecommunication Union, the Universal Postai Union, he International Civil Aviation Organization, the Vorld Health Organization, the Food and Agriculture Irganization of the United Nations, the United Nations iducational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, the \rganization of Petroleum Exporting Countries and he Internaticnal Labour Organisation. 2/ C. U, Aitchison (compiler), A Collection of Treaties, Engagements nd Sanads relating to India and Neighbouring Countries (Delhi, Manager f Publications, 1933), vol. XI, p. 262. xy Exchange of Notes regarding Relations between the United Kingdom { Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the State of Kuwait (Kuwait, my delegation has submitted to the Council the foliowing draft resolution. "The Security Council, "Having examined the application of Kuwait, "Recommends to the General Assembly that Kuwait be admitted to membership in the United Nations." 21. We hope that the members of the Council will vote unanimously for our draft resolution and that the brother people of Kuwait and their Government once they have been admitted to the United Nations, will make a valuable contribution to the work of our Organization.

It is with considezable pleasure that my delegation takes part in this meeting of the Council. In spite of some doubts expressed earlier this morning by tbe representative of the Soviet Union, we believe that the draft resolution which has been tabled by the delegation of the United Arab Republic and which recommends the admission of Kuwait to the United Nations should receive the unanimous support of the Security Council. 28. For many years now my country has had a close and friendly relationship with Kuwait. The represen~ tative of the United Arab Republic has described the course of events which resulted finally in the exchange of notes between the Governments of Kuwait and the United Kingdom, which formally established the sovereign independence of Kuwait. In recent years,as he has described, we have seen the State of Kuwait take a number of steps to extend its activities in the international field. It has become a member ofa num= ber of international crganizations and has entered into diplomatic relations with many countries. The logical and proper culmination of that process is for it to be admitted as a Member of the United Nations, and we hope that the Security Council will so recommend to the General Assembly. 24. My delegation has no doubt whatever that Kuwait is fully entitled to membership in the Organizetion under the provisions of Article 4 of the Charter. It is hardly necessary for me to retail to this council the internal developments which have taken place in Kuwait in the last few years and which have transformed that small country from asmalidesert society into one of the most modern and advanced States in that part of the world. Kuwait is a country blessed by nature. Thanks to the discovery of oil, an amazing transformation has taken place there. Furthermore, the blessings of nature have been matched by the wisdom and statesmanship of successive rulers and their governments, so much so that Kuwait today is an example of enlightened rule and social progress. 25. A far-reaching State development programme has been carried out. Water supplies have been brought to what was formally a waterless area. The country's production of electricity has increased tenfold in less than ten years. Roads have been built and deep water ports opened. One of the most striking developments has been in the field of social services. Low-cost houses have been built for workers. Hospitals, mobile 26. My delegation is confident that Kuwait will be a worthy Member of the United Nations and will, in view of its past experience, make a special contribution to the pressing problems which face us all today.

With the Council's consent I shall now call upon the representative of Iraq, who has asked to speak.

Mr. President, may I first of all thank you and the members of the Security Council for giving my delegation the opportunity to participate in the discussions of the Council on the application of Kuwait for membership in the United Nations. 29, Article 4 of the United Nations Charter, under which this application for membership is submitted, states that: "Membership in the United Nations ‘s open to all peace-loving States which accept the obligations contained in the present Charter and, inthe judgement of the Organization, are able and willing to carry out these obligations." 30. It is our submission that the application of Kuwait under this Article should be rejected, and rejected on at least three counts. First, Kuwait is not and has never been a State in the internationally accepted sense and possesses none of the prereduisities of statehood, Secondly, Kuwait has always been considered, legally as well as historically, as an integral part of Iraq which is already a Member of this Organization, indeed a founding Member of this Organization. Thirdly, Kuwait at present is for all practical pur=- poses a British colony and therefore is not eligible for membership in the United Nations. I shallendeavour to discuss these three points in some detail. 31. May I first of all give anaccount of the geography and physical characteristics of Kuwait. The territory which is at present controlled by the Sheikh of Kuwait is a rather featureless and barren country, a desert surrounding a small coastal town situated on the western shores of the Persian Gulf. The whole territory has a population of approximately 250,000 inhab~ itants, of whom more than 60 per cent live in the town of Kuwait itself. The population outside the town is composed mainly of nomads who habitually roam the extensive deserts stretching from the southernmost reaches of Iraq to the heart of the Arabian peninsula. In the town of Kuwait itself, which is the only centre of population in the territory controlled by the Sheikh, the majority of the inhabitants are considered by the Sheikh himself to be foreigners, and are therefore denied the rights and privileges normally accorded to ' citizens. $2. Thus the application before us today is not one submitted by a State, but rather an application sub- 33. It can be seen from what I have said that the position of Kuwait is basically different from that of other Members of the Organization. What other Member nation of this Organization has a majority of foreigners in its population? Is a city-state—and that is in fact what Kuwait is claimed to be—capable of carrying out the obligations contained in the Charter? Kuwait is a small town outside the confines of which there exists no settled population but only roaming nomads, and yet we are asked toadmitthis overgrown village to membership of the United Nations. 