S/PV.9861 Security Council

I would like to warmly welcome the Secretary- General, ministers and other high-level representatives present in the Security Council Chamber. Their presence today underscores the importance of the subject matter under discussion. Before each member is a list of speakers who have requested to participate in accordance with rules 37 and 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, as well as the previous practice of the Council in this regard. We propose that they be invited to participate in this meeting. There being no objection, it is so decided. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I wish to draw the attention of Council members to document S/2025/78, which contains a letter dated 3 February 2025 from the Permanent Representative of China to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General, transmitting a concept paper on the item under consideration. I now give the floor to the Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. António Guterres.

I thank Minister Wang Yi and China for convening this important discussion. This year marks the eightieth anniversary of the United Nations. Born out of the ashes of the Second World War, our Organization was the result of a global commitment to “save succeeding generations from the scourge of war”. It also signaled a commitment to an entirely new level of international cooperation, grounded in international law and our founding Charter, to help countries move past the horrors of conflict to forge sustainable peace; to tackle poverty, hunger and disease; to assist countries in climbing the development ladder; to provide humanitarian support in times of conflict and disaster; to embed justice and fairness through international law and respect for human rights; and to work through the Council to push for peace through dialogue, debate, diplomacy and consensus-building. Eight decades later, one can draw a direct line between the creation of the United Nations and the prevention of a third world war. Eight decades later, the United Nations remains the essential, one-of-a-kind meeting ground to advance peace, sustainable development and human rights. But eight decades is a long time. Because we believe in the singular value and purpose of the United Nations, we must always strive to improve the institution and the way in which we work. We have the hardware for international cooperation, but the software needs an update  — an update in representation to reflect the realities of today; an update in support for developing countries to redress historical injustices; an update to ensure that countries adhere to the purposes, principles and norms that ground multilateralism in justice and fairness; and an update to our peace operations. Global solidarity and solutions are needed now more than ever. The climate crisis is raging; inequalities are growing; and poverty is on the rise. As the Security Those global challenges cry out for multilateral solutions. The Pact for the Future (General Assembly resolution 79/1), which Member States adopted in September, is aimed at strengthening global governance for the twenty-first century and rebuilding trust — trust in multilateralism, trust in the United Nations and trust in this Council. At its heart, the Pact for the Future is a pact for peace — peace in all its dimensions. It puts forward concrete solutions to strengthen the machinery of peace, drawing from proposals in the New Agenda for Peace that prioritize prevention, mediation and peacebuilding. The Pact seeks to advance coordination with regional organizations and ensure the full participation of women, young people and marginalized groups in peace processes. It calls for strengthening the Peacebuilding Commission to mobilize political and financial support for nationally owned peacebuilding and prevention strategies. The Pact also includes the first multilateral agreement on nuclear disarmament in more than a decade, new strategies to end the use of chemical and biological weapons and revitalized efforts to prevent an arms race in outer space and advance discussions on lethal autonomous weapons. It also calls on Member States to live up to their commitments enshrined in the United Nations Charter and the principles of respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity and the political independence of States. It reaffirms an unwavering commitment to abiding by international law and prioritizing the peaceful settlement of disputes through dialogue. It recognizes the role of the United Nations in preventive diplomacy. It reinforces the need to uphold all human rights — civil, political, economic, social and cultural. It calls for the meaningful inclusion of women and young people in all peace processes. And it specifically calls on this Council to ensure that peace operations are guided by clear and sequenced mandates that are realistic and achievable, with viable exit strategies and transition plans. But the Pact does even more for peace. It recognizes that we must address the root causes of conflict and tensions. Sustainable peace requires sustainable development. The Pact includes support for a Sustainable Development Goals Stimulus to help developing countries to invest in their people and tackle key challenges, such as moving towards a future anchored in renewable energy. It includes a revitalized commitment to reforming the global financial architecture to better and more fairly represent the needs of developing countries. And it includes the Global Digital Compact, which calls for an AI governance body that brings developing countries to the decision-making table for the first time. (spoke in French) The Pact also recognizes that the Security Council must reflect the world of today, not the world of 80 years ago, and sets out important principles to guide that long-awaited reform. The Council should be enlarged and made more representative of today’s geopolitical realities. We must also continue to improve the Council’s working methods in order to make it more inclusive, transparent, effective, democratic and accountable. The General Assembly has been considering such issues for more than a decade. The time has come to build on the momentum created by the Pact for the Future and to work towards a broader consensus between regional groups and Member At all levels, I call on the members of the Council to overcome the divisions that block effective action for peace. The world is counting on them to make a genuine contribution to ending conflict and alleviating the suffering that such wars inflict on innocent people. Council members have shown that it is possible to find common ground — from the deployment of peacekeeping operations to the adoption of crucial resolutions on humanitarian aid, the historic recognition of the security challenges faced by women and young people and resolution 2719 (2023), which supports the African Union-led peace support operations through assessed contributions. Even in the darkest days of the Cold War, collective decision-making and lively dialogue in the Security Council maintained a functioning, if imperfect, system of collective security. I urge members to rediscover that spirit, continue their efforts to overcome differences and build the consensus required to deliver the peace that all peoples need and deserve. Multilateral cooperation is the beating heart of the United Nations. Guided by the solutions provided in the Pact for the Future, multilateralism can become an even more powerful instrument of peace. But the strength of multilateralism depends directly on the level of commitment of each country. In view of the challenges of the world around us, I urge all Member States to continue to strengthen and update our global problem-solving mechanisms. Let us make them fit for purpose, fit for people and fit for peace.

I thank the Secretary-General for his briefing. I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China. I would like to thank Secretary-General Guterres for attending this meeting and for his briefing. The year 2025 marks the eightieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations. Eighty years ago, our forefathers, with an arduous struggle and tremendous sacrifice, won the great victory of the anti-fascist war. The international community drew painful lessons from the scourge of two world wars, and the United Nations was founded. Multilateralism gradually became the main trend of the times. New historic chapters were opened in global governance. The past 80 years is a period of the accelerated advancement of world multipolarity and economic globalization, which has witnessed people across the world forging ahead and overcoming challenges together. It is also a period during which the global South has been developing and increasing in strength. Meanwhile, although human society has emerged from the shadows on the Cold War and moved beyond the bipolar standoff, comprehensive peace and shared prosperity remain elusive. In the third decade of the twenty-first century, peace and development remain a long- term, arduous task. The 80 years of history is enlightenment enough. In the face of a turbulent and changing world, the United Nations-centred international system provides important safeguards for the cause of human progress, and the vision of multilateralism, with coordination and cooperation as its cornerstone, is the best solution to global issues. In the face of the historical trend of a shared future, no country can prosper alone. Mutually beneficial cooperation is the right choice. In the face of the profoundly changing international landscape, the global South should not only achieve the historic feat of moving towards modernization together but also remain at the forefront of improving the global governance system. First, we propose upholding sovereign equality. All countries are equal, regardless of size or strength. That is the foremost principle in the Charter of the United Nations. In advancing global governance, all countries have the right to participate, make decisions and benefit as equals. We must respect the development paths chosen independently by the people of all countries, uphold the principle of non-interference in internal affairs and not impose our will on others. We must strictly enforce the international rule of law, ensure the effective implementation of international law and reject double standards and selective application. Resolutions of the Security Council are binding and must be observed by all countries. The Security Council is entrusted with authority, and that authority should be upheld by all countries. Any act of bullying, trickery or extortion is a flagrant violation of the basic norms of international relations. Any unilateral sanction that circumvents Security Council authorization lacks a legal basis, defies justification and contradicts common sense. Secondly, we propose upholding fairness and justice. A critical part of global governance is to ensure that justice prevails. Since the end of the Second World War, a large number of countries in the global South have emerged on the world stage, which has revealed a growing incompatibility and irrationality in the global governance structure. Under the new circumstances, international affairs should no longer be monopolized by a small number of countries. Countries in the global South have the right to speak up for and defend their legitimate rights and interests. And the fruits of development should no longer be enjoyed by just a few countries. People of all countries have the right to a happy life. The reform of the Security Council should continue to emphasize democratic consultation, increase the representation and say of developing countries, especially African countries, and effectively address historical injustice. Thirdly, we propose upholding solidarity and coordination. Promoting international cooperation is an important purpose of the Charter of the United Nations and a sure path towards improving global governance. Countries should commit to the principle of extensive consultation and joint contributions for shared benefits, replace confrontation with coordination, prevent lose-lose cooperation through win-win cooperation, and break down small circles with greater solidarity. Members cannot just sit by and watch multilateral institutions become dysfunctional and ineffective owing to their own failure to cooperate. The Security Council must rise above narrow-minded geopolitical considerations, champion the spirit of solidarity and cooperation, fulfil the duties conferred on it by the Charter of the United Nations and effectively play its role in the maintenance of international peace and security. Fourthly, we propose upholding an action-oriented approach. Global governance must be improved not through words, but through actions. In the face of protracted wars, the loss of innocent lives, and the challenges brought by new technologies, United Nations agencies should seek solutions rather than chant slogans. The Pact for the Future (General Assembly resolution 79/1) was adopted at the Summit of the Future in September 2024. It is important to follow that up with coordinated implementation efforts, namely, to turn the road map into a construction plan and a wonderful vision into substantive actions. Eighty years ago, Chinese representatives were the first to solemnly sign the Charter of the United Nations, writing with a Chinese calligraphy brush an important chapter in world history. Since the restoration of the lawful seat of the People’s Republic of China in the United Nations, we have remained steadfast in making China’s contribution to global governance  — a community with a shared future for mankind. The Global Development Initiative, the Global Security Initiative and the Global Civilization Initiative, namely the vision and initiatives put forth by President Xi Jinping, represent China’s proposal for the reform and improvement of global governance. We are pursuing peace and security in global governance. As a major country with the best track record on peace and security, China is committed to following a path of peaceful development, to resolving disputes and differences by peaceful means and to constructively promoting the settlement of hotspot issues. Chinese Blue Helmets have become a crucial force in United Nations peacekeeping operations, keeping the hope of world peace alive. We are advancing common development in global governance. As the largest developing country in the world, China is pursuing high-quality development as a top priority and is firmly promoting opening up to a high degree. It has become the major trading partner of more than 150 countries and regions. China advocates universally beneficial and inclusive economic globalization, and promotes high- quality belt and road cooperation as part of its contribution to the prosperity and development of countries around the world. We champion openness and inclusiveness in global governance. As a time-honoured civilization, China believes in harmony without uniformity, embraces inclusiveness, respects cultural diversity and advocates humanity’s common values. China promotes exchanges, dialogue and peaceful and harmonious coexistence among civilizations with an open mind, in a bid to provide fresh impetus to the progress of human civilization. We uphold multilateral cooperation in global governance. As a founding Member of the United Nations, China is taking the lead in following true multilateralism. China is a member of almost all universal intergovernmental organizations, and a party to over 600 international conventions and their amendments. China supports the United Nations playing a central role in international affairs and contributes to the United Nations cause in an ongoing manner. In this new era, China is taking big strides and walking with confidence along the bright path of Chinese modernization. As it continues to make new progress, China will provide more opportunities for the modernization of countries around the world. With the United Nations about to enter its next 80 years, China stands I now resume my functions as President of the Council. I call on His Excellency Mr. Muhammad Ishaq Dar, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of Pakistan.

It is indeed a great pleasure to see you, my dear friend Minister Wang Yi, presiding over this important Security Council meeting. Pakistan congratulates China on its successful presidency and commends you, Mr. President, on your leadership in convening this timely debate on practising multilateralism and reforming and improving global governance. I also thank the Secretary-General for his insightful statement. We are meeting today at a time of profound global turbulence. The world faces a multitude of interconnected crises threatening international peace and stability, economic stability and sustainable development, including wars in the Middle East, Africa and Europe, prolonged and brutal foreign occupation, resurgent fascism, great Power rivalries, a renewed global arms race, the increasing weaponization of cyberspace and outer space and new and destructive technologies. The continued inequalities of the global financial system have further aggravated today’s crises. The very fabric of the world order established under the Charter of the United Nations is in danger of being torn apart, unless timely reforms and corrective actions are undertaken. Under the visionary leadership of President Xi Jinping, China is working actively to address the multi-pronged mixed crises the world faces today. We, the States Members of the United Nations, are all in the same boat. We must help each other to avoid the threat of a global war, the use of nuclear weapons, the issues posed by poverty and the existential threat of climate change. In the Pact for the Future (General Assembly resolution 79/1) adopted in 2024, our leaders reaffirmed their collective determination to respond to those challenges. We must translate those commitments into action. It is clear that those complex and interlinked challenges can be addressed only through renewed recourse to multilateralism based on the universal and consistent adherence to the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations: the self-determination of peoples, non-use of the threat of force, non-acquisition of territory by the use of force, respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all States, non-interference in internal affairs and the pacific settlement of disputes. Nowhere is our failure to uphold the Charter and its principles more evident than in the ongoing tragedy in Palestine — in the vicious military aggression in Gaza, in the mass killings of civilians, mostly women and children, and in the systematic violations of fundamental human rights, international law and international humanitarian law. After witnessing 15 months of unimaginable suffering in Gaza, the ceasefire agreement between Hamas and Israel announced on 15 January offers a glimmer of hope. Pakistan welcomes the agreement and commends the mediation efforts of Egypt, Qatar and the United States. We hope that all stages of the agreement will be fully implemented, leading to a permanent ceasefire and an inclusive political process towards a two-State solution. That remains the only viable framework for durable peace between Israel, the Palestinians and the Arab and Muslim world. We call for urgent and adequate humanitarian assistance to the people of Gaza. The role of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East is critical in that context. We also look forward to the swift reconstruction of Gaza. We oppose any displacement of the Palestinian people from their homeland. The Jammu and Kashmir dispute is another open wound and an ever-present threat to international peace and security. For almost eight decades — for as long as A peaceful and stable Afghanistan is essential for regional and global security. Pakistan continues to face cross-border terrorist attacks, especially from Tehrik-e Taliban Pakistan, from Afghan soil. Pakistan remains determined to take all necessary measures to counter those threats. The Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan must take decisive action to prevent terrorism within and from Afghanistan. Despite cross-border terrorism, Pakistan will continue its engagement with the interim Government in Kabul, facilitate humanitarian support to the millions of destitute people in Afghanistan and support Afghanistan’s economic and social development. Terrorism remains a global threat. Pakistan has been at the forefront of the fight against terrorism, sacrificing thousands of lives to dismantle terrorist networks and prevent the spread of extremism. All terrorist groups, be they Da’esh, Al-Qaida, Tehrik-e Taliban Pakistan, the Eastern Turkistan Islamic Movement, the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan and emerging right-wing extremist groups, must be opposed with equal determination. Double standards must be rejected. Nor should counter-terrorism provide a pretext for bypassing the legitimate struggles of peoples for self-determination. The United Nations and its family of organizations provide the indispensable platforms for responding to the world’s multidimensional challenges. So far, the United Nations has not been enabled to achieve its full potential. The structures of the United Nations should be strengthened, not dismantled. That can be achieved through mutual respect and comprehensive cooperation. To address the challenges of the twenty-first century, we must reaffirm our commitment to multilateralism, undertake comprehensive reforms of the global governance architecture and refine and reinforce multilateralism to deliver optimum outcomes. No country should presume to have greater stature than, or influence over, others. Respect for justice and equity is an essential precondition for peace and harmony among nations. To that end, Pakistan makes the following proposals. First, the Pact for the Future promises stronger international action for peace and security. Member States must fulfil their obligations under Article 25 of the Charter by implementing the Council’s decisions. We must adopt a policy of zero tolerance for violations of the Charter. The Council should promote the peaceful settlement of disputes and resolve, not merely manage, conflicts. The Council should adopt global confidence-building measures to prevent conflicts, ease tensions and foster cooperation. Secondly, the Council must become more democratic, representative and accountable. Small and medium States, which form the vast majority of United Nations members, must be fully and adequately represented on the Council. Adding new permanent members would violate the principle of sovereignty and sovereign equality, make the Council even less representative and exacerbate the prospects of paralysis in the Council. Thirdly, the General Assembly, as the world’s most representative body, must play a greater role in global decision-making. Its mandates and resolutions must be respected, and its effectiveness and efficiency enhanced. Fourthly, global financial and economic governance must be made more equitable and democratic. The current system is unjust, favouring the rich while trapping developing nations in a cycle of poverty and debt. We call for reform of the Fifthly and lastly, the rapid advancement of science and technology, especially artificial intelligence, poses new challenges. International regulations are urgently needed to ensure that those technologies serve peaceful and beneficial purposes and do not deepen global inequalities and intensify the threats to peace and security. The word order envisioned in the Charter of the United Nations must be strengthened. A just, peaceful and prosperous world requires a strong, effective and truly representative multilateral system  — one that upholds the Charter, defends human rights and ensures equitable development for all.

