S/PV.9941 Security Council

In accordance with rule 37 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representatives of Iraq, the Islamic Republic of Iran, Israel and Kuwait to participate in this meeting. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the following briefers to participate in this meeting: Mr. Miroslav Jenča, Assistant Secretary-General for Europe, Central Asia and the Americas, Departments of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs and Peace Operations; and Mr. Rafael Mariano Grossi, Director General of the International Atomic Energy Agency. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I wish to warmly welcome the Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. António Guterres, to whom I now give the floor.

With your permission, Madam President, I will give a short introduction, and then my two colleagues will brief the Council. Two days ago in this very Chamber, I made a direct appeal: give peace a chance (see S/PV.9939). That call was not heeded. Instead, the bombing of Iranian nuclear facilities by the United States of America marks a perilous turn in a region that is already reeling. From the outset of the crisis, I have repeatedly condemned any military escalation in the Middle East. The people of the region cannot endure another cycle of destruction. And yet, we now risk descending into a rathole of retaliation after retaliation. To avoid it, diplomacy must prevail. Civilians must be protected. Safe maritime navigation must be guaranteed. We must act immediately and decisively to halt the fighting and return to serious, sustained negotiations on the Iran nuclear programme. We need a credible, comprehensive and verifiable solution  — one that restores trust — including with full access for inspectors of the International Atomic Energy Agency, as the United Nations technical authority in that field. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons is a cornerstone of international peace and security. Iran must fully respect it, and all Member States must act in accordance with their obligations under the Charter of the United Nations and other rules of international law, including international humanitarian law. The United Nations stands ready to support any and all efforts towards a peaceful resolution. But peace cannot be imposed. It must be chosen. We face a stark choice. One path leads to wider war, deeper human suffering and serious damage to the international order, and the other leads to de-escalation, diplomacy and dialogue. We know which path is right. And I urge the Council and all Member States to act with reason, restraint and urgency. We cannot and must not give up on peace.

I thank the Secretary-General for his statement. I now give the floor to Mr. Jenča. Mr. Jenča: On the evening of 21 June, the President of the United States of America announced that the United States military had conducted strikes against the Fordow, Natanz and Isfahan nuclear facilities in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Shortly thereafter, the Atomic Energy Organization of Iran confirmed that attacks around the I urge Iran to allow International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) inspectors access to the sites to conduct damage assessments as soon as safety conditions allow. I also note that the Council will shortly hear from IAEA Director General Grossi. The latest development must be viewed with the utmost seriousness. They mark a dangerous escalation in a conflict that has already devastated many lives in both countries, in a region on the edge. This is a direct threat to international peace and security. Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo told the Council only two days ago that we were teetering on the edge of a full-blown conflict (see S/PV.9939). I fear that we are now at that dangerous moment. Meanwhile, the hostilities between Israel and Iran continue and are now in their tenth day. Hours after the United States strikes, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps said that it had launched some 40 missiles at Israel. The Israeli authorities reported that more than 85 people were injured in the barrage, and numerous structures in Tel Aviv and its southern suburbs sustained heavy damage, including many residential buildings and an elder care home. Israel also said it had launched a series of strikes against military targets in Iran, including in Tehran, Tabriz and Yazd. The Israel Defense Forces said 30 fighter jets had struck dozens of military targets across Iran. Iranian media reported several civilian fatalities, including children, and damage to homes and other civilian infrastructure. Earlier, on 21 June, Israel attacked, for a second time since 13 June, the Isfahan nuclear complex, hitting six buildings. According to Iran’s Ministry of Health, as of 21 June, 430 people had been killed and more than 3,500 others injured owing to Israeli strikes across Iran. Most had been civilians. According to the Israeli authorities, 25 Israelis have been killed and 1,300 more have been injured since the beginning of exchanges with Iran. The conflict risks engulfing the region in further instability and volatility. Some non-State armed groups aligned with Iran warned against United States involvement. The Houthis in Yemen and some armed groups in Iraq vowed to attack if the United States intervened in the conflict between Israel and Iran. Iran’s Parliament unanimously expressed support for measures to close the Strait of Hormuz, a vital maritime route for global energy transit. Iran’s Supreme National Security Council would need to take the final decision. I recall the rights and obligations of all States under international law in relation to maritime navigation. The Middle East cannot afford yet another violent conflict in which civilians pay the price of military confrontations. And the world will also not be spared from the ramifications of that dangerous conflict. I echo the Secretary-General’s call on Member States and on the members of the Security Council to de-escalate and to uphold their obligations under the Charter of the United Nations, notably the obligation to settle their international disputes by All parties to the conflict must also comply with the relevant rules of international humanitarian law in the conduct of their military operations. There is no military solution to the conflict. We need diplomacy, de-escalation and confidence-building now.

I thank Mr. Jenča for his briefing. I now give the floor to Mr. Grossi. Mr. Grossi: I would like to thank the Secretary-General for his permanent support to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and myself in the discharge of my duties. I also would like to thank the Assistant Secretary-General for the statement he just delivered. I have convened a special session of the Board of Governors of the IAEA tomorrow morning in Vienna to continue the consideration of this issue which this body has continued to consider today. The nuclear non-proliferation regime that has underpinned international security for more than half a century is on the line. The dramatic events in Iran have become even more serious with last night’s bombardments and the potential widening of the conflict. We have a window of opportunity to return to dialogue and diplomacy. If that window closes, violence and destruction could reach unthinkable levels and the global non-proliferation regime as we know it could crumble and fall. Iran, Israel and the Middle East need peace, and there is a path for diplomacy. We must return, as the Secretary-General just said, to the negotiating table and allow the IAEA inspectors, the guardians of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, to go back to Iran’s nuclear sites and account for the stockpiles of uranium, including, most importantly, the 400 kilograms of uranium enriched at 60 per cent. Any agreement, any arrangement will have as a prerequisite the establishment of the facts on the ground. That can be done only through IAEA inspections. IAEA inspectors are in Iran, and they must do their job. That will require a cessation of hostilities so that Iran can let the teams into the sites under the necessary safety and security conditions. Any special measures by Iran to protect its nuclear materials and equipment can be done in accordance with Iran’s safeguards obligations with the Agency. That is possible. Based on the information available to the IAEA, let me update members on what has occurred at Iran’s nuclear sites since I last addressed the Security Council three days ago (see S/PV.9939). Craters are visible at the Fordow site, Iran’s main location for enriching uranium at 60 per cent, indicating the use by the United States of America of ground- penetrating munitions. That is consistent with statements from the United States. At this time, no one, including the IAEA, is in a position to assess the underground damage at Fordow. At the Isfahan nuclear site, additional buildings were hit overnight, with the United States confirming its use of cruise missiles. Affected buildings include some At the Natanz enrichment site, the fuel enrichment plant has been hit again, with the United States confirming that it used ground-penetrating munitions. Iran has informed the IAEA that there has been no increase in off-site radiation levels at the three sites. The situation at all other sites in Iran remains as I described them to Council members three days ago. We continue to monitor the situation and encourage the Iranian regulator to maintain its indispensable contact with the IAEA’s Incident and Emergency Centre. The IAEA has consistently underlined, as stated in General Conference resolutions, that armed attacks on nuclear facilities should never take place and could result in radioactive releases with grave consequences within and beyond the boundaries of the State which has been attacked. I therefore again call for maximum restraint. Military escalation threatens lives and delays a diplomatic solution for the long-term assurance that Iran does not acquire a nuclear weapon. It also threatens the global non-proliferation regime. As I stated three days ago (see S/PV.9939) and previously, I am ready to travel immediately and to engage with all relevant parties to help to ensure the protection of nuclear facilities and the continued peaceful uses of nuclear technology in accordance with the Agency’s mandate. With your support, the IAEA can deploy nuclear safety and security experts to Iran immediately, in addition to our safeguards inspectors, wherever they are needed. There is arguably no more important and universally supported endeavour than ensuring that we use the enormous power of the atom for good rather than destruction. Let us not allow the window to close on diplomacy. Let us not allow the non-proliferation regime to fail. Irrespective of individual positions and views, one thing is certain, and this is the simple truth. We will not be safer if there are more nuclear weapons in more States around the world. The IAEA is ready to do its part to bring this military confrontation to an end.