34. Now I come to the second point, namely that the applicant for membership forms an integral part of a State which is already a Member of the United Nations. This is not an irresponsible or far-fetched claim; it is a claim supported by indisputed facts of history and law, as I shall endeavour tc demonstrate to the Council in some detail. 35, From time immemorial the territery which is now called by the British the Sheikhdom of Kuwait has been a part of the southernmost area of Mesopotamia, the Land of the Two Rivers, the cradle of human civilization, Under the early Arab Islamic Caliphate it formed the southern part of the province which the Arabs called Al-Iraq. The centre of that province was the great city of Basra which, since its founding by the Arahs in the seventh century, has been the great seaport and gateway for the entire Arab Middle East to the Indian Ocean and the Far East. The town of Kuwait itself was founded in the early part of the eighteenth century and developed into a smal) fishing and boat~building village the inhabitants of which naturally looked towards Basra, barely seventy miles to the north. A very interesting pointand an indication of the close relationship between the two towns is that the present ruling family in Kuwait, the Sabah family, came originally from the village of Um Qasr, which is today in Iraq, about thirty~five miles west of Basra. 36. When the British first made their appearance in the Persian Gulf area during the latter part of the eighteenth century, the city of Basra and the areas surrounding it, including Kuwait, formed a province of the Ottoman Empire, a province which was called the province or vilayet of Basra. The British Government itself, which maintained normal diplomatic relations with that empire and maintained one of its oldest embassies in the capital of the Ottoman Empire, at Constantinople, recognized and never questioned the sovereignty of the Ottoman Sultan over the province of Basra, including Kuwait. 37. From the end of the eighteenth century until the end of the Second World War, Britain's policy in the Persian Gulf was dictated by one paramount consideration—the protection of its imperial communications with India. In pursuance of this aim, Britain used a 88. However, that policy changed with the establishment of the German Empire of Bismarck and the deyelopment of the rivalry between Germany and Great Britain. This change was especially noticeable in the Persian Gulf, where the representatives of Great Britain, acting under the authority of the British Viceroy in India, worked assiduously to undermine Ottoman authority throughout the area. That was at the end of the nineteenth century. 39. As far as Kuwait was concerned, an opportunity presented itself in 1896, when Sheikh Mubarak Al- Sabah, the grandfather of the present Sheikh, murdered his two elder brothers in cold blood and proclaimed himself Sheikh. or local chieftain. Fearing vengeance, he appealed to the British for protection. 40, In 1899 a secret agreement was concluded by which Sheikh Mubarak Al-Sabah bound himself and his successors: ",,. notto receive the Agent or Repre= sentative of any Power or Government ai Kowelt, or at any other place within the limits ofhis territory, without the previous sanction of the British Government;® and he further found himself, his heirs, and successors "not to cede, sell, lease, mortgage, or give for occupation or for any other purpose any portion of his territory to the Government or subjects of any other Power without the previous consent of Her Majesty's Government for these purposes". This engagement also extended "to any portion of the territory of the said Sheikh Mubarak," which might then "be in the possession of the subjects of any other Government” 41, It is necessary to discuss this treaty in some detail because the entire British case is based upon it. It is in accordance with this treaty that Britain claimed for itself the rights and privileges of a protecting Power. It was by virtue of this treaty that Britain made the claim that Kuwait was a distinct entity in order tc justify its separation from Iraq. 42, What are the facts concerning this treaty? First and foremost, the Sheikh of Kuwait had noe right what~ soever to enter into any commitment with any foreign Government. Besides being the local chieftain and a tribal leader of the area, he was an administrative official of the Ottoman Empire. He had the title of Qaimaqam, or district commissioner, or, in French, "sous-préfe'” and he himself acknowledged at all times that: > -as a subject of the Cttoman Sultan rnd an official in his service. In other words, this treaty was concluded by Great Britain with a local administrative official of a sovereign Government with which Great Britain had normal diplomatic relations. 44, The foregoing facts and arguments provide clear proof that Kuwait was not a State and did not possess the status of a State that could enable it to conclude a treaty of protection with Britain. It can be clearly seen, therefore, that this treaty was legally invalid and morally indefensible. 