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Ahmed Moallin Fiqi Ahmed, Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Somalia.

At the outset, I extend my sincere thanks and appreciation to the Chinese presidency of the Security Council this month and for their invitation to convene this important Security Council open debate on maintaining multilateralism and reforming and improving global governance. In putting this pivotal topic at the forefront of our discussions, the Chinese leadership reflects the People’s Republic of China’s firm commitment and its vital role in supporting and strengthening the international multilateral system. Our meeting today is being held at a critical moment in which the international system faces major challenges, with multilateralism in real danger, decidedly putting the United Nations and the principles upon which it was established to the test. That comes amid the rise in unilateral tendencies and extremist nationalist thoughts. We find that the efforts made by the United Nations, placing its faith in multilateralism, are in peril. Eight decades ago, the founding leaders of the United Nations realized that the world could not flourish and that no country could enjoy peace and stability as long as polarization and conflicts remained the driving force. Their faith in multilateralism was clear, as reflected in the Charter of the United Nations and in their pledge to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war and to work to promote cooperation and preserve international peace. Faced with the bleak landscape afflicting the international community today, it is more urgent than ever to revitalize our institutions and work together in a collective spirit to tackle the unprecedented challenges that we face. Those challenges are not limited to the rise in conflicts in many parts of the world, but also encompass environmental, health, economic and human rights issues, hence the need for collective action to improve and revitalize the global governance architecture. History has proven that a country cannot prosper while others languish in the throes of war and divisions. Without a doubt, multilateralism is the essence of the Charter. The Organization was established upon fundamental principles, with the aim of preserving international security, promoting cooperation among countries and achieving social and economic justice. Consequently, the current challenges require a coordinated response not only at the global level, but also at the State level, with all stakeholders participating in improving conditions within local communities. At this decisive moment in history, the world’s peoples look to the Security Council as the entity responsible for maintaining international peace and security. The greatest challenge may well be finding a way to preserve multilateralism and reform global governance at a time of unprecedented polarization in international relations. In the context of multilateralism and reform of global governance, the question of addressing violations of international law emerges as one of the major challenges that are imperilling the global system. International law is the framework that defines relations among States and preserves the rights of individuals and groups. However, that law cannot remain effective if the violations to which some countries are subjected are not addressed, whether they be violations related to human rights or national sovereignty, or violations of the rules of war and armed conflict. In that context, the Palestinian question remains a pivotal issue in international politics. The two-State solution is considered the most consensually agreed international solution to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, based on the 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as the capital of the State of Palestine. The escalation of Israeli aggression against Gaza and the West Bank has led to an unprecedented catastrophe, requiring prompt international action to stop the continued bombing and targeting of civilians and infrastructure and encourage diplomatic initiatives aimed at establishing a ceasefire. We therefore affirm our support for the ceasefire process that is currently under way. In view of the growing challenges that we face, I would like to make a package of proposals that may help to preserve multilateralism and reform and improve global governance. First, with regard to promoting preventive diplomacy, the Security Council must adopt a proactive approach by strengthening preventive diplomacy mechanisms through early mediation in order to mitigate tensions and prevent the outbreak of conflicts. Secondly, with regard to Security Council reform, the existing international multilateral system is in need of genuine reform in terms of the structure of the Security Council. The South’s fears of a lack of representation are legitimate, hence the need to move forward with Security Council reform and to expand Security Council membership by granting African countries two permanent seats on the Council as full Council members, in line with geopolitical changes. Thirdly, with regard to clear violations of international law and impunity, today we face major challenges in the form of flagrant violations of international law and the failure to implement Security Council resolutions. We therefore stress the need for effective mechanisms to apply international resolutions that seek to strengthen the capacity of the United Nations to perform its role as a guarantor of international peace and security. Fourthly, with regard to artificial intelligence and the disparity in capacities among States, with the rapid development of technology, there has been a growing gap in States’ access to those technologies and to their use to achieve development. Developed countries benefit from the use of those technologies to bolster their economic and security strength, while developing countries remain in a position of disadvantage, which deepens the global divide — hence the clear need to strengthen international cooperation and the transfer of technological expertise in that domain. Fifthly and finally, on the future and strengthening multilateralism, the Pact for the Future laid the cornerstone for promoting multilateralism within the international order. It calls on States to pool efforts to address common global challenges. At this Lastly, multilateralism must be preserved and defended in order to achieve lasting peace and sustainable development. We must shoulder our historic responsibility in terms of promoting international cooperation, and the Security Council has a pivotal role to play in advancing the necessary global governance reforms. Let us work together to build a more just and inclusive global order, in which the welfare of peoples is the top priority, and the prosperity of all is what ensures the survival of a stable international community.

I would like to begin by taking this opportunity to congratulate you, Mr. President, on your wise leadership of the Security Council’s work during the current month. I also commend the Council presidency for its success in choosing the topic of our discussion today and for presenting the concept note (S/2025/78, annex) that has enriched this meeting. I also wish to thank the Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. António Guterres, for his comprehensive and valuable briefing. Today’s meeting is taking place in an extremely complex international landscape, with escalating geopolitical tensions and multiple political and security crises, from armed conflicts and humanitarian disasters to economic and environmental challenges. There is also the scourge of terrorism and cross-border organized crime. Such challenges jeopardize international peace and security and undermine the effectiveness and efficiency of our multilateral Organization. Those challenges are also compounded by increasing violations of the rules of international law and the Charter of the United Nations, as well as the marginalization of the role of regional organizations, in particular the African Union. There are also attempts being made to impose double standards regarding current conflicts, particularly on the African continent. Algeria firmly believes that our commitment to the multilateral order remains the most effective way to tackle such common challenges. However, that order is experiencing unprecedented setbacks as a result of heightened global polarization, as well as the erosion of trust in United Nations institutions. We therefore believe that the reform of the multilateral system is a matter of paramount importance that cannot be postponed, provided that such reform is comprehensive, fair and balanced. In that regard, we wish to make five important points that are necessary to guide the United Nations reform path and bolster the effectiveness of the multilateral order. First, it is necessary to safeguard the central role of the United Nations and to ensure fair and balanced representation within United Nations main bodies, in particular the Security Council. It is unacceptable that Africa continues to endure a historical injustice given that it is a continent that represents more than a quarter of the United Nations membership. Africa continues to be deprived of any permanent representation on the Security Council, and its representation in the non-permanent category of seats remains limited. In that regard, Algeria reaffirms its full support for the Common African Position, as stipulated in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. That position is broadly supported by the United Nations membership. Secondly, there is a need to enhance the role of the General Assembly in its capacity as the most representative and inclusive organ. The General Assembly must be provided with greater authority to tackle major international challenges in order to enhance democracy within our Organization. Restoring the balance among the organs of the United Nations is an urgent priority. In order for the United Nations not to be exclusively limited to the Security Council, there is a need for the General Assembly to regain its place as a critical platform and organ for taking inclusive and resolute decisions. The General Assembly represents all Member States, and The Security Council recently held debates, including open debates, that reflected a broad consensus on the need to enhance the role of the General Assembly and ensure respect for its prerogatives, as stipulated in the Charter. In that regard, we applaud the central role played by the International Court of Justice in its capacity as the main judicial organ of the United Nations, in particular in order to prevent the outbreak of international conflict and resolve such conflicts through peaceful means. We therefore cannot but welcome the role of the International Court of Justice in ensuring justice and the rule of law as concerns delivering justice for the Palestinian people and upholding the word of truth. We urge the International Court of Justice to continue to embrace that approach, in particular with regard to the ongoing threats of forced displacement endured by the residents of Gaza. Thirdly, the working methods of the Security Council must be improved in order to ensure that they are more transparent and effective and for there to be equal opportunity for all members of the Security Council. In that respect, we wish to recall the initiative launched by Algeria and its mandate at the Security Council, as reflected in the implementation of presidential note S/2024/507 last December in order to establish equal access to the documentation of the Council for both permanent and elected members of the Security Council. That measure was positively welcomed and shows that consensus is indeed possible when there is the political will and when a spirit of constructive work prevails. Fourthly, it is necessary to adopt an institutional approach that enhances cooperation between the United Nations and regional organizations, particularly the African Union, under Chapter VIII of the United Nations Charter in order to ensure the regular and sustainable operation of early warning mechanisms and rapid response, particularly in dealing with African issues. My country believes that the positions and decisions taken by the African Union and African regional organizations, especially in cases of countries currently dealing with complex crises, need to be supported by the Security Council and the international community, where internationally led efforts can complement African visions, free of any interference or diktats imposed by external parties based on their own considerations and interests. We also believe that sanctions regimes imposed by the Security Council remain one of the main tools at the international community’s disposal for countering threats to international peace and security. Their goal must be preventive, not punitive, which is the wise approach. Nevertheless, sanctions regimes have to be implemented with vigilance in order to prevent crises before they break out. When sanctions are poorly designed, they are liable to exacerbate humanitarian crises and worsen civilians’ plight, in contradiction to the principles of human rights. We believe that the design and implementation of sanctions regimes must be revisited when it comes to multilateral cooperation so as to ensure a greater focus on the goal of prevention. Sanctions should be accompanied by effective and meaningful diplomatic efforts geared to resolving conflict and establishing peace and should not become harsh punishments of populations that can lead to severe human rights violations. That also requires greater coordination between Security Council members and reinforcing dialogue and negotiation mechanisms in order to build trust and prevent conflicts before they can escalate. Enhancing the multilateral order demands that we pay greater attention to more effective alternatives that result in improved stability and justice and therefore a more peaceful world, with greater cooperation. Fifthly, the necessary financial resources and sustainable financing mechanisms must be mobilized to support preventive diplomacy and early-warning and rapid- response mechanisms in Africa, which enhance the capacity of African countries We also call for reforming the global trade order to ensure equal opportunities for African products on international markets and help to achieve developing economies’ fair integration into the global economy. The fact that an African State, South Africa, holds the presidency of the Group of 20 this year represents an opportunity to support States in the global South, and Africa in particular, as they seek to play a greater role in multilateral political and economic governance. The artificial intelligence (AI) gap between countries of the North and South is a source of concern. AI technologies are not simply a matter of complicated algorithms. There are issues related to countries’ security and their right to protect their sovereignty. The AI landscape is suffering from a terrible regulatory and legislative vacuum that poses new threats for our continent, threats with no borders. The international community should therefore strive to counter any threats or dangers that emanate from the unregulated and unorganized spread and development of such technologies. In conclusion, the future of our world is the responsibility of all of us, and we must therefore protect it and preserve its welfare for current and future generations, as President Abdelmadjid Tebboune of Algeria has stated many times, including here at the United Nations, where in 2023 he called for “an end to managing conflicts and focusing on achieving lasting solutions to conflicts by addressing their root causes” (A/78/PV.5, p.13). Today’s Council meeting, together with the World Summit for Social Development, the Fourth International Conference on Financing for Development and the review of the United Nations peacebuilding architecture, represents an opportunity to renew and bolster the multilateral order. We will continue to work for a world where peace and stability prevail, security and prosperity dominate and where our peoples’ well-being is achieved under the auspices of the United Nations, with sincere will and firm, united determination to reach a common goal, that of fulfilling their legitimate aspirations and enhancing our sustainable cooperation to achieve a better future for succeeding generations.