I thank Mr. Grossi for his briefing. I shall now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements.

At the outset, I would like to express my appreciation to the Guyana presidency of the Security Council for promptly convening today’s meeting at this increasingly precarious moment. I thank the Secretary-General for his powerful statement. I also appreciate International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) Director General Grossi and Assistant Secretary-General Jenča for their informative briefings. In just over a week, the Council has met three times. However, regrettably, each meeting has witnessed a further escalation of tensions. The Republic of Korea reiterates its profound concern over the deteriorating situation in the Middle East and expresses its sincere hope for urgent de-escalation. When we gathered here last Friday (see S/PV.9939), we voiced our hope that a renewed opening for diplomacy might emerge. It is lamentable that, in a matter of only two days, that hope now seems even more distant than before. Despite the deeply concerning developments in recent days, the Republic of Korea remains firmly convinced that no sustainable resolution to this crisis can be achieved through military means alone. Indeed, now more than ever, we implore all At this perilous moment, it is vital to prevent a further downward spiral. We therefore reiterate our call for full respect for the Charter of the United Nations and international law, and the safeguarding of the international non-proliferation regime. Any indiscriminate attacks against civilians or civilian objects are prohibited. That is an absolute principle that must be upheld, especially as the situation grows ever more volatile. The Republic of Korea highly appreciates the IAEA for its unwavering efforts to ensure nuclear safety and security under these extremely challenging circumstances. We also remain mindful of the safeguards implications of the current crisis. All parties need to return to the table, so both military actions and nuclear safeguards concerns can come to an end. In conclusion, it is imperative to avoid any further military escalation and prevent a spread of the conflict. We strongly hope that a renewed window for diplomacy will open again.

I thank you for convening this emergency meeting of the Security Council. The gravity of the situation in the Middle East demands the Council’s immediate attention as it discharges its primary responsibility to maintain international peace and security. I thank His Excellency Mr. António Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations, for his introductory statement and I also thank Assistant Secretary-General Miroslav Jenča and Director General Rafael Grossi of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) for their timely and important briefings. Sierra Leone aligns itself with the Secretary-General’s call for immediate de-escalation to avert catastrophic consequences for civilians, the region and the world. While guided by our earlier interventions at meetings held on 13 and 20 June on this situation (see S/PV.9936 and S/PV.9939), the alarming developments compel the Council to act with urgency. We are concerned to note that, less than 24 hours ago, the United States of America struck nuclear facilities at Fordow, Natanz and Isfahan in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Earlier that day, the State of Israel launched further strikes on the Isfahan complex. Iran also responded with missile launches at Israel. We take note of Director General Grossi’s briefing on the off-site radiation in the nuclear facilities hit by the strikes. The events, however, heighten the risk of radiological disaster and increase civilian suffering. Sierra Leone is deeply concerned by those military strikes, particularly as they targeted nuclear installations and densely populated areas in Iran and Israel. Even as we recognize the complexities of the regional security environment, those developments call for renewed commitment to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and international law. The use of force is among the most serious matters before the Council. Article 2, paragraph 4, of the Charter obliges all Member States to refrain from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State. In this instance, we note with concern that the strikes were conducted without Council authorization, nor was there a clear invocation of the right of self-defence under Article 51 in response to or an imminent armed attack. As we approach the eightieth anniversary of the Charter, born of a collective resolve to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, we are witnessing actions that undermine its promise. These attacks starkly contrast with the spirit The targeting of nuclear facilities heightens our concerns. International humanitarian law requires particular caution regarding such sites owing to the potential for grave humanitarian and environmental harm. The IAEA has repeatedly affirmed that attacks or threats against nuclear facilities devoted to peaceful purposes violate the Charter, the IAEA statute and international law. We therefore stress the critical importance of upholding the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), the cornerstone of the global non-proliferation and disarmament architecture. The NPT prevents nuclear weapons proliferation and provides a framework for addressing concerns related to peaceful nuclear energy. Actions outside that framework risk undermining the treaty’s authority and effectiveness. We urge all parties to utilize the NPT mechanisms, including through the IAEA, to address legitimate concerns and avoid measures that weaken that vital instrument of international peace and security. We took note of Iran’s recent letter of 21 June 2025 (S/2025/404), Israel’s communications citing self-defence and the joint letter from France, Germany and the United Kingdom (S/2025/358). Those underline the mounting claims and counterclaims, reinforcing the Council’s duty to uphold the Charter. In that regard, Sierra Leone therefore advances the following points. First, we call for an immediate, comprehensive ceasefire. Continued hostilities risk igniting a wider regional conflict, destabilizing maritime routes and unsettling fragile energy markets. There is no military solution. We urge all parties to engage in diplomatic talks and resume structured dialogue towards restoring resolution 2231 (2015) and the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action before the remaining measures expire on 18 October 2025. The potential broader consequences of an escalating conflict must not be overlooked. The disruption of key shipping lanes could severely affect small and developing economies, in particular those still recovering from the coronavirus disease pandemic and grappling with debt distress. Such disruptions risk inflaming our human and common insecurities, economic distress, disaffection among youth, irregular migration and fragile social cohesion far beyond the region. Secondly, we demand strict protection of civilians and civilian infrastructure. We have already been briefed by Assistant Secretary-General Jenča on the civilian casualties in Iran and Israel since 13 June. Hospitals, power stations and homes have suffered damage. We call for safe corridors for medical evacuation and humanitarian relief, in line with international law. Thirdly, we emphasize that the NPT remains central to global security. We urge Iran to continue full cooperation with the IAEA and resolve outstanding safeguards issues. We equally urge all States to exercise restraint in order to protect the integrity of the NPT. Fourthly and lastly, we support full IAEA verification, transparent use of the procurement channel and provisional application of the Additional Protocol as confidence-building measures essential to regional stability. In conclusion, we must recall that immense power brings immense responsibility. States, including those entrusted with great power by the United Nations Charter, have a duty to act in ways that uphold peace, security and the rules-based order. Setting aside the Charter’s principles risks weakening the safeguards that protect us all and may embolden unilateral actions elsewhere. At this difficult moment, Sierra Leone appeals for de-escalation, restraint and the pursuit of diplomacy. Let us remember that behind geopolitical decisions are the lives of ordinary people — men, Dame Barbara Woodward (United Kingdom): I thank you, Madam President, for convening this meeting. I would like to start by thanking the Secretary-General, Assistant Secretary-General Jenča and Director General Grossi for briefing us today. This is a pivotal moment for the region. A further spiral of conflict poses serious risks to regional and international peace and stability. Our foremost priority must now be to support de-escalation. We have long made clear that Iran must not have a nuclear weapon and that its nuclear programme represents a serious threat to international peace and security. The United States took action last night to alleviate that threat. The United Kingdom did not participate in United States or Israeli strikes. But military action alone cannot bring a durable solution to concerns about Iran’s nuclear programme. My Prime Minister has been clear. We urge Iran now to show restraint, and we urge all parties to return to the negotiating table and find a diplomatic solution that stops further escalation and brings this crisis to an end. It is in the interests of all parties to pursue such a deal. That was the joint call made by my Prime Minister with his French and German counterparts earlier today. The United Kingdom, together with its E3 partners — France and Germany — has long pursued a diplomatic solution to address Iran’s nuclear escalation. On Friday, alongside E3 and European Union colleagues, my Foreign Secretary met Iranian Minister for Foreign Affairs Araghchi in Geneva to press directly for a return to diplomacy. My Foreign Minister spoke to Minister for Foreign Affairs Araghchi again today and stressed the urgency of that, and we continue to engage partners across the region. The United Kingdom reiterates its full support for the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and Director General Grossi for their critical work, professionalism and impartiality. The IAEA and the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons are key pillars of international security. Threats against IAEA staff and the Director General are unacceptable. We urge Iran to cooperate fully with the IAEA. Failure to do so will only further fuel escalation. Now is the time for de-escalation and a return to diplomacy. It is essential that Iran chooses that path.

