S/PV.9970 Security Council

In accordance with rule 37 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representative of Ukraine to participate in this meeting. The Security Council will now begin consideration of the item on its agenda. I now give the floor to those Council members who wish to make statements.

The Russian delegation requested today’s meeting to draw the attention of our colleagues in the Security Council to actions and statements that directly or indirectly undermine the prospects for a diplomatic solution to the Ukrainian crisis. Such destructive steps have recently become significantly more frequent, casting serious doubts on the good intentions of those who, from the very beginning, have nurtured the Kyiv regime and armed it to the teeth — they are hardly willing to close this chapter, which is very dangerous for international peace and security. Given the political situation, many in the West today are putting on “sheep’s clothing” and speechifying about diplomacy. As you all remember very well, the potential of diplomacy is something we never denied. Even after the unconstitutional coup in Kyiv in February 2014, which was followed by the Kyiv regime’s unleashing of war against its own citizens in eastern Ukraine in an attempt to uproot everything Russian, Russia agreed to the Minsk package of measures approved by resolution 2202 (2015). The goal thereof was not only to restore Ukraine’s control over the eastern part of the border but also to determine a number of important steps for Kyiv to take to achieve that. As we are all perfectly aware today, from the get-go, the Minsk process was viewed by Kyiv’s Western sponsors merely as a smokescreen to hastily arm Ukraine and prepare it for war with Russia. Excited about the possibility of using Ukraine as a kind of battering ram to inflict military defeat on Russia, or at least to bleed us dry and weaken us, the Western sponsors of Kyiv ignored all our calls to seek mutually acceptable solutions to the crisis around European security, which was triggered primarily due to Ukraine’s likely accession to NATO. Thus, we were left with no other choice but to launch the special military operation in February 2022. A fresh chance for diplomacy opened up after Russian and Ukrainian negotiators initialled a peace agreement in Istanbul, which could have stopped the military escalation as early as April 2022. Let me recall here that, at that time, Russian troops were just a few kilometres away from Kyiv and were pulled back, solely as a gesture of goodwill, based on the progress made during the negotiations. It seemed like we had an excellent opportunity to remove this thorn and thereby save hundreds of thousands of lives and avoid the destruction of cities and infrastructure in Ukraine. But no — for the Western curators of the Kyiv regime, reconciling the two neighbouring Slavic States, which are essentially populated by one people, was definitely not part of the plan. That is why London entered the game, represented in the person of former Prime Minister Boris Johnson, and a disgusting and crude provocation was staged in Bucha to turn world public opinion against Russia. Back then, everyone was trying to convince Zelenskyy that with Western support and weapons, he would be able to inflict a strategic defeat on Russia. As a result, Ukraine continued fighting, setting aside all progress made in Istanbul. In fact, a full-scale NATO proxy aggression was unleashed against our country, in which Ukraine is No one even disputes today that this was a fatal strategic mistake on the part of the Kyiv princeling. Because of it, hundreds of thousands of Ukrainian soldiers died, Russia had to eliminate an unprecedented amount of Western weaponry and destroy military facilities in Ukraine, along with everything that constitutes its military capacities. During this time, besides Crimea, which reunited with Russia immediately after the 2014 coup, the country lost four more regions, the populations of which voted to join Russia. What remains of Ukraine today has morphed into a corrupt one-man dictatorship, in which Ukrainians are deprived of any rights and treated as cannon fodder, captured on the streets and sent to the front line against their will. This is something that is very difficult to refute, especially given the facts we presented at the previous Security Council meeting on Ukraine (see S/PV.9965), a few days ago. The saddest thing here is that Ukrainians have completely lost their voice. Otherwise, they would have been able to speak out against the continuation of the war. However, the “expired” former comedian has no intention of holding elections, since, after them, there will be virtually no chance for him and his cronies to retain power, as even the most loyal opinion polls suggest. And how do our Western colleagues, who usually scrutinize the mote in others’ eyes when it