Sierra Leone commends the People’s Republic of China for convening today’s high-level open debate on the crucial topic of practising multilateralism and reforming and improving global governance. At a critical moment in global affairs, the debate affords us an opportunity to reaffirm the foundational principles of our Organization enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, including sovereign equality, non-interference, the peaceful resolution of disputes and collective security. I also thank Secretary-General António Guterres for his instructive briefing. Multilateralism has been a cornerstone of international peace and security for eight decades. As we approach the eightieth anniversary of the United Nations later this year, it is a moment for reflection, for celebrating its achievements, acknowledging its shortcomings and reaffirming our shared commitment to building a more just, equitable and effective multilateral system. The United Nations was founded in the devastating aftermath of the Second World War with a solemn pledge First, Sierra Leone strongly believes that multilateralism remains the best means for addressing global challenges. As the Secretary-General rightly said, there is no way to deal with such challenges other than through global responses organized in a multilateral way. However, for multilateralism to be truly effective it must be inclusive, representative and results-driven. Our multilateral system must adapt to changes in global economic dynamics, population and influence. In particular, women and youth, as major stakeholders, must participate actively in policymaking and development processes. Moreover, developing countries, especially in Africa and the global South, should have a stronger voice in global decision-making. To that end, the Security Council, as a cornerstone of international peace and security, must be reformed to better reflect our current geopolitical realities and ensure fair representation. Nearly 80 years after its creation, the Council is outdated, with an unbalanced composition that undermines its legitimacy and effectiveness, and Africa remains the most glaring victim of that inequity. Without structural reform the Council’s performance and legitimacy will continue to be questioned. As we reflect on the theme of reforming and improving global governance, it is crucial to recognize how Africa’s exclusion from decision-making bodies such as the Security Council and the multilateral development banks hinders the continent’s ability to contribute meaningfully to global governance. The legacy of colonialism, economic exploitation and political marginalization has left deep scars, impairing Africa’s development, stability and influence in international affairs. As we note the African Union’s theme for 2025 — “Justice for Africans and people of African descent through reparations”  — rectifying the historical injustices perpetuated against Africa must be operationalized with the urgency of now. The Pact for the Future, adopted by the General Assembly in September 2024 (resolution 79/1), represents a critical opportunity for revitalizing global cooperation and coordination on a basis of trust, adaptability and flexibility. The close cooperation between the Security Council and the African Union Peace and Security Council in addressing conflicts on the African continent demonstrates a commitment on the part of both institutions to meeting the objectives of Action 21, as set out in the Pact, so as to achieve lasting peace and security. In recognition of the critical role of regional arrangements in preventing and resolving conflicts, that collaboration must be strengthened. Sierra Leone calls for concrete steps to implement the Pact’s ambitious commitments, especially those related to reforming the Security Council, bridging governance gaps, strengthening international cooperation and reinforcing international law. Addressing inefficiencies and inconsistencies, particularly by improving the Council’s working methods, will enhance its legitimacy and capacity to implement the Pact and other forward-looking peace and development strategies. The coronavirus disease pandemic has shown that addressing global crises needs more than mere force. It requires innovation, agility, trust and the sharing of information and expertise. Those same principles must guide our efforts to prevent wars and deliver life-saving aid. Secondly, the erosion of the rules-based system is threatening global stability. At a time when unilateralism, protectionism and disregard for international norms Thirdly, the challenges of the twenty-first century extend beyond traditional security threats. Non-traditional security issues, including climate change, artificial intelligence, cybersecurity, terrorism and food insecurity, demand urgent and innovative global responses. Those crises disproportionately affect developing nations, exacerbating their vulnerabilities. To address that, we must enhance capacity-building, foster information-sharing and technology transfer and strengthen international cooperation to ensure that no country is left behind. Fourthly, the digital divide remains a critical challenge in our quest for equitable global governance. Many developing countries lack the infrastructure and resources to leverage technological advances and digital transformation. Sierra Leone urges the international community to support initiatives that promote technological capacity- building, digital inclusion and fair access to global supply chains, so as to ensure that all nations can fully participate in the global economy. Strengthening the role of the United Nations and the Security Council requires unity, not division. We must set aside geopolitical rivalries and embrace dialogue, cooperation and collective problem-solving. Despite the varying socioeconomic and political conditions of our countries, the scale and transnational nature of many global issues demand collective action. In such instances, multilateral frameworks are indispensable in preventing catastrophic consequences. The tools available to us have largely maintained a rules-based multilateral system, and by improving them we can better serve humankind. That includes strengthening resolutions and peacekeeping mandates for clearer, more responsive and contextually relevant action, enhancing collaboration with regional entities to ensure faster and more agile responses to crises, promoting comprehensive peace and development strategies and bolstering mechanisms for accountability for human rights violations. In conclusion, Sierra Leone urges all Member States to recommit to the core principles of the Charter and work to achieve a Security Council that is responsive, representative and accountable to all nations. We reaffirm our unwavering commitment to multilateralism as the most effective framework for addressing global challenges. Sierra Leone stands ready to contribute to meaningful reforms that will enhance global governance, uphold the international rule of law and promote a just, peaceful and prosperous world for all.

I thank you, Mr. President, Your Excellency Foreign Minister Wang Yi, and I welcome you to the Security Council. I also welcome the ministers and high-level officials in today’s meeting, and I thank Secretary- General António Guterres for his briefing. Guyana thanks China for convening this most relevant and timely debate on practising multilateralism and reforming and improving global governance. It offers the opportunity not only for collective reflection but perhaps more importantly for a There have been seminal moments in history in which the world came together across geopolitical divides to put people and planet first. If we look at the driving factors behind those moments, we will inevitably find that terrible events had, in each instance, reminded countries that multilateralism and international cooperation are the best mechanisms for addressing global challenges. The foremost example is the formation of the United Nations almost 80 years ago. On the heels of two world wars, world leaders joined hands with the aim of saving succeeding generations from the scourge of war and crafted the Charter of the United Nations as the blueprint. The Charter continues to provide a solid foundation for collective global action, grounded in the understanding that peace and security, development and human rights are interdependent and that respect for international law and justice are indispensable to achieving those objectives. So, too, is the need to ensure that solidarity, inclusion and the objective of leaving no one behind are demonstrated by concrete action. It is in the translation from commitments to action that multilateralism has largely not delivered in recent decades. For example, we have seen multilateralism at work when the global community adopted the Sustainable Development Goals to end poverty and ensure prosperity for all and the Paris Agreement to limit the effects of climate change. However, implementation is stymied by the lack of political will and inadequate financing, coupled with a global financial system that is skewed against countries that are most vulnerable and in need — a system that is not only unrepresentative but also unfair and unjust. Reform of the international financial architecture is urgent and must no longer be ignored. An investment in development is an investment in peace and security. There is widespread recognition of the need for reform of the global governance structures to make them more representative, democratic, accountable and equipped to address new and emerging challenges. The Security Council is arguably the least representative and most undemocratic of global institutions. Security Council reform remains critical to a more effective Council — otherwise, it faces the risk of becoming irrelevant. We have seen repeatedly how the current structure and decision-making format, particularly the use of the veto, have thwarted the will of the majority of Council members and ignored the views of the General Assembly. But even as we pursue reform, the Council, as the foremost body entrusted with the maintenance of international peace and security, must deliver on its responsibilities now. At a time of increasing conflicts in the world, resulting in the loss of thousands of lives, immense suffering and unprecedented humanitarian crises, the members of the Security Council must bridge divides and fulfil their collective mandate. There must be greater consistency in applying the same standard across similar situations and implementing resolutions. As the Council faces growing criticisms for inaction, greater efforts must be made to rebuild trust in it, and genuine consideration must be given to the use of the tools available in the Charter to combat non-compliance. Accountability and justice are crucial to the achievement of peace and security. The Security Council must speak with one voice in championing respect for international law, including international humanitarian law. While it is incumbent upon all States to be exemplary in their adherence to the Charter, Council members should hold themselves to the highest standards of performance and accountability. They should not be among those undermining the judicial institutions of the United Nations, which are crucial in ensuring respect for the rule of law and promoting accountability. Given the interlinkages in the challenges that we face today, there must be a holistic approach. Narrowing development divides, overcoming poverty, increasing opportunity for young people, ensuring women’s participation, promoting respect for human rights and building democratic governance structures are all essential for In closing, in September 2024, our Heads of State and Government took a definitive step, with the adoption of the Pact for the Future (General Assembly resolution 79/1), committing to protecting the needs and interests of present and future generations and transforming global governance. We must now, together, implement the actions outlined in the Pact, recognizing that no State can overcome the challenges that we face on its own. It is global solidarity, supported by strong global governance structures and the requisite political will, that will help us to achieve a world that is peaceful, inclusive, sustainable and prosperous.

Denmark welcomes the focus of today’s debate. I also thank the Secretary-General for his powerful words and his call to action. Eighty years ago, from the ashes of two devastating world wars, the international community came together to establish the United Nations. The task was as momentous as it was visionary: to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. It was a moment of hope in history, of unbridled optimism for humanity and for the promise of the Charter of the United Nations. Today, that promise remains as important as ever. Denmark is a founding member of this Organization. Our belief — that many of our challenges are too great and too global for any nation, large or small, to face alone  — remains as firm as it was 80 years ago. A strong and fair system with the United Nations at its core and international law as its foundation remains our best — indeed, our only — option to address the multitude of threats and challenges that we face. Allow me to make four points. First, multilateralism works. For eight decades, the United Nations has helped to prevent a third world war. Together, we have created programmes to reduce poverty and hunger, protect human rights, eradicate disease, increase access to education and healthcare, advance gender equality and build sustainable peace. We have worked to expand and uphold international law and pursued accountability when international crimes have been committed. While much remains to be done, let me be clear: Denmark strongly supports this system and all that we have achieved, imperfect as it may be. Secondly, recent landmark agreements, such as the Pact for the Future (General Assembly resolution 79/1), the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Paris Agreement, exemplify the potential of multilateralism at its best, but potential must be translated into impact. What is needed now is implementation. The Pact presents a bold vision for this multilateral system, including the Security Council. Around this table, it is our responsibility to act. We must not be afraid to rethink our tools or to adapt to changing realities. That is especially necessary for United Nations peace operations. Denmark firmly believes that United Nations peace operations remain indispensable for addressing conflicts and sustaining peace. For millions, the Blue Helmet represents hope in the darkest corners of conflict. But as the very nature of conflict evolves, so too must our response. To effectively address the complex security challenges of our time, more agile, adaptable and responsive approaches are needed. That includes working across the whole peace continuum, from preventive measures and diplomacy to peacekeeping and post-conflict recovery. The Security Council should lead in advancing fresh thinking on how to ensure that. Thirdly, we cannot seriously tackle the issues facing multilateralism when the Security Council continues to operate in the reality of yesteryear. It is no longer 1945. The world needs a more representative Security Council that reflects the global diversity of the twenty-first century, redresses the historical injustice done to the Fourthly, underpinning all those points and, indeed, all our collective action must be an unwavering commitment to international law and the United Nations Charter. For Denmark, as a small country, that is our guiding star. Respect for the basic purposes and principles of the United Nations, including the sovereign equality, territorial integrity and political independence of all States, is indispensable to the cause of peace. It is the foundation for a world in which might does not make right. As we uphold those principles, respect for human rights and international humanitarian law must be at the core. We must end cycles of impunity and ensure accountability for victims and survivors of international crimes. That should be accompanied by efforts to identify and address the root causes of conflict. While States bear the primary responsibility for protecting their population from atrocities, this Council has an important role to play in ensuring timely and decisive international action. To conclude, multilateralism is based on a fundamental willingness to work together, understand the language, culture and concern of others and find compromises. That is what the United Nations stands for. That is how we uphold the promise of the Charter. Members can count on Denmark’s unwavering commitment to that goal.

I thank you, Mr. President, for convening this important meeting. I also thank the Secretary-General for sharing his valuable insights. As we celebrate the eightieth anniversary of the United Nations this year, we stand at a crossroads — proud of our achievements to date, yet also confronted with doubts in our common belief in multilateralism. Since the adoption of the Charter of the United Nations, Member States have worked together to lay the foundation for a world free from the scourge of war, a world grounded in fundamental human rights, the rule of law and sustainable development. Yet today the multilateral architecture that we have built is under immense pressure. For three years, Ukraine has suffered the devastating consequences of a military aggression, in flagrant violation of the United Nations Charter by a permanent member of the Security Council. In Gaza, despite its efforts to reach consensus over the past 15 months, the Security Council has struggled to produce meaningful impacts on the ground, as the actual ceasefire was made possible by a few critically involved parties. Africa is also suffering from multiple security crises, including in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Sudan and the Sahel. Such crises have escalated opportunistically amid the weakening of effective United Nations peace operations and United Nations sanctions, both of which are critical tools in the efforts of the United Nations to maintain peace and security. The staggering human death tolls in all those conflicts also calls into question the role of the United Nations in protecting civilians and alleviating humanitarian suffering. Against that backdrop of mounting frustration in multilateralism, let me highlight three points. First, we should reinvigorate the role of the United Nations, which provides an enduring diplomatic space in shaping international views. It is extraordinary that 193 countries, with each of us at different stages of political and economic development, like-minded or even antagonistic, gather every day in this very building to discuss and try to solve current and future issues. That should not be taken for granted. Such a convening power of the United Nations is the driving Secondly, the United Nations, particularly the Security Council, must become more creative and bolder. While it may be difficult to avoid an impasse on issues where permanent members have divergent views, there are other areas that the Security Council can explore to fulfil its mandate and reinforce its institutional standing. For example, emerging security challenges must be given due attention, followed by more active deliberations. The rapid evolution of digital technologies, including artificial intelligence, has amplified global security risks, particularly when exploited by irresponsible actors, such as North Korea. The proliferation of misinformation and disinformation has further opened new platforms for manipulation, complicating tensions in conflicts. Likewise, climate change is intensifying global instability by heightening competition over resources. Geopolitical divides must not prevent us from addressing those urgent and new challenges. Thirdly, we must defend and uphold the three pillars of the United Nations work, namely, peace and security, development and human rights. We believe that we simply cannot accomplish development and sustaining peace without justice, human rights and democracy. Equally, without solid development, political democratization and human rights cannot fully flourish — something that Korea has experienced first-hand in its own national development. In order to continuously support the virtuous cycle of the humanitarian-development-peace nexus, we increased our official development assistance by 30 per cent last year, which is four times the amount as compared to 2010. With its unique advisory role that covers all three pillars, the Peacebuilding Commission (PBC) can play a crucial part in that regard. As the informal coordinator between the Security Council and the PBC, Korea is committed to bringing greater coherence to both bodies. On a final note, the rise in the elected 10 members in the Security Council gives us a sense of inspiration and hope that they can take the lead when geopolitics divide the Council. In that vein, Security Council reform should be navigated in such a way that empowers more elected members, increasing the Council’s accountability to the wider membership. Now more than ever, global challenges require global cooperation. Korea remains steadfast in its commitment to strengthening multilateralism, and we will continue to work with all partners to that end.