At the outset, I thank the Secretary- General for his statement, two days after the statement he had already made alerting us to the seriousness of the situation (see S/PV.9939). I also thank the Assistant Secretary-General for Europe, Central Asia and the Americas, Mr. Miroslav Jenča, and the Director General of the International Atomic Energy Agency, Mr. Rafael Grossi, for their briefings, which attest to the severity of the situation. France noted with concern the strikes carried out by the United States against three nuclear sites in Iran. France did not take part in the planning or conduct of those operations. We urge all parties to show the utmost restraint and prevent any risk of escalation. Now is the time to halt the strikes, de-escalate and negotiate. Civilian populations must be spared, as the strikes exchanged between Iran and Israel have caused too many civilian casualties. We call on Iran, in particular, to refrain from any retaliation, to halt its nuclear escalation and to opt for the path of diplomacy, as we encouraged it to do in Geneva last Friday. That was also the message conveyed by the President of the Republic, Mr. Emmanuel Macron, to his Iranian counterpart during a conversation today. It is imperative to ensure stability in the region. The President of the Republic also spoke today with the Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia, the Sultan of Oman, the We took note of the statements by the International Atomic Energy Agency that no increase in radioactivity levels was detected in the vicinity of the sites that were struck. I reaffirm here France’s full support for the Director General and the staff of the Agency, who are once again demonstrating their professionalism and dedication in these difficult circumstances. Iran must urgently return to the path of full cooperation with the Agency. We have always clearly stated that Iran must not and will not be allowed to possess nuclear weapons. Iran’s acquisition of such weapons would pose a threat to the security of Israel and to that of the region. It would also constitute a direct threat to the security interests of France and Europe and would undermine the international non-proliferation architecture. France’s position has remained unchanged for more than 20 years: the only solution to the crisis arising from Iran’s nuclear programme is a diplomatic one. In recent days, that belief spurred France and its E3 partners to take the initiative to hold talks with Iran. The Minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs, Jean-Noël Barrot, was in Geneva on Friday for that meeting with his Iranian, E3 and European Union counterparts. In that context, we reiterated our concerns about Iran’s nuclear programme, the dangerous escalation of which the IAEA has been documenting in recent years, stating that it is not in a position to guarantee that it is peaceful in nature. We reaffirmed our determination to ensure that Iran never acquires nuclear weapons, in accordance with its obligations under the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and its commitments under the 2015 agreement. We conveyed our desire to continue talks with Iran so as to address the concerns raised by its nuclear programme and to tackle more broadly the regional security issues arising from Iran’s destabilizing actions. That belief still stands: only a negotiated diplomatic solution will allow for a lasting settlement of the Iranian nuclear issue. France stands ready to contribute, with its European partners, to the quest for such a solution. We must find our way back to the negotiating table with a view to arriving at a robust, verifiable and lasting agreement, which is crucial to enabling the Agency to confirm that Iran’s nuclear programme is entirely peaceful, which is not currently the case. That is the sole way of ensuring both stability in the region and global peace and security. Let us not forget that the region is already confronting a protracted war in Gaza, with devastating humanitarian consequences. We call for an immediate ceasefire, the unimpeded delivery of humanitarian aid throughout the Gaza Strip and the immediate and unconditional release of the hostages. France remains determined to forge ahead with the implementation of a two-State solution — the only way to enable Palestinians and Israelis to live in peace and security. We continue to work towards relaunching the conference mandated by the General Assembly and which France will co-chair with Saudi Arabia. The Council will reconvene in two days’ time to review the implementation of resolution 2231 (2015). That meeting must be an opportunity for the Council and Iran to reaffirm our commitment to diplomacy and to the negotiation process that culminated in the 2015 agreement.

We welcome the presence of the Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. António Guterres, and value his important remarks. We extend our gratitude to Mr. Miroslav Jenča, Assistant Secretary-General for Europe, Central Asia and the Americas, and Mr. Rafael Grossi, Director General We note the recent developments in Iran with concern. Since the start of those events, most Council members have drawn attention to the urgent need to de-escalate the conflict, and we have repeatedly called for maximum restraint, dialogue and negotiations to give peace a reasonable chance. We must underscore that we are confronting a situation that is as uncertain as it is untimely and the consequences of which could be profoundly destabilizing, not only for the region but also for international peace and security. In its resolutions, the International Atomic Energy Agency has warned that attacks on nuclear facilities pose a risk, as they could result in the release of radioactive material, with grave consequences for the population and the environment in terms of radiological contamination and a potentially unprecedented regional impact. Fortunately, thus far, recent developments have yet to lead to high levels of radiation, and, according to Iran, no consequences for human health or the environment beyond the sites affected are expected. For its part, the International Atomic Energy Agency has reported that it will continue to monitor and assess the situation in Iran. We recognize its responsible oversight. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) is a central pillar of international law and has made a decisive contribution to the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and the promotion of disarmament. Through the NPT, the international community has obtained greater guarantees of stability and security by reducing the risk of nuclear weapons becoming the cause of confrontation or conflict. We acknowledge that mistrust is an aggravating factor in this situation. Nonetheless, it is our hope that there may still be room for dialogue and that the Council can play a constructive role in promoting it. To that end, we must all do all we can to urge the parties to find a solution that prevents the civilian population falling victim to an even greater conflict. Although a small country, Panama is the responsible owner of a strategic interoceanic canal and will consistently turn to international law as a means of resolving international disputes that could have global repercussions. Accordingly, we support an immediate cessation of hostilities to pave the way for a genuine dialogue that will allow lasting and peaceful solutions to conflict to be found.

I thank you, Madam President, for convening this emergency open meeting. I also thank Secretary-General Guterres for his statement and Assistant Secretary-General Jenča and Director General Grossi for their briefings. Yesterday, the United States carried out strikes on three Iranian nuclear facilities, in Fordow, Natanz and Isfahan. China strongly condemns the United States attacks on Iran and the bombing of nuclear facilities, which were subject to International Atomic Energy Agency safeguards. The actions of the United States are in grave violation of the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and international law and the sovereignty, security and territorial integrity of Iran. They have exacerbated tensions in the Middle East and dealt a heavy blow to the international nuclear non-proliferation regime. The international community must uphold justice and engage in concrete efforts to defuse the situation and restore peace and stability. In that connection, I wish to make four appeals. First, we call for an immediate ceasefire and an end to the hostilities. Amid the sharp upsurge in tensions across the Middle East, China is profoundly concerned about the risk of the situation spiralling out of control. The parties to the conflict, and Israel in particular, should reach an immediate ceasefire to prevent further escalation and commit to averting a spillover of the war. The parties concerned should abide by Secondly, we call for the effective protection of civilians. Innocent civilians bear the brunt of every conflict. China is deeply saddened by the large number of civilian casualties from the conflict. Civilians and civilian infrastructure must not be targeted in military operations, and the bottom line of international humanitarian law must not be transgressed. Parties to the conflict should prioritize the interests and welfare of the people in the region, do their utmost to avoid harming innocent civilians and refrain from attacking civilian infrastructure. Thirdly, we call for a commitment to dialogue and negotiation. Peace in the Middle East will not be achieved through the use of force. Dialogue and negotiation are the ultimate solution. Diplomatic means have yet to be exhausted in addressing the Iranian nuclear issue, and there is still hope for a peaceful solution. Parties should stay firmly committed to a political settlement of the Iranian nuclear issue and strive to revert to a political solution through dialogue and negotiation, with a view to securing an agreement that is acceptable to all parties. Fourthly, we call for swift action by the Security Council. The Security Council has the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. It cannot stand idly by in the face of a major crisis. Russia, China and Pakistan have proposed a draft resolution calling for an immediate and unconditional ceasefire, the protection of civilians, respect for international law and engagement in dialogue and negotiation. We hope that Council members can demonstrate their strong sense of responsibility by jointly supporting the draft resolution to enable the Security Council to fulfil its responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. China stands ready to work with the international community to foster synergy, uphold justice and make unremitting efforts to restore peace and stability in the Middle East.