45, However, in spite of this treaty, the existence of which he tried his best to conceal, Sheikh Mubarak Al-Sabah continued to acknowledge the sovereignty of the Ottoman Sultan over Kuwait and recognized at all times his status as an administrative officer under the authority of the Governor of Basra. He visited the Governor many times after the conclusion of the 1899 treaty and each time declared his allegiance to the Ottoman Empire. But it may be of some interest to the members of the Council to see what the British Government thought of this Sheikh Mubarak. 46, Iam going to quote froma confidential memoran~ dum sent by the Foreign Secretary ofthe United King=- dom, the Marquess of Lansdowne, to the British Am~ bassador at Constantinople. This is a memorandum dated 21 March 1902, three years after the conclusion of the 1899 Agreement, The British Foreign Secretary sent the following: "The situation at Kuwait is becoming more and more embarrassing and the time has come for look= ing it in the face. We have saddled ourselves with an impossible client in the person of the Sheikh, He is apparently an untrustworthy savage, no one knows where his possessions begin and end, and our obligations toward him are as ill-defined as the boundaries of his principality. We shall announce that he does not enjoy British protection; on the other hand, we once made him a present of £1,000. I promised him our good offices, whatever that may mean, "When we made this promise, we were no doubt, 1 think, thinking of Kuwait proper, if there is such a thing, and not of Bubiyan or other outskirts, over which the Sheikh has rights of one sort or another, We have, up to the present, sheltered ourselves not unsuccessfully during the discussions with the Turks on one side and the foreign Governments on the other, behind the plausible announcement that we desire to maintain the status quo in regard to Kuwait, but I doubt whether anyone really knows what the status quo is, Ihave rarely seen a more cynical and sordid communication by a Government which prides itself on being one of the most civilized inthe world, This was a confidential memorandum which became public some years ago when the files of the Foreign Office were opened for inspection. 47. Britain itself continued to recognize Ottoman sovereignty and on 29 July 1913, inanofficial convention signed by its own representative recognized Kuwait as a sub-district of Basra. The first article of the 1913 draft treaty says the following: "The territory of Kuwayt, as delimited in articles 5 and 7 of the convention, constitutes an autonomous kaza of the Ottoman Empire.” 4/ This is in 1915. This is an instrument negotiated by the representative of the Government of the United Kingdom. And they recognize that Kuwait is a kaza, which means a sub-district of the Ottoman Empire. 48, This shows beyond any doubt that until the outbreak of the First World War, Kuwait was considered by the Sheikh and by the British Government to be a part of the province of Basra. As we all know, as a result of the First World War and the defeat of Gere many and her allies, the three provinces of Baghdad, Mosul and Basra including Kuwait fell under British military occupation. At the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 where the Covenant of the League of Nations was drafted, it was decided, in accordance with article 22 of the Covenant, to place under mandate the territories in the Near East which formerly be~ longed to the Ottoman Empire. Thus, it was decided to place under British Mandate the former Ottoman provinces of Baghdad, Mosul and Basra which were unified into one State, the State of Irag. However, the final disposition of the former Turkish territories was made by the Treaty of peace with Turkey, signed at Lausanne on 24 July 1923, in which Turkey ceded all the territories which were outside the frontiers fixed for what is now the Turkish Republic. 49, From what I have said, it would be naturally assumed that Kuwait, like other parts of the Basra province, would be placed under the mandatory régime along with the other two provinces of Mosul and Baghdad, which after the war made up the Iraqi State. However, Britain exploited its military occupa~ tion of the country and its control of its destiny to detach Kuwait unilaterally and illegally from the province of Basra. 50. By a memorandum dated i9 April 1923, the British High Commissioner for Iraq informed the Sheikh of Kuwait that his territory, the territory of Kuwait, was being detached from the rest ofthe Basra province and that its frontiers were delimited in accordance with the delimitation agreed upon in the Anglo-Turkish Convention of 1913. In acting in this way, the British High Commissioner violated in a most flagrant and outrageous manner the mandate 4/ J. C. Hurewitz, Diplomacy in the Near and Middte East{Princeton, New Jersey, D, Van Nostrand Company, Inc,, 1956), vol. I, p. 269. sovereign States can enter into international agree~ ments even if those agreements are protectorate agreements; while the second instrument, the me~norandum of the High Commissioner, of 1923, was totally invalid because it violated the terms of the mandate which the United Kingdom solemnly under~ took to observe. 52. Thus, the separateness of Kuwait and its separa= tion from Iraq are based on two totally invalid and illegal instruments. Thus, sir, what the British are presenting to us today is a State conceived in deceit and treachery, and owing its existence to a most flagrant and outrageous violation of international trea~ ties, especially the Covenant of the League of Nations. 58. The Iraqi people never accepted the mutilation of their country, despite British power and influence and the presence of large British military and air forces in Iraq; and never recognized the frontiers illegally delimited by the British High Commissioner in 1923. In the town of Kuwait itself there has alwavs been a strong movement for the unification of Kuwait with the mother country. In 1938, for example, the Kuwait Legislative Council passed a unanimous reso= lution demanding the return of Kuwait to Iraq and wide-spread popular demonstrations took place in Kuwait in support of this resolution. Britain reacted by inducing the Sheikh of Kuwaittodissolve the Legis=- lative Council—a measure which led to an armed uprising in Kuwait, in the course of which many citizens were killed, while others were imprisoned or fled into Iraq and other Arab countries. 