Panama thanks the People’s Republic of China for convening us today at this high-level meeting, which calls on us to reflect on the founding of the United Nations, its purpose and its future in global governance. We also thank the Secretary-General, António Guterres, for his important contribution. We extend a warm welcome to His Excellency Mr. Wang Yi, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, and to the Ministers of State who are honouring us by participating in this open debate. Multilateralism is experiencing its most critical moment since the founding of the United Nations, born 80 years ago out of the ruins of a violent, devastating and cruel global conflict. The rationale that led to the establishment of the United Nations, with its multilateralist structure to ensure international peace and security, provided a degree of protection for small countries against the arbitrary dictates of the most powerful. That raison d’être of global governance has been contorting itself into a system that has become difficult to manoeuvre and slow to incorporate and implement the technology and innovation required to provide adequate solutions with the necessary urgency. It is regrettable that the Security Council, the only multilateral organ tasked Territorial integrity, sovereignty and the right of peoples to decide their own destiny are not and cannot be negotiable. Panama, as a founding Member of this Organization, which through the contributions of the distinguished Panamanian jurist Ricardo Alfaro contributed to the drafting of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by incorporating the term “human rights” into the Charter of the United Nations, is concerned about the evolving and challenging situations that the United Nations is currently facing and that are weakening multilateralism. But Panama also hopes that those threats will motivate us to demand that we find closer channels of communication, free of misinformation, threats and ideological polarization. We therefore support the Secretary-General’s pragmatic vision embodied in the Pact for the Future (General Assembly resolution 79/1). We understand that in order for the effects of that multilateral and inclusive commitment to endure, it must not permit exclusive language or double standards that further erode the integrity of the Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, essential pillars of the respect for international law and an effective multilateral system. Panama will always defend the inclusive participation of all relevant sectors that find themselves in situations of conflict, with a view to benefiting civilian populations through the equal and growing participation of women and youth as agents of peace and development. Panama, as a small State, has reaped the fruits of multilateralism since its founding as an independent republic. Concrete proof of that is the generational struggle that through diplomatic efforts led to the end of a colonial enclave that divided us and to the recovery of our Canal, a waterway that is vital to the uninterrupted and neutral maintenance of international trade and freedom of global navigation. It was here in the Council, meeting in Panama City in 1973, that the Panamanian cause was internationalized, from then on motivating the parties to negotiate treaties aimed at ending the foreign presence in our territory and guaranteeing the world’s support for our full sovereignty and territorial integrity. That milestone, 25 years after the restoration of the Canal, has enabled Panamanians to benefit from a well-deserved economic growth that is an example to the region and the world. The historical realities of that time no longer reflect today’s needs, making reform of the Security Council imperative. The obstruction of consensus and the indiscriminate use of the veto, owing to the inadequate geographic representation in the Council, are crushing the hopes of millions of people mired in tragedy, famine and humanitarian crises, depriving them of comprehensive solutions. It is time to rescue multilateralism from the ruins of mistrust, revitalize the decisions taken both in the Council and in all forums created to address governance from various angles, and revive the protection that multilateralism offers small States, united in their vulnerability, from the overbearing geopolitical interests of others. Multilateralism is not one option among many but the foundation that international stability and welfare rest on. Panama, like many States here, can propose solutions. However, those solutions will not translate into anything concrete if we do not trust ourselves and are not prepared to implement the tools available to us to enforce the mandates of the dozens of resolutions we adopt every year. The Secretary-General can only operate with the freedom that the membership allows him, and that is why the maintenance of international peace and security, connected to sustainable development and human rights, depends on asserting the legitimate political will of our peoples. We are It is time for this opportune debate to guide us towards self-examination, reflection and action, in order to seriously tackle the issues confronting the multilateral system and global governance after 80 years of insufficient implementation in order to prevent them from foundering and ensure that they grow stronger and prosper.

Allow me to start, Mr. President, by thanking China and Foreign Minister Wang Yi for selecting this very important topic and convening today’s timely debate. I also thank the Secretary-General for his very interesting briefing. The year 2025 represents a landmark in the history of the United Nations. As we prepare to celebrate its eightieth anniversary, it is becoming more difficult to meet people who can remember a world without the United Nations, a world shaped by the horrors of the two world wars. For future generations, we must therefore prevent any risk that the devastation that preceded our Organization’s creation might be forgotten, by highlighting its accomplishments in the promotion of international peace and security, sustainable development and the protection of human rights. It is also a good moment to take stock of the current state of multilateralism and global governance. No one can deny that our world is facing new, complex global challenges on a scale unthinkable in 1945, from wars and increasing military expenditure to hunger, poverty and unequal development. The permanent crisis in the Middle East, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the grave political and humanitarian crises in the Sudan, the Sahel, Yemen, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Haiti and elsewhere are just a few examples of the serious threats to global stability and the Charter of the United Nations. We believe there is an urgent need for fundamental reform and improvement of our multilateral system, with the United Nations at its core. A crucial step in that direction was taken in September 2024, at the Summit of the Future, when world leaders renewed their commitment to effective multilateralism by adopting the Pact for the Future (General Assembly resolution 79/1) and its annexes, the Global Digital Compact and the Declaration on Future Generations. Our Prime Minister has said that the Pact for the Future, as a point of global consensus, is only a first step. But it is a necessary first step. It is a political declaration to act, and political will is a necessary driver of action at the national level and, collectively, at the global level. Greece calls for the rapid implementation of the relevant actions outlined in the Pact, especially those on transforming global governance and reinvigorating the multilateral system, in order to enable us to tackle those challenges and seize the opportunities of today and tomorrow. In that context, we also need to reform the central pillar of the international peace and security architecture, the Security Council. We support any model of reform that is fair and that strengthens the United Nations as a whole and transforms the Council into a more democratic, efficient, representative and accountable body tailored to the realities of the twenty-first century. We believe firmly that we can achieve those goals by enlarging the Council in both its permanent and non-permanent membership. We also call for strengthening the relationship between the Council and the General Assembly in order to maintain better international peace and security. During the intense negotiations on the Pact for the Future and beyond, Greece insisted that it was necessary to go back to the basics of the Charter of the United Nations, such as the peaceful settlement of disputes, respect for international law Greece recognizes the need to narrow the development divide, especially in the digital arena. Without development and growth, peace and security cannot prevail. Among other measures, Greece is focusing its development efforts and allocating its aid through capacity-building and the transfer of know-how and expertise, with the aim of helping to reduce poverty and inequality worldwide, consolidate peace and security and tackle the root causes of migration flows. We also believe that artificial intelligence (AI) offers tremendous opportunities for achieving the Sustainable Development Goals, and we are actively engaged in the discussions on the global governance of artificial intelligence taking place at the United Nations andn other forums. Our common efforts to bridge the digital divide should focus on the implementation of the Global Digital Compact, which represents the first comprehensive global framework for digital cooperation, charting a road map for global AI governance. We are also deeply concerned about the lack of substantial progress in tackling the effects of climate change. In this critical decade we affirm the importance of accelerated action based on the best available science, and we welcome the relevant decisions adopted at the twenty-eight and twenty-ninth sessions of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. We also recognize the importance of support and access to climate finance for developing countries, especially those that are particularly vulnerable to the adverse effects of climate change. In conclusion, I want to underline that the upcoming celebration of the eightieth anniversary of the United Nations will serve as a moment for collective reflection on the accomplishments of our Organization, as well as a reiteration of our shared belief in its core values and principles and a time to begin reforming global governance and the multilateral system. Let us all work together to that end.

We welcome the participation of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China and other Ministers and senior representatives in today’s open debate. We consider the theme proposed by the Chinese presidency highly relevant. It affords us a good opportunity to consider through a geopolitical lens the root causes of the current profound crisis that is gripping the modern international world order. We see today’s meeting as something of a continuation of the Council’s July 2024 debate under the Russian presidency, which considered the issue of multilateral cooperation in building a more just, democratic and sustainable world order (see S/PV.9686). Eighty years ago, on 4 February 1945, the Yalta Conference opened. The contours of the post-war world order were delineated during that seminal meeting, with the United Nations at its centre. On the international legal front, for the first time the Charter of the United Nations held that all States are equal, sparing the world the legitimization of certain countries’ claims to a dominant position. One result of that landmark decision was the start of a process of decolonization that brought freedom to many enslaved peoples. Furthermore, for all its strengths and weaknesses, which However, the world has never been closer than it is now to that dangerous threshold. It is teetering on the brink of a direct military confrontation between nuclear Powers. The West, acting based on its “rules-based order”, is circumventing the United Nations through agreements on decisions on matters of importance to most countries that it subsequently portrays as universal solutions, imposing them on others and thereby deliberately undermining the authority of the United Nations and the primacy of international law in international relations. The practice of applying unilateral coercive measures, which are used whenever advocates of forceful methods in global politics are unable to push their desired solutions through the Security Council, has become widespread. A case in point is the situation of Iran. After the expiry in October 2024 of a number of restrictions under resolution 2231 (2015), European countries refused to take practical measures to lift restrictions on Iran and instead extended them indefinitely at a national level. I should point out that the Security Council is the sole organ with the authority to impose sanctions, and any other measures are unlawful. That said, the Council’s sanctions are not carved in stone. As with any other instrument for maintaining international peace and security, the Council must work actively to update them, adapting them to new situations and ensuring their effective implementation. In that context, it is clear that the current restrictions on the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea are doing nothing to help to normalize the situation on the Korean Peninsula and that a serious review of those restrictions is long overdue. Flouting the Charter of the United Nations and an irresponsible attitude to the Security Council’s decisions on the most pressing international issues have become the West’s calling cards. The poorly concealed admissions of many Western politicians and diplomats show that their capitals regard the Council’s resolutions as worthless, leaving them unimplemented or simply regarded as non-binding with amazing regularity. Behind those actions lies an obsessive desire to maintain a neocolonial system of exploitation that enables its ruling elites and financial-industrial capital to leech off the developing countries that they plunder. Russia has been working to promote anti-colonial and anti-neocolonial agendas at the United Nations, including through the General Assembly’s adoption of a thematic resolution in December 2024 (resolution 79/115). In the context of the efforts to resolve the Ukrainian crisis, the difference between those who are genuinely advocating a more just, free and equal world and those who are living in the past and want to make their geopolitical agendas a reality at any cost is becoming clear. Any State claiming to serve as a mediator in proposing peace initiatives must first and foremost clearly understand how the conflict began. Its root cause lies in ignoring Russia’s legitimate security interests, in a desire to inflict a strategic defeat on it and in the failure by the Kyiv regime, which came to power in an anti-constitutional coup d’état, to respect the rights of the population of Ukraine and the obligations that any normal Government has towards all its citizens. In tandem with achieving the goals of the special military operation, Russia has been advocating the establishment of a system of indivisible and equal security in Eurasia, whereby all States can be confident in their own security and will not try to uphold it to the detriment of others’ interests. The Russian President has advanced an initiative on that matter, which is in line with the ideas and proposals of many countries located on our shared continent. There is no doubt that a comprehensive approach to multilateralism hinges on the purposes and principles of the Charter. Alongside the establishment of a multilateral world order with a shift of the centres of power to the global South, there is a growing need for global governance institutions to adapt to reflect modern-day realities and, first and foremost, for there to be reform The global economy is also undergoing tectonic shifts. The share of the BRICS Plus countries in global gross domestic product, at more than 37 per cent, has surpassed that of the Group of Seven countries, which is less than 29 per cent. The reform of the global financial architecture needs to reflect those processes. Of paramount importance here is the prompt reform of the Bretton Woods institutions and the World Trade Organization, the work of which should reflect the real weight of non-Western centres of economic growth. What do we see in that sphere? We see only attempts by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development countries to stymie meaningful reforms and cling to the existing system, which allows for financial instruments to be used as weapons of mass destruction, further fragmenting the global economy. There is an ongoing colonialist practice of imposing ideological designs, political solutions and social and economic models, which are geared towards plundering sovereign States. Since the adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples in 1960, developed countries are estimated to have siphoned off resources amounting to $62 trillion from the global South. Moreover, an unprecedented campaign of imposing unilateral coercive measures on African, Asian and Latin American countries has been unleashed. A grave blow to the global financial system is being dealt by the outright theft of sovereign assets and foreign currency reserves by Western countries. At the same time, limitations on access to technology have been introduced. Such restrictions run counter to genuine multilateralism and exacerbate inequalities, laying a slowly ticking time bomb and thwarting the prospects for achieving sustainable development goals. We are witnessing growing mistrust of the financial system based on Western reserve currencies, and the visible outflow of funds from securities and debt obligations of Western States and major banks. That facilitates the consolidation of regional ties and the formation of effective and secure multilateral foreign economic mechanisms as alternatives to the mechanisms that the West has been controlling and exploiting for the advancement of parochial interests. That includes the expansion of transactions in national currencies, the establishment of independent payment systems and the establishment of industry-market chains to circumvent the channels that have been blocked or compromised as a result of politically motivated restrictions. Interregional and regional organizations and their partnerships, in our view, have the potential to become linchpins that govern a multipolar world order. That is precisely the approach that has been set out in President Vladimir Putin’s blueprint for the Greater Eurasian Partnership initiative, which is the economic bedrock of our initiative for common, indivisible security in Eurasia. Undoubtedly, an important role here lies with the BRICS Plus countries, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the Commonwealth of Independent States, the Eurasian Economic Union, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and other associations. An outstanding example of international and regional cooperation is the work of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), which for decades has been providing humanitarian assistance, education, healthcare and social services to Palestinians in the occupied Palestinian territory. UNRWA has essentially been doing everything that the occupying Power, West Jerusalem, has an obligation to do, but the occupying Power has been waging an unprecedented persecution against UNRWA. Clearly, the strengthening of multilateralism is largely driven by the multiplying global challenges faced by humankind. Those challenges range from health crises to the unbridled infiltration of digital technologies into our lives, and from climate change to the so-called “demographic transition”, which, as some experts believe, essentially means demographic suicide for a growing number of nations. The United Nations is designed to play a central coordinating role in developing adequate solutions with the involvement of all stakeholders, and depoliticized international scientific cooperation should provide a compelling and long-term basis for the adoption of such decisions. When it comes specifically to the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals, major hopes have been pinned on the upcoming Fourth International Conference on Financing for Development, to be held in Spain in July. Among other priorities, we would note the issue of the digital divide. We advocate the establishment of international dialogue and stepping up the activity of specialized international organizations with a view to reducing digital inequalities and providing assistance to developing States in fleshing out national legislation and high-technology infrastructure for the digital economy. Discussions on the aforementioned issues need to take place without descending into futile polemics; otherwise, tangible results will be out of reach. There is a need to restore professionalism in diplomacy, a culture of dialogue, and the ability to listen and hear the views of others and to preserve channels for crisis communication. There is a bedrock for that — it is the Charter of our Organization. If all parties, bar none, respect its spirit and letter, rather than interpreting it selectively for the advancement of geopolitical interests, the United Nations will be in a position to resolve the current differences and find common ground on the majority of issues facing it.