Let me start by thanking the Secretary-General for his introductory remarks, as well as Assistant Secretary-General Jenča and Director General Grossi for their informative and timely briefings. This is the third time in 10 days that the Security Council has been convened in an emergency meeting and rightfully so. The situation is now more dangerous than it has been at any point since 13 June. What the Secretary-General referred to as a defining moment for our collective future has now become a reality. We have taken note of the military action against nuclear-related sites in Iran and are monitoring with concern the evolving situation very closely. Allow me to raise the following three points. First, we reiterate our call upon all parties to show restraint. There is no need for more violence, especially given the potential grave consequences. It is critical for the inspectors of the International Atomic Energy Agency to be able to resume their activity and check on the status of the stockpile of enriched uranium, as well as of the remaining enrichment capabilities of Iran. That is essential, as the global non-proliferation architecture and regional and potentially global security are under intense stress. Secondly, I must reiterate our strong concern about the nuclear programme of Iran, which should never be allowed to have nuclear weapons. We have time and again warned against non-compliance with its legally binding safeguards and Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action obligations. Against that background, Israel has the right to protect itself and live in peace and security with its neighbours. We can argue in this Chamber, as so many times we have done, about whether Iran’s nuclear Thirdly, it is of critical importance to ensure that civilians on all sides are protected. Last but not least, we take note with profound relief of Director General Grossi’s remarks that, as of this time, we do not expect that there will be any health consequences for people or the environment outside the targeted sites. In conclusion, allow me to highlight in no uncertain terms the value of de-escalation as a first step towards a sustainable peace. The international community and countries with influence must step in and offer a diplomatic way out, which must include the necessary security assurances. Involved parties need to act in full accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, international law and international humanitarian law. Echoing the ancient virtue of sophrosyne — self-restraint, we urge all parties to exercise the utmost moderation and engage in dialogue and diplomacy.

I also thank the Secretary-General for his presence and remarks and Assistant Secretary-General Jenča and Director General Grossi for their briefings and updates. We are meeting again today, as the situation in the Middle East continues to escalate. Attacks between Israel and Iran have continued since our most recent meeting on Friday (see S/PV.9939). Civilian casualties and widespread suffering continue to rise on both sides. Last night, a targeted operation was carried out by the United States against three nuclear facilities in Iran. The continued escalation in the Middle East is a cause for great concern and poses a grave risk to international peace and security. Denmark urges all parties to abide by their obligations under the Charter of the United Nations and international law. All parties must ensure the protection of civilians and civilian infrastructure in line with international humanitarian law. Furthermore, and keeping in mind the words of Director General Grossi to the Council two days ago, every action should be taken and the necessary restraint shown to reduce the risk of nuclear accidents, which could have devastating effects for the civilian population and the environment. Denmark has persistently underlined that Iran must never acquire a nuclear weapon. That would be a serious threat to regional and global security. We have repeatedly expressed our concerns about Iran’s accelerating nuclear trajectory and the fact that the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) is unable to assure that the Iranian nuclear programme is exclusively peaceful. We welcome the fact that the IAEA continues to monitor the situation and provide information on the nuclear safety and security implications. And we stress the importance of a continued and timely exchange of information between Iran and the IAEA regarding issues related to nuclear safety, security and safeguards. The current trajectory is unsustainable and fraught with danger — not only for the region, but for international peace and security at large. De-escalation is not only necessary; it is urgent. We call on all actors to step back from the brink to prevent further escalation in Middle East. We urge Iran to engage in negotiations and not to take any further action that could destabilize the region. At this critical moment, it is important that all parties refrain from steps that could lead to serious regional and global consequences. In closing, now is the time to return to negotiations in order to reach a diplomatic solution. We call on all parties to exercise the utmost restraint and to engage in a diplomatic negotiated solution, which is the only viable path towards lasting peace in the region and beyond. Denmark stands ready to work with all parties to that effect.

We are grateful to the presidency of Guyana for promptly convening today’s meeting to discuss the extremely dangerous developments in the Middle East, which have been further exacerbated by the strikes conducted by the United States overnight targeting Iranian sites. We would like to thank Secretary-General António Guterres for his statement, as well as Assistant Secretary-General Jenča and Director General Grossi for their briefings. Russia vehemently condemns the irresponsible, dangerous and provocative actions taken by the United States of America against the Islamic Republic of Iran, a sovereign Member State of the United Nations. As we know, in the early hours of 22 June, the United States Air Force, in full cooperation and coordination with the Israeli Air Force, which for over a week now has been conducting massive strikes on civilian targets and infrastructure in Iran in violation of the basic principles of international law, launched unprovoked missile and bomb strikes on three Iranian nuclear sites, namely, Fordow, Natanz and Isfahan, which were under International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards. In doing so, Washington yet again demonstrated its complete disregard for the position of the international community and reasserted that to advance the interests of its Israeli ally, it is prepared not only to turn a blind eye to the killings of tens of thousands of Palestinian women, children and older persons, but also to gamble with the safety and well-being of humankind as a whole. Through its actions, the United States has opened Pandora’s box. No one knows what new consequences and suffering it will bring. In the past 10 days, we heard three briefings by IAEA Director General Rafael Grossi. He cautioned that strikes on Iranian nuclear infrastructure could have absolutely unpredictable repercussions and pose a major threat to nuclear safety and security not only in Iran but also in the region and the entire world. However, Washington is completely unconcerned about either the radiological consequences or the threat to the lives and health of a huge number of civilians, including women and children, in the region and beyond. Washington, much like West Jerusalem, sees itself as the highest judge in the land, vested with the right to deliver justice as it sees fit. Therefore, the United States has confirmed that in order to preserve its global hegemony, it is ready to commit any crimes and violations of international law. Let me remind Council members that no one authorized the United States to take such actions. We have repeatedly offered our American colleagues our mediation services in order to find a peaceful and mutually agreeable solution to the contradictions surrounding the Iranian nuclear programme. However, it appears that diplomacy is not what our United States colleagues currently need. Responsibility for all this falls squarely on the shoulders of the American leadership, especially given that the United States leadership has not only publicly acknowledged responsibility for its actions, but actually flaunted them, demonstrating utter contempt for the norms of international law and the Charter of the United Nations, as well Security Council resolutions, including resolutions 487 (1981) and 2231 (2015), and the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). Just two days ago, here in this very Chamber, we heard many delegations, including the closest allies of the United States, calling for de-escalation and the Today, we will once again hear cynical statements from the United States representative about their readiness to return to negotiations, as if there were no nighttime strikes using heavy munitions against Iran. Obviously, that is in order to subsequently and hypocritically portray Tehran as a spoiler of the negotiation process, as a party allegedly undermining stability in the Middle East. Nevertheless, we believe that none of the sensible members of the international community will believe our American colleagues any more. Nor will they believe United States attempts to convince the Security Council that Iran was trying to acquire nuclear weapons. I would like to remind Council members that back in March, high-ranking United States intelligence officials claimed that the United States had no information about Tehran’s attempts to develop military nuclear capabilities. I imagine that many people today are experiencing a nagging sense of déjà vu. Let me remind members how, back in 2003, in this very Chamber, United States Secretary of State Colin Powell waved around a vial to justify Washington’s plans to invade the territory of another sovereign State (see S/PV.4701), only to plunge the people of that country into decades of chaos and find no weapons of mass destruction there. Today’s situation is essentially no different. Yet again, we are being asked to believe the United States’ fairy tales in order to once again inflict suffering on millions of people living in the Middle East. That cements our conviction that our United States colleagues have learned nothing from history. We regret that some Council members in this Chamber today have not summoned and cannot summon the courage to call a spade a spade and condemn Washington’s actions. It feels strange, participating in this theatre of the absurd and cynicism. We saw the representative of the United Kingdom calling on Iran to exercise restraint — even though it is precisely Iran that was subjected to that unprovoked attack and bombardment of its nuclear facilities — as if it had been Iran, not Israel and the United States, that had completely escalated the situation. There are also other Council members that are calling on Iran to show restraint. We have seen a lot of hypocrisy in this Chamber, but that takes the biscuit. It is a striking example of hypocrisy on the part of those who have been stirring up tensions in recent days over resolution 2231 (2015), which is about to expire. Over the past week, we have witnessed a new and extremely dangerous wave of escalation. After what happened last night, the situation became wholly unprecedented in nature. The radiological repercussions of the American attacks have yet to be assessed, and we expect the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and its Director General to provide a clear-cut, professional and impartial analysis of the situation, including by presenting an objective report at the emergency meeting of the IAEA Board of Governors. However, it is already clear that the attacks on Iran’s nuclear facilities, including those carried out by one of the NPT depositaries, namely the United States, deal a colossal blow to the global non-proliferation regime. Not only do those attacks undermine the credibility of the IAEA and that of the entire system of verification and control by the Agency, but they also disrupt the very foundations of international cooperation in this area, which is liable to cast us back into an era of uncontrolled nuclear risks. It seems that that is precisely what Washington and West Jerusalem are seeking. As a responsible State and a permanent member of the Council, Russia cannot support such a scenario. Under the NPT, Iran has the right to develop its civilian nuclear programme, and tonight the United States has de facto nullified years of diplomatic efforts aimed at upholding that fundamental principle. Accepting that Since we have talked so much today about the importance of the NPT and the global non-proliferation regime, I would like to remind Council members that Israel never acceded to the NPT and, therefore, there is no comprehensive programme of IAEA inspections vis-à-vis Israel. Iran, on the other hand, was and remains the most inspected IAEA State in the world, but instead of support for taking such a stance, Iran has its territory and peaceful citizens bombed by a country that has, out of principle, refused to sign the NPT. That is an outrageous and cynical situation, and we are surprised that the IAEA Director General has not said a word about it. Nor has he ever called on Israel to join the NPT. I think it is obvious to everyone in this Chamber that unless we stop the escalation, the Middle East will find itself on the brink of a large-scale conflict, which is fraught with unpredictable consequences for the entire international security architecture, and the whole world could find itself on the verge of a nuclear catastrophe. We call for an immediate cessation of aggressive actions by Israel and the United States and we urge all parties to exercise restraint and return to the fold of international diplomacy and negotiations. But appeals from Council members alone are not enough. Under the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations — something that those who are hypocritically silent today zealously call other countries to comply with — the Council is simply duty bound to craft a collective decision that would bar strikes against Iranian peaceful nuclear infrastructure facilities under the IAEA safeguards. In that regard, we need first and foremost a clear-cut legal and political assessment of what happened. For all those who do not pursue any hidden agenda or double standards, that is absolutely obvious. To that end, the Russian Federation, China, and Pakistan prepared and circulated this morning a concise and balanced draft resolution calling for an immediate and unconditional ceasefire and for a search for a diplomatic solution to the Iranian nuclear programme. The language reflects the positions of the overwhelming majority of Council members, as expressed during our meetings held on 13 June (see S/PV.9936) and 20 June (see S/PV.9939). We count on the support of all members of the Council so that we can send a message as soon as possible about the need to immediately end the violence, which is something, inter alia, that the Secretary-General once again called for today. Unless the Council takes a clear and principled position, further escalation is inevitable. We urge all members of the Security Council to adopt a responsible approach and support the proposed draft resolution.