comes to democracy and human rights observance, view all of this? There is no reaction whatsoever. They remain silent, and they only bestirred themselves slightly when Zelenskyy’s clique went after their pet pseudo-anti-corruption entities, which they themselves had created with the sole purpose of leveraging the Kyiv leadership. In all other respects, no one in the West is allowed to speak ill of Ukraine — it is either good or nothing. In this regard, we cannot but recall the prophetic words of outgoing Polish President Andrzej Duda, who said that Ukraine, like a drowning man, will drag everyone into the depths. This is exactly what is happening, and it is not only European economies that are drowning alongside Ukraine before our very eyes, but also the notorious Western values, which are becoming increasingly meaningless in the face of such egregious double standards. I think everyone following the developments in Ukraine has noticed that a peaceful tone in our opponents’ statements has miraculously coincided with the depletion of the military potential not only of the Kyiv regime but also of its Western sponsors. After all, the problem today is not so much the resources for the military support of Ukraine. Even NATO countries suffering from the sanctions they themselves imposed on Russia would be able to find it, albeit with difficulty. The problem, first and foremost, is the exhausted stocks of weapons to be supplied to Ukraine. Secondly, as I have already mentioned, Ukrainians no longer want to fight, and it is becoming increasingly difficult to force them into the trenches. Even if they end up there, many try to surrender or flee at the first opportunity. There are more than 20,000 such cases per month on average, according to the Ukrainian General Staff. Thus, the Ukrainian army is retreating on all fronts, especially after the Kursk misadventure, which turned out to be a disaster for Ukraine’s armed forces. We will discuss the results thereof separately at an informal Security Council Arria formula meeting in early August. Having realized this, the most realistic and pragmatic among the sponsors of the Kyiv regime have finally had to admit that the Ukrainians do not have the cards that would allow them to dictate their terms in negotiations. They do not have these cards now, nor will they ever have them in the future, no matter how hard all NATO countries try. And then the sponsors compelled the Zelenskyy regime, despite its resistance, to agree to negotiations with Russia. This rekindled the prospects for a peaceful settlement, and we immediately supported After that, the Istanbul negotiations resumed, and the third round of negotiations took place there on 23 July. All agreements on humanitarian tracks discussed earlier have been implemented. The second, unprecedentedly large-scale exchange of prisoners of war, involving approximately 1,200 people, has been completed. There is an understanding that a similar exchange will take place in the very near future. In addition, we will proceed with medical exchanges of the seriously wounded and the ill on the front lines. Moreover, in addition to the more than 7,000 bodies of Ukrainian soldiers that we handed over to Kyiv, we are ready to hand over another 3,000. Our proposal to declare short-term “medical pauses” on the battlefield remains in force, which could allow the evacuation of the wounded and the retrieval of the bodies of deceased soldiers. In addition, Russia has fully worked through the list of 339 Ukrainian children that we received from Kyiv in Istanbul. It turned out that most of them had never been on our territory, and 50 of them were adults. For our part, we raised the issue of returning Russian minors remaining on the territory of Ukraine or taken by Kyiv to European Union countries. We provided a list of their names. We also suggested that Ukraine consider setting up three working groups dealing with political, humanitarian and military issues. We hope this initiative will be well received in Kyiv. We are also ready to continue working towards harmonizing our positions regarding the memoranda outlining Russia’s and Ukraine’s visions for a final settlement of the Ukrainian crisis. We exchanged such memoranda during the second round of negotiations. All in all, we are willing to continue negotiations in Istanbul. It would seem that such a development  — Russia and Ukraine resuming negotiations in Türkiye — should inspire all our international partners and be seen as a first step toward future agreements on a final settlement of the Ukrainian crisis. However, despite the Istanbul meetings, there are still hawks in the West who are not happy with such a scenario. We still hear voices of those who regard diplomacy solely as an excuse to criticize Russia and exert pressure on us. What is also being forcefully pushed is the idea that the only criterion showing Russia’s