54. This brings me to the third and final point, that for all practical purposes Kuwait at present is a British colony. The fictitious independence which the British claim to have granted to Kuwait is based upon the exchange of notes which took place between the British Political Resident and the Sheikh of Kuwait on 19 June of this year. However, before discussing the substance of the agreement I would like to say a few words about its form. 55. Now it is well known that the exchange of notes is not resorted to in international relations except for agreements on matters of secondary importance. The use of this method, therefc:::, in a matter of such grave importance as a declaration of independence of a State reflects, I think, in avery eloquent way, the position of inferiority of Kuwait vis-a-vis the United Kingdom and exposes the true aim of the agreement, which is to continue British control for the purpose "(a) The Agreement of the 23rd of January, 1899, shall be terminated as being inconsistent with the sovereignty and independence of Kuwait. "(b) The relations between the two countries shall continue to be governed by the spirit of close friendship. "(c) When appropriate the two Governments shall consult together on matters which concern them both. "(d) Nothing in these conclusions shall affect the readiness of Her Majesty's Government to assist the Government of Kuwait if the latter request such assistance." 57. Now let me analyse each of these conclusions. As far as the Agreement of 1899 is concerned, I think that we have shown that it is entirely illegal, and that it was nothing more than a characteristically cynical example of British colonial double~dealing, of the kind of which the world had witnessed numerous examples throughout the rise and decline of the British Empire. Paragraph (b) is of a general nature and has no practical importance, Paragraph (¢), which states that when appropriate the two Governments shall consult together on matters which concern them both, is couched in such general terms as to make it almost incomprehensible. Who decides, for example, when it is appropriate to consult? ‘What is the nature and form of these consultations when and if they take piace, and how extensive is the scope of the matters which are supposed to be of mutual concern? Do they, for example, apply to international questions or internal questions or both, and how much authority and actual influence will the Government of the United Kingdom exercise in initiating these consultations and rendering .dvice to the ruler. Then one must ask, how free is the ruler of Kuwait to resist these consultations when and if they are initiated by the British side? Is he really in a position to decline to accept suggestions" coming from the British side? Bearing in mind the type of relationship existing between the Government of the United Kingdom and its trusted client in Kuwait, one does not need any extraordinary sense of perception to know the nature and scope of these consultations and what such consultations involve in the way of accepting British guidance and direction. 58. It is the fourth paragraph, however, which reads, "Nothing in these conclusions shallaffect the readiness of Her Majesty's Government to assist the Government of Kuwait if the latter request such assistance," which gives rise to the strongest suspicions and misgivings about this so-called independence given to Kuwait. Under this paragraph, the United Kingdom undertakes to assist the Sheikh of Kuwait if the latter requests such assistance. No limitations are placed on the extent of assistance, no description is given of the type of assistance. No conditions are attached. All that is required is that the Sheikh of Kuwa’ shouwid request such assistance. 59. Is it conceivable that a great Power like the United Kingdom, with its great resourcefulness and siderations directly concerning existing British interests in Kuwait? 60. As to what may happen if this agreement is actually applied is no longer a matter of conjecture. This did take place last July, whenthe British created an artificial crisis and then ordered the Sheikh to ask for their military intervention. They falsely alleged that the Iraqi troops were massed to invade Kuwait. It was conclusively shown—and this cannot be denied by the representative of the United Kingdom—that at no time were there any Iraqi troop concentrations and that at no time was there the slightest military threat from Iraq. The threat was, in fact, directed against Iraq's own security and integrity by the presence of a considerable British force in Kuwait. That force constituted a very grave, and indeed a very real, peril to our independence and sovereignty. We are told now that British troops have withdrawn from Kuwait. This is not entirely true. The British forces left most of their equipment, and hundreds of so~called technicians to look after that equipment. Moreover, planes and pilots were flown in as part of the Kuwaiti Air Force, British planes, British pilots, British crews, British commanders, but they are called the Kuwaiti Air Force. Really, this is carrying things too far, 61. The bulk of the British invading force has withdrawn to Bahrein and to other nearby areas and they can return to Kuwait at a moment's notice. 62. What does all this indicate? Can there be any illusions about this so-called independence of Kuwait, a State so heavily committed, so deeply involved, so much at the mercy of another Power and whose ruler is nothing more than an agent of a great Power? Is a State like this entitled to membership of the United Nations? This is the question that will have to be determined by the Security Council. 