I thank Secretary-General António Guterres, Assistant Secretary-General Miroslav Jenča and Director General Rafael Grossi for their continued attention on this urgent matter of international peace and security. Last evening, United States military strikes targeted nuclear facilities in Fordow, Natanz and Isfahan, with the aim of dismantling Iran’s nuclear enrichment capacity and stopping the nuclear threat posed by the world’s foremost State sponsor of terror. That operation sought to eliminate a long-standing but rapidly escalating source of global insecurity and to aid our ally Israel in our inherent right of collective self- defence, consistent with the Charter of the United Nations. For 40 years, the Iranian Government has called for death to America and death to Israel and posed a constant menace to the peace and security of its neighbours, the United States and the entire world. Iran has attacked Israel with hundreds of ballistic The time finally came for the United States, in defence of its ally and in defence of its own citizens and interests, to act decisively. The Iranian regime cannot have a nuclear weapon. Let us be clear: Iran should not escalate. As President Trump said, any Iranian attack — direct or indirect — against Americans or American bases will be met with devastating retaliation. In order to fulfil its core mission of maintaining international peace and security, the Council must call upon the Iranian regime to end its 47-year effort to eradicate the State of Israel, to terminate its drive for nuclear weapons, to stop targeting American citizens and interests and to negotiate peace in good faith for the prosperity and security of the Iranian people and all other States in the region. The representative of a Member State here today cast aspersions about hypocrisy and raised the issue of the forthcoming meeting on resolution 2231 (2015). In that regard, I would point out that the recent International Atomic Energy Agency report on verification and monitoring of Iran’s non-compliance with obligatory nuclear safeguards shows clearly that Iran has been continuing to accelerate its nuclear activities without any credible civilian justification. We look forward to discussing the implications of that report and its broader implications on Tuesday, when the Secretariat will provide a briefing on the report on the implementation of resolution 2231 (2015) (S/2025/397).

I thank the Secretary-General very much for his remarks. I also thank Director General Grossi and Assistant Secretary-General Jenča for their briefings. This body is mandated to work for the maintenance of international peace and security. There are moments in this Chamber and outside it — pivotal moments — that shape our collective future. We believe that today’s debate is one of them. Slovenia denounces the sharp military escalation. That escalation risks further exacerbating an already extremely dangerous and unstable regional situation and is threatening international peace and security. Therefore, we join the Secretary- General’s call on the parties to the conflict to disengage from further escalation and retaliation. We call for an immediate ceasefire. We further call on the parties to the conflict to respect the Charter of the United Nations and international law, including international humanitarian law. As has been proven time and again, violence and military conflicts lead nowhere. They lead only to ever greater suffering for the innocent people of the Middle East. We are deeply alarmed about the toll of the ongoing situation on civilians and the chaos and the fear that it is sowing. Slovenia remains concerned about the size and unclear nature of Iran’s nuclear programme. We reaffirm our firm rejection of nuclear proliferation. At this point, I wish to express our full support for the work of the International Atomic Energy Agency and for Director General Grossi. At this critical moment, with so much at stake, we must insist on diplomacy. A tailored diplomatic solution is needed. We welcome the attempts made in recent days to maintain a diplomatic path, namely, the meeting of the E3 countries — France, Germany and the United Kingdom — and the European Union with Iran, and we call on everyone else to follow that path. We call on the parties to the conflict and those with influence on them to prioritize Let me repeat that this is not a time for further escalations. This is not a time for retaliatory measures. It is time for de-escalation and diplomacy. It is time for peace. And we call on all leaders to show leadership for peace.

At the outset, Somalia wishes to thank the presidency for convening the Council again in response to the escalating and grave developments in the Middle East. We also extend our appreciation to the Secretary- General for his introductory remarks and to Director General Grossi and Assistant Secretary-General Jenča for their thorough updates on this worrisome and rapidly evolving threat to international peace and security in the Middle East. The recent attacks on the nuclear facilities of Fordow, Natanz and Isfahan in Iran represent a perilous escalation that threatens to engulf the entire region in an uncontrollable cycle of violence, suffering and destruction. Somalia condemns any acts of aggression that violate the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Member States. Such actions are in clear contravention of the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, in particular Article 2, paragraph 4, which prohibits the threat or use of force against any State. We reaffirm the importance of respecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Our delegation believes that all Member States share the responsibility to act in accordance with those principles and commitments. At this critical moment, four urgent actions must guide our collective response. First, international law and the United Nations Charter must be upheld. We call for respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all States, for adherence to the principles of good-neighbourliness and for the resolution of disputes through peaceful means. Violations of those principles imperil countless lives and deepen regional crises. Secondly, there is a need to pursue de-escalation and a comprehensive ceasefire. We urge all sides to work towards de-escalation and to achieve an immediate and unconditional ceasefire in order to restore calm and confidence-building measures. The Security Council must support every diplomatic initiative aimed at reducing tensions and preventing further conflict. Thirdly, there must be a return to negotiations on non-proliferation. Somalia reaffirms the urgent necessity of returning to negotiations regarding the Iranian nuclear programme. Our delegation believes that the only viable path forward is a swift recommitment to talks on non-proliferation, in line with the relevant international resolutions. We further reiterate our call for the establishment of a Middle East zone free of nuclear weapons and for all States in the region to join the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Lastly, there is a need to protect civilians and safeguard nuclear facilities. We emphasize the paramount importance of protecting civilians and civilian infrastructure. Also, we urge all parties to exercise restraint and refrain from targeting nuclear facilities, in particular those under International Atomic Energy Agency safeguards, given the grave risks that such actions pose to populations, regional stability and the environment. Equally important is to guarantee freedom of navigation in international waterways and to refrain from actions that undermine maritime security. In conclusion, the challenges before us demand a collective, measured response rooted in dialogue, mutual respect and a renewed commitment to multilateralism. Our