I thank you, Mr. President, for organizing this meeting. At a time when global governance is being challenged by the proliferation of crises, we must not give in to the temptation of unilateralism. That would lead to a generalized confrontation of all against all to the detriment of everyone, even those who believe themselves to be the strongest. France reaffirms its support for multilateralism, respect for international law and the values of cooperation and solidarity. Last September, we adopted by consensus the Pact for the Future (General Assembly resolution 79/1) to revitalize multilateralism and accelerate the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. As we prepare to celebrate the eightieth anniversary of the United Nations, that document reaffirms that a collective response is needed to meet the challenges of today and tomorrow. In that spirit, France organized the Summit for a New Global Financing Pact and, at the beginning of February, the Artificial Intelligence Action Summit. We need to rethink our system of governance in order to make it more effective, more representative and fairer. It is because France has confidence in the United Nations that it is advocating an ambitious reform. With regard to the Security Council, our position is clear: there is a need to enlarge both categories of membership in order to preserve the Council’s legitimacy and render it more representative. It is not normal for Africa to not be represented among the permanent members. That must change. For the past 20 years, France has defended the Group of Four model of having two African States among the permanent members. I reaffirm here that it is legitimate for them to request the right of veto. The Security Council must be able to act and fulfil its role in maintaining international peace and security. The expectations of the international community are high. We must do more for Palestine, Ukraine, the Sudan and so many other areas in the world. France believes that the right of veto is not a discretionary privilege, but a unique responsibility. With that in mind, France has championed an initiative with Mexico, since 2015, to suspend the use of veto in cases of mass atrocities, namely, genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes on a large scale. That initiative has already garnered the support of 106 States, and, through the Pact for the Future (General Assembly resolution 79/1), we have committed to stepping up our efforts on that issue. Let us live up to expectations in that regard. Dame Barbara Woodward (United Kingdom): I thank His Excellency Foreign Minister Wang Yi and the Secretary-General for their contributions to today’s discussion. The United Kingdom remains deeply committed to the United Nations. But 80 years since its creation, with more countries engaged in conflict than ever before, we are falling short of its founding mission — to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. And despite progress on health and education, significant global challenges remain: the climate crisis is accelerating, and the Sustainable Development Goals are off-track. Why so? There is more to this than the often-mentioned liquidity crisis. In 80 years, United Nations membership has increased from 51 to 193 Member States, but the United Nations and its institutions are not fully representative of all its Members. We now live in a multipolar world, not a bipolar or unipolar one, whose challenges — climate, pandemics, cybersecurity — are more transnational than national. As the Secretary-General and many speakers today reiterated, the Pact for the Future (General Assembly resolution 79/1) demonstrated a clear desire and commitment to reinvigorate the multilateral system, including through reforming the United Nations and the international financial system. Together, we need to redouble our efforts and find new ways to address emerging challenges. The Organization’s eightieth anniversary and a year of key summits — 2025 — is the first step on this path. Next month we have the Commission on the Status of Women and Beijing+30 meetings; in June, we have the United Nations Conference to Support the Implementation of Sustainable Development Goal 14: Conserve and Secondly, we need to use the United Nations more effectively to deliver international peace and security. Such progress must go hand in hand with upholding human rights. That starts first and foremost with the defence of the Charter of the United Nations, as colleagues have referenced in this debate. Nowhere is that more true today than in Ukraine, whose sovereignty and territorial integrity is under threat from Russian aggression. We must work to ensure that all United Nations tools, including its good offices, are used to deliver and advance peace. For example, Personal Envoy Lamamra has a crucial platform to bring together the warring parties in the Sudan. We encourage reinvigorated momentum for mediation efforts, as well as a renewed focus on prevention, in order to reduce crises before they happen. This year’s peacebuilding architecture review is an important opportunity in that regard. We also need to refresh our peacekeeping approach so as to ensure that missions are fit for purpose and defend United Nations peacekeepers wherever they serve. Attacks against them are unacceptable. Today we honour, in particular, peacekeepers form the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo who have fallen in defence of civilians in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Finally, in the face of growing global crises — from the Sudan to Myanmar — we need to support the Organization’s development and humanitarian programmes, across its agencies. In Gaza, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East — alongside the World Food Programme and UNICEF  — provides over 50 per cent of all food aid. We commend the tireless efforts of the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs to reach those in need. Humanitarian access and the protection of aid workers are integral to their successful delivery. In conclusion, the Council is often characterized as an ineffective geopolitical theatre. While reform of its membership is needed  — and the United Kingdom supports that — this organ has the tools to implement its peace and security mandate. We now need to strengthen our collective will to use them more effectively and, as the Secretary-General has said, in our eightieth year, work to build the more peaceful, just and prosperous world that we know is within reach.

I thank you, Mr. President, for organizing this meeting to review where the United Nations stands on its purposes and principles as we enter its eightieth year. The United States helped found the United Nations after the Second World War to prevent future global conflicts and promote international peace and security, but United Nations agencies and bodies, overall, have drifted from their core missions. We need to take a closer look at where this institution is falling short. For example, there is a long-standing, deep anti-Israel bias within the United Nations that has only grown stronger since Hamas’ brutal attack against Israel on 7 October 2023. That sentiment was exemplified by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East when its staff were found to The United Nations Human Rights Council has protected human rights abusers by allowing them to use the Organization to shield themselves from scrutiny. As for the Security Council, it is charged with maintaining international peace and security, but critical issues that demand the Council’s attention continually fall by the wayside. Prior to Bashar Al-Assad’s departure from Syria, Russia used the Security Council to block any action to hold the Al-Assad regime to account for its crimes against humanity. Russia’s war on Ukraine is the bloodiest in Europe since the founding of the United Nations after the Second World War. That war needs to end. China has consistently exploited its status as a developing nation within international organizations to advance its separate agenda. The United Nations should not be in the business of endorsing any one country’s initiatives. Two of the greatest drivers of instability in the world today hold veto power at the Security Council. That is what we are up against. As mentioned at the outset, the United States has supported the United Nations over these 80 years. We will continue to advocate strongly for peace abroad and security and stability at home. The United States is currently conducting a review of its support for the United Nations. We will consider whether the actions of the Organization are serving American interests and whether it can be reformed. The United States will not support United Nations bodies such as the Human Rights Council. We will review bodies such as UNESCO, which has a history of antisemitism or anti-Israel sentiment within the Organization. We are seeing the abuse of international structures for political ends, including by using the International Court of Justice’s advisory opinions as a way to pursue national agendas. The Court has been used by South Africa to accuse Israel of genocide. Unfortunately, the term genocide has been misappropriated to become an international slander. As we look at the tools available to us to promote economic and social development, we need to harness the power of artificial intelligence (AI), which will have countless revolutionary applications in economic innovation, national security, healthcare and free expression. America welcomes partnerships with United Nations Member States that foster the creation of AI technology. But we must guard against strangling AI’s development with needless regulations. We must also be wary of attempts to use AI algorithms to rewrite history, surveil users or censor speech. Let me say a few words about sanctions, or so-called illegal unilateral coercive measures. The United States reiterates that its autonomous sanctions programmes are consistent with international law. In addition to observing and respecting United Nations sanctions, the United States and many of its partners legitimately use domestic authorities, carefully regulating our domestic financial systems in a tailored way to address threats to international peace and security. In doing so, we go to tremendous lengths to avoid humanitarian impacts or impacts on the flow of life-saving food and medicine to those in need. In conclusion, the United States supports the return of the United Nations to its founding mission of promoting peace and security around the world. As President Trump has stated, we will be taking a hard look over the next few months at the reforms that the United Nations needs to undertake to get us to that point.

We are encouraged by China’s leadership in organizing today’s debate, and we thank the Secretary-General for his briefing earlier. We will soon mark the passage of 80 years since the end of the Second World War. The devastation and suffering that resulted from that conflict led the world’s Our Organization, and our hopes for a peaceful future, rose like a phoenix from the ashes of the war, as is beautifully depicted in Per Krohg’s Mural for Peace, which hangs just above us in this Chamber. However, it is as though the cord tying us to the raison d’être of our Organization has loosened with time, as though we are no long capable of imagining peace. Conflicts are running at an all-time high. The Charter of the United Nations, international law, international humanitarian law and the resolutions of the Council are all being undermined and flat-out violated or ignored, without any accountability. Since we entered the Security Council a year ago, we have been asking ourselves how we can revive the spirit of San Francisco. Like Guyana, we are asking ourselves how to rebuild trust among ourselves and in the Council, and like Sierra Leone, we are wondering how to reverse the erosion of the international order based on international law and built around the Organization. Those questions led us to organize the open debate on leadership for peace during our Security Council presidency in September 2024 (see S/PV.9732). Together we adopted a presidential statement (S/PRST/2024/5) and recommitted to our responsibilities and roles. The number of speakers that day and today is testament to our continuing belief in the United Nations. I would now like to make three points on how Slovenia sees the way forward. They are focused on what we have in common, on addressing new, non-traditional security threats and on protecting the achievements of the past eight decades. First, the international community joined under the umbrella of the United Nations continues to share noble aspirations. We committed to a world free of fear and free of want. We made that commitment so that all human beings could have their needs, rights and dignity protected and promoted. Those goals continue to unite us. Last year we adopted the Pact for the Future (General Assembly resolution 79/1) for a world that is safe, peaceful, just, equal, inclusive, sustainable and prosperous, a world in which well-being, security, dignity, solidarity and a healthy planet are assured for all humankind. We agree with you, Mr. President, as with many other colleagues, who believe that the Pact is a good and broad enough basis to implement our common aspirations. Secondly, the international community joined under the umbrella of the United Nations should acknowledge the profound global transformation that we are experiencing today, one that is adding new, non-traditional concerns to existing ones. Climate change and environmental threats can fuel conflicts. Water-related risks are a challenge to the resilience of societies. Cyberattacks on critical infrastructure, hospitals and government institutions can bring the world to a standstill. Disregard for the safety and protection of nuclear power plants can hinder the lives of generations to come. Terrorism continues to threaten the security and welfare of all our citizens. Those new security concerns do not stop at our borders. They do not recognize regional divisions. They represent our shared concerns, our common threat. And the Council should step up its efforts to address them. So let us commit to fighting those challenges, and let us do it together. The United Nations community is our strength. Thirdly and lastly, the international community joined under the umbrella of the United Nations should be proud of its past achievements. A major contribution of the United Nations, with its legal framework, is that it has enabled the power of rules to replace the rule of power. Even if it does not always work properly and in all situations, it provides a protective shield for the great majority of Member States against the notion of “might makes right”, in the words of my Danish colleague. Violations of the Charter of the United Nations, international law and international humanitarian law, the erosion of respect for the work of humanitarian

I now give the floor to Her Excellency Mrs. Celinda Sosa Lunda, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Plurinational State of Bolivia.

The Plurinational State of Bolivia welcomes China’s presidency of the Security Council and wishes it every success. I would like to convey greetings on behalf of our President Luis Alberto Arce Catacora and the Bolivian people on the occasion of our celebration of the bicentenary of our independence, a date that will mark the beginning of a new stage for the Plurinational State of Bolivia as it continues to strengthen equity and justice for our people. Today’s meeting is taking place against a backdrop of a global multidimensional crisis that is deepening by the day. Today it is the job of the People’s Republic of China to take up the gauntlet in a difficult global context, marked by the following factors. First, the climate crisis is worsening, with a number of countries facing a real danger of disappearing because of rising sea levels, and with global warming aggravating food insecurity. Secondly, we are seeing the consequences of neocolonialist practices and military occupation aimed at preserving hegemony and controlling our natural resources. Thirdly, an extensive trade war is risky and could have extremely serious consequences in every area. Fourthly, we are hearing threats to entrench the ongoing genocide against the people of Palestine. Fifthly, economic blockades and unilateral coercive measures are being weaponized in order to exercise dominion over sovereign countries. In the face of such threats to peace and the existence of our planet, the most important challenge is that of bringing radical and urgent change to the structure of the United Nations, especially the Security Council. It is vital to restore respect for international law and human rights and establish inclusive and representative global governance. The United States’ use of the veto to reward Israel’s impunity regarding its genocide in Palestine, contrary to the collective will of our brother Palestinian people, is a sign that the Council does not represent the interests of the majority of the world’s peoples. We are fighting to establish the transition to multipolarity and effective multilateralism. From a political standpoint, if international relations are to deepen, it is neither right nor acceptable for five countries to determine the fate of all of humankind while the global South merely watches from the sidelines. The veto must go. States that violate human rights and international law must be suspended from the Security Council. The expansion of the Council’s membership should address variables such as geography and climate and take global challenges into account. We must all listen to one another and be represented. On the path to a multipolar world, the BRICS Plus group has become a genuine alternative in the economic and financial order. Bolivia is committed to strengthening the BRICS New Development Bank so as to finance our growth without being tethered to the traditional financial institutions. Human rights must be upheld in a way that is universal and effective, not selective. It is time for the Council to demand that Israel cease its genocidal action and forced displacement of the men and women of Palestine from their territory. It In conclusion, I would like to reaffirm the position of Bolivia, as expressed by our brother and President in the General Assembly at its seventy-eighth session (see A/78/PV.5), which is for the world to be transformed into a territory of peace.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Péter Szijjártó, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Hungary.