63. But the danger presented by the new situation in Kuwait does not affect Iraq only; it affects the whole of the Arab world. Paragraph (d) of the Agreement which I read gives the United Kingdom the opportunity to interfere in Arab affairs, even to the extent of military intervention. 64, I should like to recall what the Foreign Minister of Iraq said in the General Assembly earlier in this session: "The fact that British troops may be called into Kuwait at any time, according to this agreement, makes of Kuwait a military base from which Britain can threaten Iraq and other Arab countriesmindeed, 35. Before concluding my statement, I must again refer to the real motives behind British policy in Kuwait and the Gulf in general. It is oil, and we shall never tire of repeating that it is oil and nothing but oil. The estimated and proved reserves of the oil of Kuwait are 65,000 million barrels, twice the reserves of the United States. Kuwait alone has 21 per cent of the proven world reserves of oil, more than the combined reserves of the Soviet Union and the United States. The ,value of Kuwait's reserves at today's prices is more than $100,000 million. Besides the enormous proiits amounting to about $500 million a year which the oil companies derive, the Sheikh has invested more than $1,000 million in the United King~ dom. This is the crux of the matter. This is the cause of the trouble. And it can be seen by anyone who does not delude himself by this imaginary independence given to Kuwait. 66. The representative of the United Kingdom spoke a while ago of what the Sheikh of Kuwait has been doing there. The fact is that most of the revenues he receives are spent by the ruling family and only a fraction is spent in the country. it sohappens, because it is only a town, that the little which is spent is more than sufficient for the needs of the inhabitants of that town. But I wonder whether the investments of the Sheikh of Kuwait in the United Kingdom did not help the British to build hospitals and schools and roads and so on. Technical assistance on a massive scale is being rendered by Kuwait to the United Kingdom, and I am sure that the representative of the United Kingdom would not deny that. 67, Is it conceivable in this age of revolution and rapid change, this age of rising expectations, that the world can tolerate the continuance of such an unholy alliance between feudalism and colonialism? 68. At a time when the world liberation movement is rapidly approaching its objective in the final and total liquidation of colonialism, British rule in Kuwait still represents one of the most subtle and dangerous forms of colonial domination. Kuwait is, and has been for many years, for all practical purposes, a British colony. It will go on being acolony if the present te of affairs continues, irrespective of any paper agreements which may be concluded. 69. Therefore, on this third count, we ask that the Security Council turn down Kuwait's application for membership of the United Natiqns. With the permis~ sion of the Security Council, I reserve the right of United Nations moves much closer to being the universal Organization that it was intended eventually to be. 71. Addressing the Security Council on 6 July 1961 when the Council had before it for its consideration the complaint of Kuwait, I said among other things, the following: "Since its inception as a State, Liberia has consistently advocated that all peoples should be masters of their own destinies, and it is thus the policy of my Government to support, recognize and respect the right of all peoples to self-determina~ tion and independence. By this policy, we support the independence and territorial integrity of all nations, large and small, and Kuwait is no exception (to this policy of my Government). Ina sense, the smaller the nation, the more need ithasfor the protection of the United Nations." [959th meeting, para. 7.] 72. As stated by the representative of the United Arab Republic, Kuwait, in addition to being a member of the League of Arab States, has sought and achieved mem~ bership in many international organizations. 78. Information available to us reveals that Kuwait has a highly developed welfare social system and a progressive political structure. 74, We consider that Kuwait, which has now submitted its application for membership to the United Nations, fulfils all the obligations required under Article 4 of the Charter and is therefore entitled to be a Member of this world Organization. 75. My delegation will accordingly vote in favour of the draft resolution submitted by the representative of the United Arab Republic, which recommends to the General Assembly that Kuwait be admitted to membership of the United Nations. 76. We are confident that this peace~loving State will enter into a meaningful partnership and make a valuable and constructive contribution to the strengthening of the purposes and principles of the United Nations.

I call upon Mr. Chang.

I am not here as a private person, but as a representative of my country and as a member of the Security Council. It behoves you, Mr. President, as presiding officer for this month, to address me as such. So much for that. 79. My delegation will gladly vote for the draft resolution recommending the admission of Kuwait to membership of the United Nations. There is nodoubt whatsoever in our mind that Kuwait has allthe prerequisites of independent statehood. If has been recognized as such by no less than sixty-two States of the world. The in various international organizations deserve the greatest respect and admiration of us all, Furthermore, Kuwait has always been a peace-loving country and has repeatedly manifested its desire to live peacefully with all neighbouring countries. 81. In giving our support to the admission of Kuwait to membership, I wish to extend, on behalf of my Government, our sincere wishes for the prosperity of Kuwait and its people.