I thank you, Madam President, for convening yet another emergency meeting of the Security Council. I would also like to join colleagues in thanking the Secretary-General for his remarks. He could not have been clearer, and I thank him. I would also like to thank Assistant Secretary-General Jenča and Director General Grossi for their important briefings. When the Council met on Friday (see S/PV.9939), following Israel’s wanton, continuing aggression and unprovoked strikes against Iran, many members warned the international community about that grave violation of the Charter of the United Nations and the risk of dangerous escalation. We have heard the same today around the table from Council members, the Secretary-General and other briefers. But tragically, developments over the past 24 hours have only confirmed those warnings. And it is unfortunate that universal calls for de-escalation and a peaceful resolution of the crisis through dialogue have remained unheeded. From the outset, Pakistan has adopted a principled position on those developments  — a position based entirely on international law and the Charter of the United Nations. We have thus strongly and unambiguously condemned the Israeli aggression, expressed solidarity with Iran and full support for its inherent and legitimate right to self-defence, in conformity with the Charter of the United Nations; denounced the unlawful unilateral Israeli strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities subject to International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards; called for an end to be brought to that aggression; and advocated a cessation of hostilities and a reversion to dialogue and diplomacy for a peaceful lasting settlement of the Iranian nuclear issue. In recent days, Pakistan’s leadership, including the Deputy Prime Minister and the Minister for Foreign Affairs, has remained actively engaged in promoting those objectives through numerous and continuing contact with leaders of other countries and our partners across regions, all in the interest of preserving international peace and security and in fulfilment of our responsibility as a member of the Security Council. The Council of Foreign Ministers of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, meeting in Istanbul, echoed that same call for an end to the aggression and in support of de-escalation and a peaceful settlement. It is in that context that we are seriously concerned by the recent developments, which have further heightened tensions. Pakistan has condemned the United States strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities, which come on the heels of a series of brazen attacks by Israel on nuclear sites. Let me recall that specific targeting of nuclear facilities under IAEA safeguards constitutes a clear breach of international law, the Statute of the IAEA, multiple IAEA resolutions and resolution 487 (1981). According to Article 25 of the Charter, the Members of the United Nations agree to accept and carry out the decisions of the Security Council in accordance with the Charter. The heaviest responsibility for carrying out decisions of the Council is borne by its members, in particular the permanent members. We are deeply alarmed by the escalating situation. The sharp rise in tensions and violence as a result of Israel’s aggression and unlawful actions is profoundly disturbing. Any further escalation risks catastrophic consequences for the region and beyond. Pakistan stands in solidarity with the Government and brotherly people of Iran during this challenging time. Those attacks set a dangerous precedent and pose a grave threat to the safety and security of populations across the region and, indeed, First, we must unequivocally reject and condemn the attacks against the Islamic Republic of Iran since 13 June as being in clear contravention of international law and the Charter of the United Nations. The threat or use of force must never be condoned. Article 2, paragraph 4, of the Charter is crystal clear in that regard, as is Article 51. Secondly, we must denounce the attacks on IAEA-safeguarded nuclear facilities, which violate Security Council and IAEA resolutions and international humanitarian law. Thirdly, we must reaffirm the obligation to protect civilian lives and property on both sides. All parties must adhere fully to international law, in particular international humanitarian law. Fourthly, we must call for an immediate cessation of hostilities and a complete ceasefire. Fifthly, we must promote urgent recourse to dialogue and diplomacy, consistent with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, with a view to finding a peaceful and lasting resolution of the Iranian nuclear issue. In pursuit of those objectives, Pakistan has joined China and Russia in circulating a draft resolution. Among other measures, that resolution calls for an immediate and unconditional ceasefire, urges all parties to refrain from further escalation, demands the urgent protection of civilians and civilian infrastructure and supports a diplomatic path forward on the Iranian nuclear issue that is acceptable to all parties. Having listened to similar concerns and priorities expressed by many Council members today, we sincerely hope that the draft resolution will receive the Council’s support, enabling it to respond with unity and resolve, urgently and effectively, in line with the gravity of the situation. Pakistan stands ready to engage constructively with all Council members in that regard. The Middle East, already burdened by prolonged instability, a history of illegal Israeli occupation and continued denial of the Palestinians’ right to self-determination and statehood, cannot absorb another crisis. We must act now to prevent the situation from spiralling further out of control. History has taught us that the use of force and unilateral military actions only deepen conflicts and entrench divisions, with tragic human and humanitarian consequences. Dialogue and diplomacy remain the only path forward. They must be pursued with seriousness and sincerity by all.

I would like to thank you, Madam President, for the prompt scheduling of this meeting. I thank the Secretary-General for his remarks. We share his assessment that this is a dangerous escalation in a region already on the edge. And we echo his pressing call on Member States to de-escalate and to uphold their obligations under the Charter of the United Nations and other rules of international law. I also thank Assistant Secretary-General Jenča and Director General Grossi for their briefings. The world, and especially the Middle East, cannot endure another war. Unfortunately, events in the region are accelerating at an alarming pace, pushing the Middle East dangerously close to an apocalyptic scenario. At a time when the international community was united in seeking ways to ease tensions, the situation deteriorated sharply yesterday and was further exacerbated by American strikes targeting Iranian nuclear facilities. Attacks on nuclear facilities under international safeguards seriously undermine the integrity and credibility of the global non-proliferation regime. Therefore, we reaffirm that the legal framework safeguarding nuclear installations is clear, comprehensive and binding. Its very existence is precisely to ensure the highest levels of safety and protection for such facilities. The resolutions of the International Atomic Energy Agency General Conference explicitly state that: “any armed attack on and threat against nuclear facilities devoted to peaceful purposes constitutes a violation of the principles of the United Nations Charter, international law and the Statute of the Agency”. Those resolutions remain fully valid and applicable to the current situation. Under no circumstances should nuclear facilities be subjected to attack. Upholding international law is not optional; it is a binding obligation upon all Member States. What lies ahead? What space remains for diplomacy? What responsibility rests with the Security Council? What we are witnessing today is a profound and perilous reversal. War has become the denial of diplomacy and politics by any means. Diplomacy, our job, long regarded as the primary tool for conflict resolution, is now being compelled to yield, to step aside, to allow force to take precedence. What about the Security Council? For some, and especially with regard to Middle East issues, its restraint, its silence is seen as more useful than its action. What, then, of negotiations, of agreements, of the essence of the United Nations, its Charter, its principles and international law? They too are being bypassed, negated, disregarded and, finally, discredited. Future generations will remember not only what we said, but what we — the Security Council members, especially the elected ones — did or failed to do. I reaffirm Algeria’s position clearly: the only viable path forward is a return to diplomacy, an approach rooted in international legality, the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the pursuit of a peaceful resolution. We must collectively draw on the lessons of the region’s painful history, which clearly shows that military solutions have never succeeded in resolving its complex challenges. Algeria reiterates its firm call for an immediate ceasefire, a return to the negotiating table and a sincere commitment by all concerned parties to finding a peaceful and negotiated solution to the Iranian nuclear issue, including the lifting of sanctions. Let me recall what the Charter clearly states: all Members shall settle their international disputes by peaceful means.