For the past few weeks we have been living in a totally new global political reality. The outcome of the United States presidential elections has essentially changed everything. The entire Western world has a new leader — one who is executing a patriotic and sovereignty-focused political strategy that is putting the national interest first, is based on common sense, is going against woke ideology and launching a fight for freedom against the global dictatorship of the international liberal mainstream. We Hungarians have been doing that for the past 15 years, carrying out a conservative, Christian, patriotic, pro-peace and anti-migration political strategy for which we have come under tremendous and continued attacks by representatives of woke ideology and the international liberal mainstream. I am here to tell everyone that woke ideology and the international liberal mainstream have poisoned international politics and international relations, and that the past few years have therefore been an age of danger and conflict. Huge amounts of money — tens of billions of dollars — have been invested in campaigns blackmailing and insulting patriotic Governments all over the world and interfering in domestic political processes and elections. International politics have been totally devoid of mutual respect. What we have had instead is stigmatization, lecturing and blackmail, and we Hungarians have suffered greatly from all of that. We therefore welcome the recent changes. We are especially glad that the financial channels for this political strategy of interfering in the domestic issues of other countries have been cut off, making possible a return to mutual respect as a basis for international politics. We Hungarians have been living in the neighbourhood and shadow of the war in Ukraine, which has posed a lot of challenges for us and brought much harm and loss to our country. We want to point out that the international liberal mainstream has fuelled the conflict by stigmatizing and attacking everyone who spoke in favour of peace. We remember the stigmatization, the spies, the propagandists and their assorted friends. We should therefore express special appreciation to the countries that have kept the pro-peace camp alive, regardless of the tough circumstances, and very special appreciation to China for establishing the Friends for Peace Group at the start of the General Assembly’s current session. The presidential elections in the United States have brought tremendous changes in that connection too. A pro-peace President has been elected. Our hopes for a peaceful resolution of the war in Ukraine are therefore greater than ever. We welcome the fact that direct meetings at the highest level started today between the United States and the Russian Federation. That has been our position for three years — to keep the channels of communication open, seek diplomatic solutions and maintain ties with the Russian Federation. For that we have come under tremendous attacks in the international political arena. We said that there was no solution on the battlefield, where there are only dead people, casualties and destruction. The only solution is to be found at the negotiating table, and what is happening now shows that we were right. Council members may say that the Hungarians are not right, but they definitely will be right, as the recent developments have shown. I believe that the United Nations should adjust to this new global political reality. If it is unable to do so, it will lose its significance. We have to be honest with ourselves. During the global dictatorship of the international liberal mainstream, Let me express my appreciation for the efforts of the People’s Republic of China to keep the pro-peace camp alive in the past years. Now we hope that the activities of that camp will come to fruition. We wish the United States and the Russian Federation all the best with their direct negotiations. We hope that today’s meeting was successful, and we hope for a successful summit sometime in the near future. A good American-Russian relationship is good news for the world as well. We stand ready for a new age for the global reality, and we are ready to take on our fair share when it comes to making the world a better place again.

I now give the floor to His Excellency General Jeje Odongo Abubakhar, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Uganda.

It is very humbling and a great honour for Uganda to have been invited to join you, Mr. President, in this debate on multilateralism and global governance. Let me also take this opportunity to thank the Secretary-General for his briefing and all the previous speakers for their illuminating contributions to this debate. At the outset, let me share some quotes. Mr. Hubert Védrine, former Minister for Foreign Affairs of France, said that “we cannot accept either a politically unipolar world, nor a culturally uniform world, nor the unilateralism of a single hyperpower.” Kofi Annan, former Secretary-General of the United Nations, said that “There is a certain tendency on the part of some Americans to treat the United Nations as a multilateralism à la carte where you pick and choose where it suits you and when it doesn’t suit you, you pull back.” John F. Kerry, former Secretary of State of the United States, said that “I think as we celebrate the seventieth anniversary of the United Nations, it’s a good moment to rekindle our efforts to make multilateralism work yet again. And I’m proud to say that in the Iran agreement I think we did show that it can work.” Today, the world is in a state of flux, what with a myriad of challenges around issues of climate change, geopolitical tensions threatening world peace and security, and pandemics, among others. Yet, there is a palpable loss of trust in the age-old institutions and the mechanisms for addressing those challenges. As we commemorate the eightieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations, it is most fitting that the world reflect on options available for solving those challenges. For example, to what extent can we still rely on multilateralism? I must therefore thank the President of the Council for choosing this subject and shining a light on it for our attention. Multilateralism, often understood as the cooperation among multiple nations to address shared challenges, has been the cornerstone of global governance, most especially since the mid-twentieth century. Rooted in the principles of collective action and shared responsibility, multilateralism has evolved significantly over time, facing both triumphs and trials. Multilateralism emerged more prominently after the Second World War, with the establishment of the United Nations in 1945 as its flagship institution. The Charter of the United Nations laid the foundation for international cooperation, emphasizing such principles as sovereign equality, the The post-cold-war era saw a surge in multilateral efforts, with the rise of global governance frameworks addressing common challenges like trade, with the formation of the World Trade Organization; climate change, with the signing of the Paris Agreement; and public health, with the formation of the World Health Organization. In spite of that, it is always important for us to remember that multilateralism has always been a work in progress, balancing universal aspirations with the realities of power politics. Despite that apparent achievement, multilateralism continues to face significant challenges, particularly now in the twenty-first century. Those challenges range from structural impediments, rising nationalism and populism, power shifts in the global arena and global crises to loss of trust in the system. The Security Council’s veto system and the lack of equitable representation, especially for developing countries, hinder effective decision-making. Take, for example, the fact that the African continent, with a current population of more than 1.4 billion people, has no representation in the permanent category. Compare that with Europe, with a population of approximately half a billion people, with three permanent seats. We could make the Security Council more representative and effective if we considered expanding both the permanent and non-permanent categories, particularly by rectifying the injustices meted out to Africa and granting Africa two seats in the permanent category and three additional seats in the non-permanent category. Many world leaders have disavowed multilateral agreements, prioritizing unilateral actions instead. For example, when one withdraws from the Paris Agreement on climate change or from the World Health Organization, one is effectively consigning multilateralism to doom. The twenty-first century differs significantly from the twentieth century. Nations that did not exist then are members of the United Nations now. Significant economic progress in a number of countries, in particular in the global South, means that power dynamics have now shifted. The shift has major implications. Parallel structures have emerged, and the Western domination of institutions is now being challenged. The recent outbreak of the coronavirus disease significantly exposed the limitations of the existing multilateral mechanisms in coordinating a global response. The above scenarios have led to polarization and inequity, weakened trust in the multilateral institutions, making collective action more difficult. As John F. Kerry, who I quoted earlier, indicated — there is a need to rebuild trust and confidence in the global institutions. The picture I have painted above is rather depressing and fatalistic. However, we could examine ways and options to make multilateralism adapt to contemporary realities and become robust and effective in dealing with existing challenges. I propose that we undertake several actions. First, we must endeavour to introduce inclusive reforms. Efforts must be undertaken to modernize the United Nations, the World Trade Organization and many other institutions so that they better reflect the current realities. These reforms should better reflect the priorities of the developing countries and ensure geographically diverse representation. Secondly, we must adopt a multi-stakeholder approach. Involving non-governmental organizations, private actors and civil society in global governance can foster more flexible and responsive solutions. Fourthly, initiatives like the United Nations Foundation’s Our Future Agenda are harnessing the energy and creativity of the youth to drive innovative solutions to sustainable development. Such initiatives must be supported. Fifthly, the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Pact for the Future (General Assembly resolution 79/1) provide a road map for renewed international cooperation emphasizing equity and intergenerational responsibility. In conclusion, it is important to note that while multilateralism faces significant challenges, it remains indispensable for addressing global issues that transcend national borders. Its history demonstrates resilience and adaptability, and its future depends on the willingness of State and non-State actors to reimagine and revitalize the system. As the world grapples with existential threats such as climate change, pandemics and geopolitical tensions, the need for effective multilateralism has never been greater, By embracing inclusivity, innovation and solidarity, humankind can together redefine what is possible.

I now give the floor to the representative of Saudi Arabia.

At the outset, I would like to congratulate you, Sir, on assuming the presidency of the Security Council for this month and to thank you for convening this open meeting to discuss ways to implement multilateralism, reform global governance and examine mechanisms for their implementation. Indeed, this meeting is being held amid the most sensitive and delicate circumstances. We must therefore identify the shortcomings preventing the international system from discharging its duties. I must thank the Secretary-General for his valuable briefing and his ongoing efforts to maintain international peace and security. In the light of the transformations and changes that our world is undergoing, it has become necessary to move towards strengthening the capacity of the international system to maintain international peace and security in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations. It goes without saying that the increasing challenges facing the international community and the current bloody incidents require maximally effective engagement and firm responses from the multilateral system, particularly the Security Council, which bears responsibility for interacting impartially and objectively on all issues, in accordance with its mandate. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia stresses the need to combine effectiveness, on the one hand, and multilateralism and equitable representation, on the other, in any serious endeavour to reform and complement global governance. We need better representation of all regions and greater participation of developing countries in adopting the global agenda and formulating related decisions. We also need to ensure that the work of the United Nations is truly effective in maintaining peace and security by consolidating international cooperation, without which no single country can reach effective and successful solutions. In that context, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia reaffirms that intergovernmental negotiations on the reform of the multilateral system should be conducted through the General Assembly, in accordance with General Assembly decision 62/557, adopted by consensus. The arbitrary use of the veto, fair and equitable representation and the expansion of the Security Council are urgent matters that require serious and Today, we are witnessing a growing crisis of confidence in the ability of the United Nations and its organs, in particular the Security Council, to fully carry out their responsibilities in the maintenance of international peace and security and the peaceful resolution of disputes. We must therefore assess the current situation of declining effectiveness of multilateral international action and must propose the best solutions for reform by enhancing effectiveness, multilateralism and the ability to respond rapidly to crises and overcome obstacles. It also goes without saying that the efforts of the Informal Working Group on Documentation and Other Procedural Questions and the process of updating presidential note 507, on the Security Council’s working methods (S/2017/507, annex), are a step in the right direction towards improving them, especially given the negative consequences of the use of the veto on ensuring international peace and security. The unjustified use of the veto has proven that it does not serve international peace and security and runs counter to the noble purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter. The ongoing killing of innocent civilians in Gaza is the best example of the misuse of the veto power. Based on its ongoing commitment to achieving the Organization’s goals of maintaining international peace and security, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia reiterates its call for Security Council reform in order to render it more equitable in representing today’s realities, more effective in keeping pace with the transformations and developments of the international community and more efficient in addressing its common challenges. The Kingdom stands ready to cooperate with other Member States to achieve that noble goal. In conclusion, I am confident that this meeting will contribute to efforts aimed at strengthening the role of the United Nations, multilateral international action and global governance reform.

I now give the floor to the representative of Cuba.

We align ourselves with the statement to be delivered by the representative of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela on behalf of the Group of Friends in Defence of the Charter of the United Nations. We highly value the initiative to convene this open debate. We recognize the important role of China in the defence of multilateralism, diplomacy, global development and peace. As we approach the eightieth anniversary of the United Nations, the world finds itself at a complex juncture, characterized by serious and growing threats to international peace and security and a progressive erosion of the foundations on which this Organization rests. Today’s meeting invites us to reflect on its essential role in preserving international peace and security. We have witnessed the withdrawal of the world’s largest Power from international organizations, with complete disregard for the important work they do. We have witnessed the support and participation of that great Power, without ethical or moral qualms, in the expansion of genocide against the Palestinian people; the declarations of plans for the usurpation of land, ethnic cleansing and annexation; the elevation of racist and supremacist ideology; and the violation of environmental agreements to favour transnational corporations, without regard for the risks to the sustainability of life on our planet. We reaffirm the call to urgently undertake profound transformations of the Organization for the benefit of present and future generations. Likewise, we oppose the trend towards the privatization of the Organization and its conversion into a tool representing the interests of the great Powers and transnational capital. It is increasingly evident that the world must move towards the construction of a new international order, with the participation of all. A debate such as this one can contribute to that end, and Cuba is committed to contributing to it. It must be an order in which all nations have the opportunity to contribute and be truly represented on an equal footing. It must be a sustainable order, which promotes peace, security for all, social justice, equitable prosperity and respect for cultural, ethnic and religious plurality; and which promotes democratic access to science and technology, and human rights for all, not just for privileged elites. It must be based on solidarity, cooperation and respect for each country’s right to choose its political, economic and social system without foreign interference. The role of the General Assembly should be revitalized and strengthened, without Security Council interference in its work. It is imperative to reform the Security Council itself and make it a truly transparent, inclusive, democratic and representative organ that can effectively fulfil its responsibility to maintain international peace and security, and act without double standards to preserve the credibility of the United Nations. The presence of Cuba on the United States’ arbitrary list of alleged State sponsors of terrorism, which that Government publishes as an instrument of coercion, is an act of aggression, and not for nothing is it rejected by the international community. It is a gross manipulation of the fight against terrorism, a way of attacking countries identified as adversaries simply because they are defending their full sovereignty and right to self-determination. It is also an obvious example of the problems of the current international order. As long as unilateral coercive economic measures remain as a means to achieve policy objectives, and until punitive approaches against developing countries are withdrawn, there can be no question of real and inclusive multilateralism for all. Cuba has supported the global initiatives proposed by China, which are an expression of its will to defend world peace, international dialogue and cooperation, equality between nations and peoples, complementarity, and the rejection of hegemonism and measures of economic coercion. Humankind needs solidarity, cooperation and dialogue, and less selfishness, imposition and coercion. It deserves a strong and renewed commitment to multilateralism to ensure peaceful coexistence, preserve international peace and security, and find lasting solutions to systemic problems. Cuba can always be relied on in that endeavour.

I now give the floor to the representative of Slovakia.