The United States welcomes and endorses Kuwait's application for membership of the United Nations. My Government has recognized and does recognize the sovereignty and full independence of Kuwait and warmly supports its desire to remain fully independent. 83. We are glad to note that, in the past few years, Kuwait has been enlarging the scope of its interna~ tional activities, as can be seen by its membership of the League of Arab States, as well as of UNESCO, ICAO, and other organizations of the United Nations family. We welcome its membership of the United Nations itself. 84, My pleasure in supporting Kuwait's application is heightened by the realization that Kuwait isa coun~ try with not only a colourful past but a promising future, for the Government of Kuwait has taken and is taking enlightened and energetic steps for the betterment and education of its people and for the development of its territory. 85. We welcome Kuwait's application and look forward with pleasure to working with the representatives ‘of a talented and intrepid people. Itis with great satisfaction that we shall vote for the draft resolution sponsored by the representative of the United Arab Republic.

The delegation of Ceylon has listened with care and attention to the debate that has taken place in this Council regarding the application of Kuwait for admission to membership of the United Nations. The debate has been to us illuminating and has helped my delegation to take an impartial and detached approach to the subject before us. 87. As happened some months ago, we have again had the opportunity of hearing the representative of Iraq present his country's case before this Council with his recognized ability. We have heard with equal interest the argument adduced by the representative of the United Arab Republic, with his customary skill, in support of the application made by Kuwait to this Council. 88. In its short intervention in the debate on Kuwait last July, my delegation stated the position of the Government of Ceylon on the dispute which seems to exist between Kuwait and Iraq. We saw the need then, as we do now, for the two parties concerned to settle 89. As to the application of Kuwait for admission to membership in the United Nations, we are guided by certain principles on the subject of admission to this world Organization which have always honoured in every instance when such applications have been received by this Council. The vote which we shall cast in favour of recommending the admission of Kuwait will be guided by these principles. No other choice is open to us in terms of the principles laid down in the Charter of the United Nations regarding membership of the Organization, In our view, Kuwait has the necessary qualifications for admission to membership according to these principles. 90. We want to say quite emphatically that our action in voting for the admission of Kuwait does not in any way imply that we are passing any judgement or form~ ing any opinion regarding Iraq's dispute with Kuwait. This, we consider, is not germane to the subject we are considering today. In fact, in sofaras the Council is concerned, it did consider this dispute some months ago and disposed of it without taking any decision, leaving the dispute, as we ourselves had advocated, for the parties concerned to settle, without the Council's taking sides. 91. Accordingly, we support the application of Kuwait to the world Organization, and we wish its Govern= ment and its people all peace and happiness.

I shall be very brief, because the case before us seems to me clear and simple, The Council has met today to consider the application for admission to the United Nations submitted on 30 June last by the Government of Kuwait. I think it is our duty to grant this request. 93. Kuwait is an independent sovereign State which seems to be both able and determined to fulfil the obligations of the Charter. In the first place, it is an independent. sovereign State, I have carefully studied all the documents I have been able to find about the principality of Kuwait and they show that Kuwait has really been an entity with some kind of independence since 1899, when as such it signed a treaty placing it under British protection, I also note that since 1914 all diplomatic instruments have recognized the principality as "an independent State protected by the United Kingdom", On 19 June 1961 the Ruler of Kuwait and the United Kingdom Government agreed to end the Agreement of 1899 placing the teritory under the protection of the United Kingdom. Thus the independent principality be .-me sovereign. 95. Is it possible that the many Members of the United Nations which voted for the admission of Kuwait to full membership of those organizations could have been mistaken about the country's status? I cannot really believe this. 96, Iwas also particularly struck by the fact that all the three members of this Council who belong to what is known as the African~Asian group, and who represent very different regions within that group, have spoken at this table without any hesitation in favour of the admission of the State of Kuwait, 97, The representative of Kuwait says in his letter that his country, which is a peaceful State, accepts the obligations in the Charter. My delegation has no reason to doubt its willingness to do so, These, in a few words, are the reasons why my delegation will vote in favour of the draft resolution recommending to the General Assembly that Kuwait be admitted to membership in the United Nations. 98. Mr, MENEMENCIOGLU (Turkey): What I have to say in the present debate will be strictly in explanation of our own position in this matter, and I wish to begin with a quotation from the speech of Mr. Sarper, the Foreign Minister of Turkev, which he delivered during the general debate of the present session: ",.. The sentiments of the Turkist people towards all their Arab neighbours stem from brotherly ties strengthened by common cultural and social bonds, "Ever since the end of the Ottoman Empire—to give an exact date, ever since the proclamation of the National Pact by the Turkish Parliament on 28 January 1920—Turkey has proclaimed and defended the right of all our Arabneighbours to decide their own destinies in accordance with their own desires and without outside interference. Turkey, which is primarily interested in the establishment of peace, stability and progress in the Middle East, is naturally anxious to see a reign of harmony and brotherly co-operation among our Arab neighbours themselves, However, the form in which this harmony and co-operation may find expression is certainly a matter tobedecided by our Arab neighbours, according to their own desires," 5/ 99, As is known, Turkey has never accepted the system of mandates which previously existed over Arab countries. We refused to accept the mandates in the negotiations on the Lausanne Treaty in 1923; we refused to recognize that system in the former League of Nations; and we constantly maintained that S/ Ibid,, 1021st meeting, paras. 138-139. maintained between all our Arab neighbours and to witness a prompt settlement of any existing differences in accordance with the wishes and in conformity with the mutual interests of the Arab peoples directly concerned.