I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the representative of Guyana. Just two days ago, we met in this Chamber and made urgent calls for diplomacy and de-escalation in relation to the ongoing conflict between Israel and Iran (see S/PV.9939). The Secretary-General appealed to give peace a chance, and many of us echoed that call. Guyana, like so many other countries, including on the Council, has consistently called for Israel and Iran to exercise maximum restraint and to avoid any miscalculations that would further plunge the region into deeper crisis. For months, we have listened to the increasingly dangerous rhetoric and threats. However, what we need at this time is leadership and diplomacy. In that context, Guyana offers the following considerations. First, what is unfolding in the Middle East concerns us all. We must renew our calls for de-escalation and urge the concerned parties to step back and return to diplomacy and dialogue. We call on influential States to encourage the parties in that direction. States must resist the temptation to fan the flames of conflict, given the potentially grave humanitarian and security impacts and the attendant effects on global trade, including oil prices and food security. Secondly, we urge the members of the Council to urgently address the grave threat posed by the conflict to international peace and security, to uphold their obligations under the Charter of the United Nations and to take decisive action to end the hostilities. We must ensure that the parties avoid being trapped in a retaliatory tit-for-tat loop of violence that undermines regional and global peace and security. Finally, the headwinds we face are indeed testing our collective resolve. Guyana reiterates its call for all parties to abide by the principles of the United Nations Charter and to respect and uphold international humanitarian law, particularly the principles of distinction, proportionality and precaution, and ensure the protection of civilians and civilian objects. We also reiterate that the right to self-defence absolves neither party of their responsibilities and obligations under international law. I resume my functions as President of the Council. Before opening the floor, I would like to remind all speakers that this is a formal meeting of the United Nations Security Council, and of the need to ensure proper decorum in the delivery of their statements and to refrain from personal attacks. I now give the floor to the representative of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Thank you, Madam President, for your valuable efforts in promptly convening this emergency meeting in your capacity as the President of the Security Council. We welcome the presence of the Secretary- General at this meeting. We also listened to the statement made by Assistant Secretary-General Mr. Jenča. We appreciate all those members who have chosen to stand on the right side of history, and therefore strongly condemned the acts of aggression of the United States and the Israeli regime against my country. I address the Council today for the third time since the brutal aggressions against my country, first by the Israeli regime on June 13, and now by the United States. I speak with the utmost urgency and grave concern on behalf of our people, a peace-loving nation of nearly one hundred million people. Once again, the internationally wanted war criminal, Netanyahu, succeeded in hijacking United States foreign policy, dragging the United States into yet another costly and baseless war. America has, once more, recklessly chosen to sacrifice its own security merely to safeguard Netanyahu. Once again, the world has witnessed the blatant corruption of the United States political system and its leaders. As an independent, peace-seeking nation, the Islamic Republic of Iran had repeatedly warned the warmongering United States regime to refrain from stumbling into this quagmire. Even now, Iran reserves its full and legitimate right, under international law, to defend itself against this blatant United States aggression and its Israeli proxy. The timing, nature and scale of Iran’s proportionate response will be decided by its armed forces. Throughout history, the resilient and united Iranian nation has withstood deeper wounds and faced more vicious enemies and, this time too, it will show its dignity, strength and greatness to the world. Over the past 10 days of Israel’s barbaric assault, international bodies — including the Security Council and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) — have been provided with all the necessary information and warnings. Yet, they have proven once again that the so-called eight-decade-long quest to prevent war and aggression is hollow and powerless in practice. History will not forget these tragic days. It is profoundly heartbreaking that a peace-loving country, one of the founders of the United Nations, with over 5,000 years of culture and civilization, a responsible party to the Charter of the United Nations and the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), and a non-nuclear-weapon State, has been under armed attacked by an illegitimate regime, and now by its chief backer, the United States. Both possess thousands of nuclear warheads. The United States, a permanent member of the Council, the depository of the NPT and the only State that has ever used nuclear weapons, murdering millions in two cities, has now once again resorted to illegal force and waged a war against my country, under the fabricated and absurd pretext of preventing Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons. What a bitter and tragic irony! This United States and Israeli regime aggression is a clear and flagrant breach of international law. It breaches the peremptory norm on the prohibition of aggression and the very fundamental principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter — namely Article 2, paragraph 4, which categorically prohibits the threat or use of force against the sovereignty and territorial integrity of any Member State. This illegal act also violates the Charter, the statute of the IAEA, relevant resolutions of the Agency’s General Conference, resolutions 487 (1981) and 2231 (2015) and the NPT itself. While the representative of the United States continues to make baseless accusations against Iran, the international community is well aware of the well- documented and dark record of military interventions, illegal use of force against other sovereign States and sponsorship of terrorism by the United States in the Middle East and across the world. The facts speak for themselves: all United States allegations against Iran are unfounded, have no legal basis and are politically motivated. From its illegal invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan to its catastrophic intervention in Libya, the United States has ignored the United Nations Charter, shattered entire societies and destabilized the region for decades. The people of those countries continue to pay the price for those reckless policies. Israel’s attack on 13 June and the aerial strikes by the United States on 21 June did not occur in a vacuum. They are the direct result of the illegal and politically motivated actions of the United States and its European partners — the United Kingdom, France and Germany — and of the biased conduct of the IAEA Director General. Undoubtedly, the United States, the United Kingdom and France, three permanent members of the Council, along with the Israeli regime and the IAEA Director General, will bear full responsibility for the death of innocent civilians in Iran, especially women and children, and for the destruction of vital civilian infrastructure. Iran was preparing for the next round of diplomatic engagement with the United States on 15 June, only for Israel to strike Iran two days before those talks could take place. In fact, Israel decided to destroy diplomacy. The so-called offer of diplomacy was nothing more than a deceitful ploy to mislead the international community. This week, as our Foreign Minister held talks with the E3 European troika and the European Union, the United States decided to destroy that diplomacy. What conclusion can be drawn from this situation? From the perspective of Western countries, Iran must return to the negotiation table. But, as Iran’s Minister for Foreign Affairs mentioned, how can Iran return to something it never left? The pattern is evident. The NPT, the cornerstone of the non-proliferation regime, has been manipulated to become a political weapon. Instead of guaranteeing parties’ legitimate rights to peaceful nuclear energy, it has been exploited as a pretext for aggression and unlawful action that jeopardize the supreme interests of my country. The selective behaviour and double standards of the IAEA Board and the Security Council, turning a blind eye to Israel’s past attack on Iraq’s Osirak reactor, its assault on Iran’s nuclear sites under IAEA safeguards and its ongoing aggression, is a moral, political and legal disgrace. That shame will forever tarnish the credibility of those international bodies. With such blatant bias, there is no assurance that other NPT parties will not face similar aggression. For more than two decades, Israel, an outlaw, nuclear-armed regime that refuses to join the NPT in spite of resolution 487 (1981), has promoted the deceitful and false narrative that Iran is on the cusp of acquiring a nuclear weapon. While there has not been even one shred of evidence to substantiate such baseless allegations, Iran’s consistent diplomatic engagement in good faith, leading to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, and its full compliance with the commitments therein and with resolution 2231 (2015) demonstrate the very peaceful nature of its nuclear programme. Iran is acting within its inherent and lawful right of self-defence under Article 51 of the United Nations Charter. We will take all measures deemed necessary at our disposal to protect our people, sovereignty, territorial integrity, national and vital interests and peaceful nuclear programme, in accordance with international law. Once again, I would like to remind this esteemed body of its legal and moral obligations. If the Council and the United Nations, which were built to maintain The Security Council should immediately act under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter to redress this injustice and these gross violations by strongly condemning the blatant aggressions, violations and heinous crimes committed against the Islamic Republic of Iran; adopting effective enforcement actions against the aggressors; holding the United States and the Israeli regime fully accountable; and placing Israeli nuclear facilities under Agency safeguards. This is a historic test for the Council and for the United Nations as a whole. Every State and every responsible actor must rise to the occasion and unambiguously condemn these blatant crimes. Failure to do so will lead to the gradual decline of the very aspirations of the non-proliferation regime and normalize a dangerous precedent of might overriding right, in which the fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter are trampled without consequences. We stand at a crossroads. Let this be the moment we put an end to impunity, the moment we uphold the principles on which the Council was founded. The Council must act decisively. Silence will be complicity in those crimes. If the Council fails to act and to condemn this blatant aggression, the stain of complicity will forever remain on its conscience, as it does with Gaza.

I now give the floor to the representative of Israel.