I would like to thank you, Mr. President, for convening this open debate on the important issue of multilateralism and improving global governance. I would also like to thank Secretary-General Guterres for his statement to the Security Council. Before I start, I would like to align myself with the statement to be delivered on behalf of the European Union. I would like to add a few additional comments from a national perspective. The first point that I would like to emphasize is that we are in a time of profound global transformation. The world today is becoming more multipolar and fragmented. However, that does not mean that the world must become less multilateral. To the contrary, global governance and cooperation must be the foundation for the changing world that is bringing new challenges but is also offering new possibilities for collaboration. In any event, the role of the United Nations, as the guarantor of the international legal order and the rule of law, must not just be preserved but actively strengthened in the future. The second point that I would like to raise concerns the functioning of the Security Council in managing peace and security in today’s world. The Charter of the United Nations specifies that the Council acts on behalf of all United Nations members. The Security Council must not be passive in the face of conflicts, crises and atrocities. In this contemporary world, we need credible, timely and decisive action by the Council in exercise of its primary responsibility under the Charter. No people should feel abandoned by the international community in that regard. Lastly, I want to speak about the critical importance of implementing the Pact for the Future (General Assembly resolution 79/1), adopted at the United Nations by Member States in September 2024. The Pact is the most comprehensive international agreement in years. Its adoption was an important success for multilateralism and the rules-based global order. The Pact is also a strong commitment on the part of the international community to reform United Nations work on international peace and security. In order to make the most of this new impetus, we must now work together to turn the Pact’s ambitions into concrete results and improvements. The Security Council, too, must play its part and act on the key action points proposed in the Pact that are of relevance to the Council and matters of international peace and security.

I now give the floor to the representative of Ukraine.

Ukraine commends the initiative of the Chinese presidency to hold this important debate and takes note of the briefers’ presentations. As rightly pointed out in the concept paper for this debate (S/2025/78, annex), our world has entered a new period of turbulence and changes. That means, in particular, that the foundations of multilateralism, which were supposed to be the bedrock of global security and stability, are under immense strain. The Russian Federation’s war of aggression against Ukraine is among the starkest manifestations of that crisis. The very institutions, including, first and foremost, the United Nations, that are rooted in international law and designed to prevent such conflicts, unfortunately failed to stop the aggressor. It is true, as the concept note reminds us, that thanks to United Nations efforts no new world war has happened. However, that offers little consolation to those Ukrainians whose towns have been completely destroyed on a scale comparable to, or even exceeding, the devastation of the Second World War. The war is not only about Ukraine. The war is not only about Europe. The Russian Federation has turned food and energy into weapons, exacerbating global crises. Its manipulation of energy supplies has destabilized markets far beyond On top of that, we are confronting attempts to undermine the credibility and efficiency of key multilateral institutions from the inside. Nowhere are those malicious attempts more evident than in this particular Chamber, where a State that is waging a war of aggression enjoys the privilege of a permanent seat and the veto power. The Security Council cannot serve its primary function if it is paralysed by those who are actively undermining its mission. That situation exposes a structural flaw in the Council and in the existing global governance system as a whole. To address it, our multilateral system must be strengthened with preventive and enforcement mechanisms. We are convinced that concrete actions are required to ensure that a State in a permanent seat that is involved in a conflict or a situation under consideration by the Council be limited in exercising its veto right, as it cannot do so impartially, owing to the conflict of interest. If there is a cost to irresponsible behaviour, even on the part of an occupant of a permanent seat, the integrity and efficiency of our platform will be secured. If the United Nations begins to resemble a boxing ring, with fighters, their supporters and passive spectators, the prospects for global security will be very bleak. Achieving a comprehensive, just and lasting peace for Ukraine will be a litmus test for both multilateralism and the United Nations. As most participants are aware, we have submitted a General Assembly draft resolution dedicated to the anniversary of the full-scale war of Russia against Ukraine. It is scheduled to be adopted on 24 February. In that draft resolution, we propose to acknowledge, in particular, multilateral processes aimed at achieving a just peace consistent with the Charter of the United Nations and the efforts by various members in presenting their visions for a settlement. The question now is whether we, as a global community, can uphold the fundamental principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity enshrined in the United Nations Charter, or we will allow aggression and impunity to set dangerous precedents for future conflicts. The answer will determine whether multilateralism remains a viable mechanism for global peace, or whether it will erode into irrelevance. We believe that international support for Ukraine’s fight for freedom and independence entails jointly upholding territorial integrity and sovereignty as imperative principles of international law and restoring respect for the United Nations Charter. I encourage participants to support the draft resolution, as it will be the correct answer to those questions. We are confident that support for Ukraine in the situation of Russia’s illegal, unprovoked and unjustified war of aggression means support for territorial integrity as a principle of the United Nations. Ukraine in turn stands ready to work with all responsible nations to ensure that the United Nations is not just a forum for statements but a force for action. We urge the Council to rise to the challenge and take decisive steps towards meaningful reform. The cost of inaction is too high, not just for Ukraine but for the future of multilateralism and the international order itself.

I wish to remind all speakers to limit their statements to no more than four minutes in order to enable the Council to carry out its work expeditiously. I now give the floor to the representative of Kuwait.

It is my honour to deliver this statement on behalf of the Group of Arab States. Our meeting today comes at a very delicate and sensitive time, as our world today is witnessing unprecedented complex and intertwined political, economic, social and environmental challenges, putting the international multilateral system to the test — a critical test, perhaps the most difficult and urgent such test since 1945. Given that reality, the members of the Security Council must act in a unified and collective manner, with the cooperation and collaboration of the international community, by overcoming the sharp divisions and deep-rooted disagreements that have prevented the international community from fulfilling its responsibilities under the Charter. Complementary to those purposes, an equally important set of principles must constitute the cornerstone of international relations. Although nearly 80 years have passed since the formulation and adoption of the principles and purposes of the Charter, the Palestinian question remains the most salient test of the legitimacy and credibility of the Charter. It is a pivotal issue that is closely linked with the principles and purposes of the Charter, especially the right of peoples to self-determination and the prohibition of the use of armed force that is not in the common interest. Moreover, the Palestinian cause is in alignment with all categories of internationally recognized norms, including General Assembly, Security Council and Human Rights Council resolutions, in addition to the recent International Criminal Court ruling of 21 November 2024 pertaining to war crimes and crimes against humanity and the historic advisory opinion issued by the International Court of Justice on 19 July 2024, Legal consequences arising from the policies and practices of Israel in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem (see A/78/968), which championed the truth and the principles of the Charter that we all accepted when we joined this Organization. However, the occupation’s continued violation of international laws and norms for decades without accountability sends a dangerous message  — one that will be passed on to future generations — about the effectiveness and capacity of the international system. Here, we would like to stress that the United Nations was established to maintain international peace and security and to ensure that the mistakes of the past would not be repeated. From that standpoint, we cannot condone the systematic defiance of the Charter or the unilateral practices that contravene all international norms and laws, especially as the occupying Power persists in its brutal and barbaric attacks and its desperate dream of calling for the forced displacement of the fraternal Palestinian people, threatening regional stability and hindering efforts to achieve lasting peace. We emphasize the need for the Security Council to shoulder its responsibilities to ensure the maintenance of the ceasefire agreement in accordance with resolution 2735 (2024) and de-escalation in the West Bank and the rest of the occupied Palestinian territory, in addition to ensuring the protection of civilians, the sustainable entry of humanitarian aid into the Gaza Strip and the resumption of the peace process, in order to guarantee the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and to the establishment of their independent State on their national soil. The tools provided for in the Charter for the maintenance of international peace and security remain hostage to the unity and consensus of Security Council members. Over the past years and decades, we have witnessed the Council’s inability to fulfil its responsibilities to resolve some crises, as a result of geopolitical differences and of the continued misuse of the veto power. Accordingly, we call on the members of the Security Council to fulfil their responsibilities, as their membership entails a great responsibility that must be taken seriously, and their decision-making mechanism must be based on a comprehensive, transparent, efficient, effective and democratic approach to address all existing and future risks and challenges. They must also take all measures to ensure that their decisions are respected and fully implemented, especially with regard to the Palestinian question, without excluding any of those tools, including those guaranteed under Chapter VII of the Charter. In addition to the purposes and principles set forth in the Charter, there remain a set of tools in the Charter that, were Security Council members to actively use them as expected, would address many regional and international challenges. In Chapter VI, we find an important tool for the settlement of disputes, which the Council must further operationalize by employing peaceful means, be it through negotiations, mediation, arbitration or other peaceful means of the Council’s choosing. In that context, we emphasize the importance of giving greater attention to preventive measures by the Council in order to prevent the outbreak of conflicts by dealing with crises in their initial stages. In line with the foregoing, the Arab Group calls for decisive action through the constructive implementation of all the provisions of the Charter and the concomitant empowerment of the Council to play a comprehensive role in promoting and practising preventive diplomacy. Performing those tasks fully will enhance the resilience of the multilateral international system and its capacity to address security issues before they turn into serious threats. In conclusion, the Arab Group affirms its full commitment to the multilateral international system, its readiness to promote constructive cooperation among Member States to achieve global security and stability, the role of the United Nations in ensuring justice and equality for all countries and peoples, as well as its support for the noble efforts and good offices of the United Nations within the framework of its three main pillars: peace and security, sustainable development and human rights.

I now give the floor to the representative of Kazakhstan.

My sincere congratulations to China on assuming the presidency of the Security Council. I commend the Chinese delegation for fostering a reflective dialogue on 80 years of multilateralism, at a time when the world faces growing geopolitical tensions, economic instability and rapid technological change. My president, the President of Kazakhstan, Mr. Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, has consistently emphasized that the United Nations remains unparalleled as the sole universal organization that serves as the cornerstone of global cooperation and progress. Kazakhstan has called for multilateral institutions to evolve, becoming agile, inclusive and representative to meet contemporary challenges. Those include advancing solutions to climate change, combating cyberthreats, addressing The Pact for the Future (General Assembly resolution 79/1) offers a pivotal opportunity to reform global governance. It advocates greater inclusion of developing nations in decision-making processes, the establishment of resilient financial and debt-relief systems and robust climate-financing frameworks to advance sustainable development. Upholding the Charter of the United Nations and the principles of international humanitarian law while creating strong accountability mechanisms is imperative for effective governance. Kazakhstan’s commitment to multilateralism is evident in its peace and security efforts. As a global leader in nuclear non-proliferation, we voluntarily renounced nuclear weapons and played a key role in the creation of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in Central Asia. Our peacebuilding initiatives, such as the Astana peace process on Syria, the International Fund for Saving the Aral Sea and platforms like the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the Conference on Interaction and Confidence-building Measures in Asia and the five Central Asian nations and the United States — C5+1 — format, further demonstrate Kazakhstan’s proactive role in fostering regional and global stability. We advocate greater access to technology, digital infrastructure and capacity- building for nations in special situations, including landlocked developing countries, least developed countries and small island developing States. That is essential for accelerating their development and building resilience against contemporary threats. Kazakhstan also emphasizes stronger regional collaboration for sustainable development in Central Asia. We urge partnerships between the United Nations, international financial institutions and the private sector to drive progress on the Sustainable Development Goals. Central Asia’s strategic role as a stability hub and connectivity bridge between East and West must be strengthened. We fully support the ongoing United Nations reforms spearheaded by Secretary- General António Guterres, which prioritize accountability, transparency and improved coordination across United Nations entities. As a former member of the Security Council, Kazakhstan has consistently championed the nexus between peace and security and sustainable development, and we continue to call for a revitalized United Nations system, including a strengthened General Assembly, Economic and Social Council and Security Council. Kazakhstan proposes an innovative approach to reforming global governance. We advocate formalizing the United Nations regional centre for the Sustainable Development Goals for Central Asia and Afghanistan, based in Almaty, and operationalizing it through voluntary contributions. This Centre, which already hosts multi-country agencies, will enhance inter-agency coordination and provide an integrated approach to regional development and security challenges. As my President recently stated, “no country can tackle today’s challenges alone”. Kazakhstan calls on all nations to unite and take decisive action to build a safer and more peaceful and just world for future generations.

I now give the floor to the representative of Indonesia. This meeting is truly timely. The need for reform has never been greater since the United Nations was established. Let us start with a frank assessment: the multilateral system today is in profound crisis. The absence of a major global war does not mean that peace prevails. In fact, the very system designed to prevent conflict is under siege, both externally and internally. Too often multilateralism is embraced only when convenient and discarded when not. Too often compliance with international law and international humanitarian law is seen as an individual choice, rather than a universal obligation. Sadly, some of the founding Members of the United Nations now seem to be less keen to uphold multilateralism. As the United Nations nears its eightieth year, we must ask ourselves if it will continue to stand as a pillar of hope or a shattered mirror of broken promises. We must ask the uncomfortable question — do we really seek the common good or flawed multilateralism as a tool for narrow interests? Against that backdrop, allow me to highlight three points. First, the Council must uphold the principles of multilateralism — not through words, but action. Multilateralism works only when all nations commit to its principles. Yet, the Council’s failure to stop humanitarian catastrophes  — from Gaza to the Sudan, from Ukraine to Myanmar — exposes a hard reality: selective multilateralism is no multilateralism at all. We must shift our paradigm from the pursuit of hegemony to one of collective peace and shared prosperity. That requires upholding the principles of inclusivity, equality, solidarity and true partnership. Secondly, the Council must restore the sanctity of international law. Double standards and the selective application of international law are increasingly becoming the new norm. That should not continue to happen, as it breeds cynicism and erodes trust in the multilateralism system, tearing down the very foundation of global order. One of the core issues is whether the veto is used to uphold or sidestep international law and international humanitarian law. Has the veto become part of the solution or part of the problem? Are there enough safeguards in place to ensure accountability and to ensure that impunity is applied to all? There are indeed many pertinent questions, all of which demand answers. Thirdly, the Council must lead the way in reforming our multilateral system. The world is changing; conflicts are changing and so must our approach. We must rethink our dated structures and address the imbalances in decision-making. Indonesia remains committed to advocating a reformed Security Council that is more fit for purpose, representative and effective in addressing the new realities. However, reform must not stop at the Council itself. To strengthen global responses, we must also improve how the Council connects with other United Nations entities, including the complementary authority of the General Assembly. The Organization’s eightieth anniversary is not a time for complacency. It is a call to urgent action. It is time for us to push for real and meaningful reform, including by implementing the Pact for the Future (General Assembly resolution 79/1), so that the United Nations can remain relevant in the next 80 years.