My delegation has considered very carefully and given particular attention to the contro~ versial circumstances surrounding the establishment of Kuwait as a State, 101. The Government which I represent holds un~ swervingly to the principle that respect for valid treaties is the foundation of international life, This implies that suchtreaties must have real legal validity, which is impossible unless they have been entered into freely, 102. The present case seems to take us beyond that legal sphere, and my delegatic.: does not, therefore, wish to pass any judgement on the matter, 103. Since Kuwait has already been admitted to the League of Arab States and belongs to several international organizations, it is difficult to refuse support for its admission to the United Nations. We should like to state explicitly th ., in voting for the admission of Kuwait, we pass no judgement and assume no position with regard to the substance of the legal arguments adduced by the delegation of Lraq, 104, Mr. SCHWEITZER (Chile) (translated from Spanish): My delegation views with the greatest sympathy the request that Kuwait be admitted to the United Nations as an independent State. 105, This was already clear from the attitude which my delegation assumed in this Council a few months ago with regard to the problem of Kuwait, 106, My delegation considers that this is a small independent and sovereign country which fulfils the conditions for admission to our Organization, We are happy to add that this State maintains relations with many Members of the United Nations and that it has been admitted to several international organizations in whose activities it co-operates—which is evidence of the opinion held by the majority of Governments. 107. The League of Arab States has admitted Kuwait to membership and supports its present request for admission, as we have been toid by the representative of the United Arab Republic, who submitted draft resolution $/5006. 108. We shall vote in favour of this draft, and shall be happy to welcome Kuwait to this world Organization. 110. I should like first of all to state that the Soviet delegation proposes a postponement of the question of admitting Kuwait to membership in the United Nations. The situation which has now developed with respect to Kuwait makes it impossible, in our view, for the Security Council fo resolve this problem positively. 111. The Soviet delegation wishes in the first place to stress the fact that the formal withdrawal of British troops from Kuwait does not, given the circumstances attending the withdrawal, in any way mean that Kuwait may be regarded as a truly independent State, 112, As we know, the telegram of 22 October 1961 from the authorities of Kuwait to the President of the Security Council [8/4966] stated: ",,. that on 19 October the completion of the with~ drawal of the British forces from Kuwait territory was finalized and that now the Arab League forces have replaced the British forces in safeguarding the independence and sovereignty of the State of Kuwait ...", 118. The facts show, however, that the real state of affairs in Kuwait differs from the situation described in the cable. We know that in September of this year the Sheikh of Kuwait officially stated, in an interview published on 12 September in The New York Times, that notwithstanding the arrival in Kuwait of troops from Arab countries the agreement for British "protection" of Kuwait remained unaffected. 114. The agreement or, rather, the exchange of notes establishing, as stated here, the independence of Kuwait, provided in paragraph (¢)—to which incidentally the representative of Iraq has already referred— that the two Governments should, when appropriate, "consult together on matters which concern them both", Paragraph (d) provided that nothing in the agreement ''shall affect the readiness of Her Majesty's Government to assist the Government of Kuwait if the latter request such assistance", The exchange of notes also referred to the "Agreement between the United Kingdom and Kuwait inthis matter which shall continue in force until either party gives the other at least three years' notice of their intention to terminate it", In other words, the ruler of Kuwait undertook, for a period of three years, to make no changes whatsoever in the provisions of an agreement under which the United Kingdom Government might at any time introduce British forces into Kuwait if the ruler of Kuwait so requested. Thus the ruler of Kuwait is directly dependent upon the United Kingdom Government, for the existing economic and political ties and the military situation which has arisen in the area cleariy set the stage for the exertion of influenceon the ruler of Kuwait by the United Kingdom Government. men, 116, As acknowledged outright by the British military authorities, the British troops at the base in Aden “tare there for the Kuwait type of operation"; this was reported in The Times of 9 October, The ability of another British base in the area—the Khormaksar air base—to move British troops into Kuwait can be seen from a report in the same London newspaper, The Times, which states that in the first four days of the Kuwait crisis aircraft from this base transported to Kuwait 4,300 British soldiers and 634 tons of military freight, In other words, the maintenance of