First, I would like to thank the Secretary-General, Assistant Secretary-General Jenča and Director General Grossi for their remarks. Last night, history changed. The United States of America struck Iran’s nuclear sites at Fordow, Natanz and Isfahan. The United States, the leader of the free world, removed the greatest existential threat facing the free world. Just like our Operation Rising Lion, this was not a war of choice. This action was a necessity. It was a righteous act for the United States, for Israel, for the Middle East and for the world. Therefore, the entire world should express its thanks on record today, here and now. It should thank the United States for removing the greatest threat to global security. It should thank President Trump for acting when so many hesitated, and for protecting the free world with strength and with moral clarity. Now, some come here to denounce the United States and Israel. Let me, then, ask them: where were they? Where were they when Iran was racing towards the bomb? Where were they when it was enriching uranium far beyond the point of civilian usage and burying an entire fortress beneath a mountain to prepare for our extermination? Where were they when Iran turned negotiation into theatre and deceit into strategy? They were silent. They were complicit. They were afraid. They were bystanders. Months ago, I sat before the Council and called for a coalition of the courageous (see S/PV.9787). I called for a coalition with the moral clarity and strength to confront the greatest threat that our world has seen since the Second World War. Last night, the leader of the free world acted with that courage. The United States acted not just for itself but for every nation that values freedom over radicalism, for every nation whose children deserve to grow up without the shadow of a nuclear disaster hanging over their heads. Now the world must follow suit. We have heard many calls for diplomacy today in this Chamber. We have heard the Secretary-General’s calls for de-escalation. Council members cannot ignore that diplomacy was tried over and over again. The United States led that effort. Many The regime’s goal was never peaceful energy; its goal was death and destruction. Its nuclear programme was not a diplomatic puzzle; it was a loaded gun pointed at the heart of the international system and the stability of the world. To those who now feign concern and cry escalation, we say that this is what the last line of defence looks like when every other line has failed. Make no mistake: the cost of inaction would have been catastrophic. A nuclear Iran would have been a death sentence, just as much for everyone as it would have been for us. While Iran fired rockets at synagogues, schools and homes, the United States acted with precision, as Israel does. Israel’s targets are not cities. They are not civilians. They are not homes or schools. They are ballistic missile launchers and nuclear sites. That is the moral difference between us and them. They seek chaos; we seek order. They build weapons to destroy the world; we build partnerships to protect it. As all Council members know, we have already gained air superiority across Iranian skies. We have acted with purpose, we have acted with restraint, and we will act with the moral clarity that has always defined our people. Iran’s reach extends far beyond our borders. It arms militias in Iraq. It commands terror in Lebanon. It funds the Houthis in Yemen. It plots murder in Europe, and it threatens every capital in the West with its growing arsenal of ballistic missiles. Council members cannot sit this one out. They cannot condemn the firefighters, while the arsonist tries to light more fires. They cannot protect peace by appeasing evil. Israel did not seek this moment, but when the moment came, we did not flinch. We know what happens when the world turns a blind eye to threats too terrible to imagine. This time we acted, and this time we were not alone. Let the record show that when the world stood at the edge of a nuclear disaster, America stepped forward. When time ran out, America showed courage. And when the moment came to confront the forces of extinction, America led. Now it is time for the rest of the world to guarantee that the threat of a nuclear Iran never returns.

I now give the floor to the representative of Kuwait.

At the outset, allow me to thank you, Madam President, and your friendly country for promptly convening this meeting. I thank His Excellency the Secretary-General for his presence and his insightful remarks at the beginning of the meeting. I also thank Mr. Miroslav Jenča and Mr. Rafael Grossi for their valuable briefings. I am addressing members of the Security Council on behalf of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) States, namely, the United Arab Emirates, the Kingdom of Bahrain, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the State of Qatar, the Sultanate of Oman and my country, the State of Kuwait. We affirm that the GCC is following with grave concern the rapidly evolving situation in the region, in particular recent events, which included the targeting of nuclear installations on the territory of the Islamic Republic of Iran — a dangerous development that threatens regional and international security and stability. The GCC States also warn of the repercussions of this ongoing escalation, which could In that context, the GCC States stress the importance of the Security Council’s and the international community’s discharging their full responsibilities to bring those violations to a definitive end and to strive genuinely to ensure respect for State sovereignty and the protection of States’ critical infrastructure, including nuclear installations subject to the comprehensive safeguards regime of the International Atomic Energy Agency. The GCC States also express their firm conviction that diplomacy and dialogue must prevail in the resolution of disputes, as part of a comprehensive approach that achieves stability, prosperity and justice. We reaffirm the need to step up efforts aimed at finding political solutions so as to bring the crisis to an end, thereby paving the way towards a new era of security and stability in the region. In conclusion, the GCC States are wholly committed to supporting all regional and international efforts aimed at defusing the crisis, consolidating security and stability and safeguarding the interests of the peoples in the region and worldwide.

I now give the floor to the representative of Iraq.

We appreciate your efforts, Madam President, in convening this emergency meeting. We thank His Excellency the Secretary-General for participating in it, for acknowledging the gravity of the current situation and its repercussions and for his call for de-escalation. We thank the Assistant Secretary-General and the Director General of the International Atomic Energy Agency. The Security Council is meeting in an emergency session today and bears responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, at a time when our region is witnessing a dangerous escalation that threatens to destabilize the region and the world. Iraq speaks with the voice of moderation in expressing its profound concern about the rapid and dangerous developments unfolding in the region, foremost among which is the ongoing military escalation and the ensuing military attack against the three nuclear reactors on Iranian territory. Iraq condemns this attack and believes that it is a dangerous escalation and a direct threat to regional and international peace and security. It increases the likelihood of the conflict and the war spreading and other regional and international parties becoming involved in the conflict, without the authorization of the Security Council, which raises serious questions about respect for the international system based on international legitimacy. The developments in the region and in the current conflict are a true test of the international system based on the principles of international law and the Charter of the United Nations. Unilateral actions that bypass the Security Council weaken the prestige of the international Organization and open the door to unpredictable military chaos. Targeting nuclear facilities, regardless of the disagreements over them, is a dangerous precedent that runs counter to diplomatic efforts aimed at addressing the nuclear issue through dialogue and international controls, especially the role of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). We also stress that targeting declared nuclear facilities sets a dangerous precedent in the non-proliferation regime and the comprehensive safeguards system, as indicated in resolution 487 (1981) and the 1981 IAEA Board of Governors resolution, and runs counter to article IV of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, which guarantees all States parties the right to develop and use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes, within a framework of transparency and international oversight. The targeting of nuclear facilities could lead to catastrophic We regret to note that this military development has narrowed the time frame and diplomatic opportunities for a potential peaceful solution and did not give negotiations and political attempts to resolve the tensions a chance. It prevented the IAEA from fulfilling its technical role in accordance with its mandate under the Statute to verify the nature of nuclear activities. Over the past decades, our region has witnessed repeated cases of tension and instability, as our peoples have suffered from wars and conflicts that have brought death, destroyed infrastructure and hindered development prospects. Today, we find ourselves at a dangerous crossroads which threatens to ignite a comprehensive regional war, with the accompanying violation of State sovereignty through repeated violations of the airspace and territories of neighbouring countries, as well as their devastating economic effects, as global supply chains are exposed to severe disruptions, the economies of the region face serious challenges and threats to the maritime passages that serve as a lifeline for international trade and the economies of States. Iraq, based on its geographic location and regional role, is directly affected by those developments. We have recorded repeated violations of our airspace by the parties to the conflict, which we consider a violation of Iraq’s sovereignty and a violation of international law and the Charter of the United Nations. We reiterate our firm rejection of the use of our territory or airspace to carry out military operations that harm the safety and security of any State in the region, regardless of the parties involved or purposes invoked. In conclusion, we stress the importance of restoring trust in joint international action. The Security Council must once again be the main forum for addressing crises. We stress the need to respect the sovereignty of States, the territories or airspace of which must not be used in any military confrontations without their consent, and to promote diplomatic solutions. We call for the pursuit of negotiations and for learning from the lessons of past crises in the region. Iraq calls for the protection of civilians from any military action that affects them directly or indirectly. The peoples of our region expect the Council to shoulder its historical and legal responsibilities at this critical moment, for wisdom and dialogue to prevail and for all of us to work together to lay the foundations of stability and peace in the region, based on the principles of justice and respect for international humanitarian law. We call on all parties to avoid further escalation and return to serious and responsible dialogue in order to preserve the stability of the region and the world.