I now give the floor to the representative of Romania.

I thank you, Mr. President, for convening this meeting on such a topical issue. We strongly believe in the validity and long-standing value of the purposes and principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations for the rules-based order, with the United Nations at its centre. In the journey since the The fundamental values of the United Nations Charter and international law have stood the test of time because they were created on strong foundations: the sovereign equality of States, mutual cooperation, the obligation to settle any dispute through peaceful means rather than force and the resort to independent international courts to interpret and apply international law. Our international system also stands on solid ground, with checks and balances that make possible to move forward with the three pillars of United Nations action. No system is perfect, and the United Nations is no exception. However, it is not outdated. We must continue to strive for a United Nations that is more inclusive and more responsive to the current needs and realities. That is the only way to achieve an effective multilateralism based on international law, with the United Nations at its centre. Any adjustment must be rooted in a constructive approach, one that seeks to build, not to destroy. We must not shy away from further reforming the Organization, adapting it to present and future challenges, as long as we remain committed to the values and principles that founded the Unites Nations decades ago. Two recent examples serve as an inspiration — we negotiated a new treaty to protect biodiversity in the high seas. Many States, including Romania, have signed that important treaty and are in the process of ratifying it. And we will soon start negotiations for the first United Nations convention to prevent and punish crimes against humanity. We enter these negotiations in good faith, with the idea to improve them — not to revise the fundamental rules, but rather to consolidate the legal framework. Despite a new surge of global discontent with the multilateral system, effective multilateralism is the answer to our challenges. That is the key lesson learned for the past 80 years — we have the mechanisms to maintain international peace and security, to pave the way for development and to ensure the protection of human rights. Our leaders collectively reinforced that pledge in the Pact for the Future (General Assembly resolution 79/1), and the Pact is the most compelling reflection of our continued and resolute trust in the multilateral system and of the need to bolster our efforts to ensure the United Nations is adequately equipped to respond to the most pressing issues of global governance. Practising multilateralism is respecting international law and rejecting any violation of sacred principles, such as sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. Those principles remain at the core of any effort, and they are also reflected in the upcoming draft resolution in the General Assembly on advancing a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine. Irrespective of the colour of the flag, among those of the 193 Member States that are hoisted outside the Headquarters of the United Nations, any attempt to violate those principles cannot be endorsed as business as usual. We stand up in defence of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. That is the legacy of our forefathers, and that is the legacy we are expected to pass to future generations.

I now give the floor to the representative of Austria.

First of all, let me commend you, Mr. President, for convening today’s open debate. I am particularly pleased to address the Seucirty Council today as the new Permanent Representative of the Republic of Austria. Eighty years ago, the United Nations was founded on the ashes of war, built on the hope that dialogue would prevail over division. Today, the question is not First, our current multilateral system might not be perfect, but it remains our only and our best chance to address common concerns. In the light of the multitude of challenges we all face, we need to keep up the art of compromise. We have not seen so much of that, lately. The vast interest in today’s debate is testimony to that belief. Yet, if our institutions are to remain effective, they must evolve, as our colleague from Romania has also said. The Security Council, in particular, must better reflect the realities of the twenty-first century. That entails a more representative membership, reflective of the diversity of nations. It is crucial to ensure the full participation also of small and medium-sized States in the Council. As a member of the Accountability, Coherence and Transparency (ACT) Group, Austria has consistently, as participants know, advocated for a more transparent, accountable and inclusive Security Council. Secondly, all of us  — but especially the Council  — bear a responsibility to defend and uphold the rule of law. And I would like to emphasize that the Charter of the United Nations is ours, not the Charter of a few, and it should serve as a universal yardstick that we all agreed to when joining the United Nations. Therefore, we encourage all States to support the ACT code of conduct. We call on the Council to advance reform by implementing the interim measures of the Pact for the Future (General Assembly resolution 79/1), including the implementation of Article 27, paragraph 3, of the Charter of the United Nations, and welcome the positive impact of the veto initiative. Finally, my own country, Austria, remains committed to continuing its role as a reliable partner. As a small State that is not a member of any military alliance, multilateralism is in our DNA. Multilateralism is essential for our security policy, and we will stand up for the existing disarmament and non-proliferation regimes in place, which are now increasingly being challenged. Moreover, climate change and the use of new technologies are issues that no one can tackle alone, not even large countries. That is why Austria believes that institutions need to deliver to the people, and that is why we have been very much engaged in helping to advance the dialogue on reform of the Security Council. My predecessor was particularly active in that, as participants know. Through a new model of networked multilateralism, we support efforts to enhance the effectiveness of United Nations peace operations, which we have promoted through a series of seminars, retreats and round tables, all in the spirit of advancing a real dialogue, together with the Department of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs and the Department of Peace Operations, here at Headquarters. In conclusion, Austria is fully committed to acting on those principles when it next has the honour to serve as a member of the Security Council, if indeed we are elected, and of course we hope we can count on members’ support at the upcoming elections in 2026.

I now give the floor to the representative of New Zealand.

I have the honour to deliver this statement on behalf of a group of 61 Member States: Albania, Australia, Austria, Bahrain, Belgium, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Cabo Verde, Canada, Costa Rica, Croatia, Czechia, Denmark, the Dominican Republic, Djibouti, Ecuador, El Salvador, Estonia, Fiji, Finland, Georgia, Germany, Guatemala, Jamaica, Jordan, Kuwait, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Liberia, Libya, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Maldives, Malta, the Marshall Islands, Mexico, Monaco, the Kingdom of the Netherlands, Norway, Palau, Poland, Portugal, the Republic of Moldova, We welcome today’s open debate as a timely opportunity to consider the central tenets of the United Nations as embodied in its Charter — effective multilateralism, the maintenance of international law and the rule of law. As my Austrian colleague said, founded in the ashes of the Second World War, the United Nations is, fundamentally, an international peace and security organization, and it is the Council that has the primary responsibility in that regard. Yet we are faced with a reality in which the Council is increasingly unable to live up to that responsibility. Major crises and conflicts are too often met by inaction and paralysis. We have also continued to witness with alarming frequency the use of the veto, whereby the Council is prevented from taking effective action in line with its mandate. The application of the veto — not to mention those draft resolutions discarded owing to the threat of a veto — undermines multilateral approaches. That favours contestation over cooperation on matters of international peace and security. Its effect is one of disillusionment and mistrust. We as a group remain committed to finding ways to contemporize our multilateral institutions, despite their imperfections, so that they are best positioned to respond to the collective challenges we face, particularly as they relate to international peace and security. We are pleased that the Pact for the Future (General Assembly resolution 79/1) contains many elements that, when implemented, will better enable the Council to deliver on its mandate, a mandate that requires the Council to act on behalf of all of us. We have all agreed on the urgency of further and meaningful Security Council reform. The Pact calls for the full implementation of the Charter of the United Nations, highlighting Article 27, paragraph 3, which obliges parties to a dispute to abstain from voting on relevant Chapter VI resolutions. If any lack of clarity on the scope or definition of that clause is the reason that Charter obligation has not been honoured in full, it must be addressed as a matter of priority. Importantly, the Pact also includes language that aims to strengthen the relationship between the Council and the General Assembly. The General Assembly, where all 193 States Members of the United Nations are represented, is the very embodiment of multilateralism. Under the Charter, the Security Council is afforded primary but not exclusive responsibility for international peace and security. Chapter IV makes it clear that the General Assembly, too, has a role and responsibility in that regard. The Pact is explicit about the ability of the Assembly to take action. General Assembly resolutions 377 (V) and 76/262, on the emergency special session and the veto initiative respectively, established important platforms for action in the General Assembly. The Pact also requires us to revitalize the General Assembly while we work in tandem to reform the Council. Our goal must be to ensure that the United Nations as a whole is able to act on matters of international peace and security, fulfil the mandate that we gave it by signing the Charter and deliver for the people whom we serve. The Council and the Assembly must work more closely, as envisaged in the Charter, and in the spirit of multilateralism. The General Assembly must strengthen its role in peace and security when the Council cannot act. The recently published Assembly for Peace handbook, commissioned by the President of the General Assembly, outlines the breadth of precedent that the General Assembly can draw from in that respect. The Council, in turn, should increasingly recognize General Assembly action on matters of international peace and security and draw inspiration from Assembly products and actions in formulating Council resolutions and products.

I now give the floor to the representative of the United Arab Emirates.

I would like to begin by commending China for its leadership of the Security Council this month and thanking Minister Wang Yi for presiding over this morning’s important meeting. I also thank Secretary- General Guterres for his contribution earlier today. Since its founding 80 years ago, the United Nations has been the cornerstone of multilateralism, fostering international cooperation, development, peace and security. However, in those eight decades our world has changed dramatically and now faces a confluence of challenges, from rising geopolitical tensions and the climate crisis to widening inequality and cyberthreats. Our current multilateral system, designed in a different era, is struggling to keep pace. I would like to share three recommendations on how to best meet the demands of today and prepare for those of tomorrow. First, the Security Council must uphold its responsibility for maintaining international peace and security. It is crucial that States comply with their obligations under international law, which is the foundation of our international order. Nowhere is that more critical than in the Council’s effort to maintain international peace and security, particularly through the universal application of the rules that govern armed conflict. When humanitarian assistance is obstructed during armed conflict and in violation of international law, the Council must not hesitate in calling out those responsible and taking further action. The responsibility to maintain international peace and security also requires limiting misuse of the veto, which undermines the Council’s obligations under the Charter of the United Nations and paralyses decision-making, especially in times of mass atrocities. Secondly, it is essential that we make serious progress on United Nations reform, reform that will lead to a system that is more agile, accountable and representative. The voices of the global South and groups that are underrepresented in global institutions, including on the Council, must be represented and strengthened. Yet geographical inclusion is not enough. In the multilateral system, it will be crucial to ensure that women, who make up 50 per cent of the world’s population, are represented and participate fully, equally and meaningfully. That includes electing the United Nations first-ever Madam Secretary-General. Thirdly, as today’s threats transcend national borders, so too must our solutions. Neither the next pandemic nor the ongoing climate crisis can be addressed through bilateral efforts alone. Equally, cyberthreats and acts of terrorism know no borders. We need a strong and effective multilateral system, with the United Nations at its core, to address those challenges collectively  — a system that leverages all the tools available, such as emerging technologies, including artificial intelligence, as opportunities for peace, security and sustainable development, and one that can deliver landmark achievements such as the United Arab Emirates-led consensus at the twenty-eighth session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, reminding us of what we can accomplish with the right combination of perseverance and political will. Abandoning multilateralism in the pursuit of narrow interests will only exacerbate global challenges. As we look ahead to the next 80 years, let us renew our commitment to multilateralism, the Charter of the United Nations and the principles on which the United Nations was founded. That system remains our best tool for

I now give the floor to the representative of Lithuania.

We appreciate this timely opportunity to exchange views on multilateralism, which is the backbone of the United Nations. Lithuania aligns itself with the statement to be delivered on behalf of the European Union and the statement on the veto initiative delivered by the representative of New Zealand a few minutes ago, and I would like to add some remarks in my national capacity. We thank the Secretary-General for his insights. Today it is more important than ever that we act decisively to confront threats to global peace and security and reverse the erosion of multilateralism. On 26 June 1945, near the end of the devastating Second World War, the participants in the United Nations Conference in San Francisco signed the Charter of the United Nations, establishing a framework for effective multilateralism on a basis of shared commitments to its purposes and principles. The Charter entrusts the Security Council with the crucial duty to identify the existence of threats to peace, address acts of aggression and take measures to maintain or restore international peace and security. Regrettably, we are facing a different reality today. Russia’s ongoing war of aggression against Ukraine constitutes the gravest possible violation of the Charter of the United Nations and international law. By waging the war, Russia is not only undermining global peace and security but is weakening the credibility and legitimacy of the Security Council itself, actions that are incompatible with membership in the Council. Russia is further abusing its current position on the Council by involving States such as Iran, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Belarus as accomplices in its aggression. By transferring weapons between the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Russia and using troops from that country in Russia, Russia’s war constitutes a major escalation with global consequences. By allowing Russia to perpetuate that aggression, the Council and the United Nations as a whole are being implicated in undermining the principles on which the Organization and multilateralism itself are based. That dangerous precedent of lawlessness is already spreading across regions all over the world, where local actors in conflicts are rejecting international law and instead resorting to brute force and conquest. Russia has directly and openly supported those violations, deploying mercenaries and spreading disinformation in the Sahel, backing the failed Al-Assad regime in Syria and undermining nuclear non-proliferation efforts vis-à-vis the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Iran. Lithuania invites all States to support the draft resolution on advancing a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine that the General Assembly will adopt on Monday. A strong vote in its favour will demonstrate a genuine commitment to multilateralism and a collective resolve to uphold international law and the principles on which the United Nations was founded. In the Pact for the Future (General Assembly resolution 79/1), adopted in September by the Heads of State and Government of all Member States, we pledged to live up to our foundational promise to protect succeeding generations from the scourge of war. We affirmed the vital importance of upholding international law, including the United Nations Charter, committing to peaceful dispute solution, rejecting the threat or use of force or acts of aggression, respecting each other’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, supporting the principles of political independence and self- determination, and strengthening accountability and ending impunity. This clear We also agreed on transforming global governance by renewing commitment to multilateralism and international cooperation, guided by the United Nations Charter and the principles of trust, equity, solidarity and universality. This includes a commitment to reform the Security Council to make it more representative, inclusive, transparent, efficient, effective, democratic and accountable. In this regard, Lithuania steadfastly supports the code of conduct of the Accountability, Coherence and Transparency Group and the France/Mexico initiative calling to limit the use of the veto, particularly in situations of mass atrocity. Lithuania also calls for adherence to paragraph 3 of Article 27 of the United Nations Charter, which constrains the use of the veto by obliging a party to a dispute to abstain from voting. Selective application of the United Nations Charter undermines its integrity and should not be tolerated. Looking ahead, for multilateralism to endure, we must reiterate the importance of universal adherence to international law. All States, including those on the Security Council, must uphold the principles of the United Nations Charter.

There are still a number of speakers remaining on the list for this meeting. As it is already 2 p.m., I intend, with the concurrence of members of the Council, to suspend the meeting until 3 p.m.