Kuwait in a state of de facto dependence on the United Kingdom enables the latter at any time to send in as many troops as may be needed not so much fer the protection of Kuwait, as ithas been state, as for any aggressive action against the independent Arab States of the area, 117, Kuwait thus continues to play, in the far-reaching plans of the United Kingdom in the Near East, the role of a pawn, of a spring-board for possible future aggression, The continuing and complete political dependence of Kuwait on the United Kingdom is reinforced by the absolute predominance, in Kuwait's economy, of British and American oi] monopolies, It is in fact oil, the profits from which go first and foremost to the Anglo-American monopolies, that is the underlying motive of the attempts of the United Kingdom to retain a dominant position in Kuwait and in this area generally. 118. The United Kingdom Government's aim in this regard was pointed out by Mr. Jawad, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Iraq, who, in the general debate on 6 October 1961 in the General Assembly, stated: "It will have been clear from these remarks that British neo-colonialism in the oil regions of Arabia has introduced a new form ofa so-called State which does not possess the elementary prerequisites of statehood, Thus, it has become possible to declare a number of oil wells a State. This is the irony of oil imperialism, It is a well-known fact, supported by history, that oil is an objective thathas led world Powers to control, dominate and even subjugate oilbearing countries. The search for oli has led big oil interests, often supported by their respective Governments, to foment civil war, topple governments and subsidize puppets for the purpose of securing concessions," 2/ 119, Under these circumstances, can Kuwait really be regarded as an independent State? We are pro- 7/ Ibid., 1028th meeting, para. 62. 120. The Soviet delegation wishes to stress once again that, in a situation where there continues in force an agreement between the United Kingdom and the Ruler of Kuwait under which the United Kingdom Government may at any time and under any pretext reintroduce its troops into Kuwait's territory, the status of Kuwait remains essentially unchanged. Kuwait continues in fact tc be a vassal, acolony of the United Kingdom, 121, In determining its position on the question under discussion, the Soviet delegation is also prompted by the consideration that differences on this matter exist between the Arab countries. This can be seen from the statements, on the one hand, of the United Arab Republic at this meeting of the Council and, on the other, of the representative of Irag, who takes up a different position, 122, We must also bear in mind that the substitution of British troops in Kuwait by troops drawn mainly from Arab States which have taken one side in the controversy over Kuwait can in no way contribute to a just and impartial settlement of the problem of this territory. 123, Serious attention should be paid to the arguments advanced, at this meeting of the Council, by the representative of Iraq, Without going into the substance of all the points he raised, we can only express our regret that the United Arab Republic—a country friendly to the Soviet Union, as is Iraq, another country of the Arab world—should in this case insist on a very rapid settlement of the question of admitting Kuwait, knowing full well that another Arab country, Iraq, has serious objections and that in existing conditions no positive, but only a negative solution of the question can be expected. 124, A number of representatives who have spoken here, in particular those of Ceylon, Turkey and Ecuador, stated their views and said that they did not wish to take a definite stand in the dispute between the Arab States—a dispute whose existence no one denies, Some of these representatives alleged, however, that by taking a positive decision on the question of Kuwait they would not thereby prejudge the issue in dispute between the Arab States. 125, We take a different view. We consider that a vote on the application of Kuwait, the admission of Kuwait to the United Nations, would prejudge the further development of the dispute between the Arab States. We consider such a course of action to be incorrect and, in present conditions, disadvantagecus to the Arab countries themselves. The Soviet delegation is profoundly convinced that Kuwait's admission to the United Nations in present circumstances could only cause a widening of the division between the Arab countries, and that this would benefit only the imperialist Powers and the colonialists, who in this 127, Accordingly, the Soviet delegation formally moves the postponement of the discussion of this ques-— tion, under rule 33 (5) of the Security Council's provisional rules of procedure, We urge all interested parties to be reasonable and not to press for the hasty settlement of this question, which cannot be settled positively. 128. These are the remarks which the Soviet delegation has thought it necessary to make on the matter under consideration, 129, 1 should like to suggest that we defer that interpretation of my statement until 3 p.m, this afternoon and resume our consideration of this question immediately thereafter, It was so decided, The meeting rose at 1.15 p.m.