willingness or unwillingness to make peace is our consent to an unconditional and lasting ceasefire, which is absolutely illogical given the context of the Ukrainian crisis. It is illogical, because we have already been through such a situation — I refer to the Minsk agreements that I mentioned earlier — and all the more so given that Ukraine’s Western sponsors do not even bother to hide the fact that any pause in hostilities would be used to rearm Ukrainian units, rotate personnel and prepare the Ukrainian army to resume hostilities against Russia. So why would we need this, given that the Russian army is confidently advancing on all fronts, while the Ukrainian army is either on its last legs or even totally wrecked in certain areas? Moreover, our opponents are reluctant to address the root causes of the conflict that triggered the hot phase of the Ukrainian crisis, and those who are supposed to facilitate negotiations offer no guarantees that this will happen. In other words, they are pressuring us into agreeing to a new “Minsk” while keeping their cards close to their chest regarding their real plans to revert to a proxy war against Russia, using Ukraine, as soon as Ukraine is ready. Could anyone tell us why we would need this? And why would Ukraine, where people, as I said, are voiceless and can do nothing about the scenario imposed on them, need this? I would probably surprise some of our colleagues in the Chamber, but such a scenario is not what our Western colleagues need either — provided, of course, that And those who champion “multiculturalism” at home and fiercely fight discrimination on the basis of language or nationality, do they not also recognize that cognitive dissonance? Why are they turning a blind eye to what the Kyiv regime is doing, seeking to incinerate everything Russian, from the language to its speakers? And when I say “incinerate”, I mean it literally — suffice it to recall those burned alive on 2 May 2014 in the Trade Union House in Odesa, which, incidentally, is still a Russian-speaking city. These people were burned alive simply because they dared to stand up for their identity, for the right to speak their mother tongue and teach their children in it, and for their right to glorify the heroes who liberated Ukraine from fascism rather than those who helped kill innocent people. Let me ask those who defend freedom of religion at home: why do they not show a “red card” to those in Ukraine who are persecuting canonical orthodoxy, a thousand-year-old faith, seizing churches and blatantly harassing believers? After all, in defending the Zelenskyy regime, they are defending precisely what they would never tolerate in their own countries. So why do they expect us to tolerate on our borders something that is geared against people who speak the same language and profess the same faith as we do? Where do these criminal double standards come from? We have reiterated on numerous occasions that we are not seeking to destroy Ukraine, its culture or its identity. We would like Ukrainian and Russian cultures to coexist in this country, as they did for decades without any problems or conflicts. We are not fighting Ukrainians — they are our brotherly people. We are fighting the criminal Kyiv regime, and Ukrainians are becoming increasingly aware of that. We would like to share a border with Ukraine, not with an “anti-Russia”, just as, dare I say, the United States would never wish to share a border an “anti-United States”. What is wrong with that? Let us make Ukraine sane again, and let us do it together. After all, that is precisely what we are striving for. There is one more point that must be taken into account for the Ukrainian settlement to succeed. I am referring to those “cards held close to the chest” that our Western partners are not even trying to hide. We all understand that the Ukrainian crisis is merely a derivative of a much broader crisis engendered by years-long efforts by Western countries to disregard Russia’s security interests. Something must be done about this as well. We do hope that sane forces in Europe and America will come up with a more positive plan than another package of sanctions against Russia, to which we have adapted long ago. Otherwise, the situation in Europe and the world as a whole will remain unstable, and we will never break this vicious circle of escalation and threats. So far, all we have heard are fear-mongering stories about Russia allegedly getting ready to attack NATO countries — utter nonsense beyond imagination. To conclude, now is a good time to rectify many mistakes and move towards cooperation instead of trying to restrain one another. Everyone will make their own choice. Just remember that we will not back down on our national interests, nor on our right to live in peace and not be threatened by our closest neighbours.

We meet today as the war in Ukraine enters yet another difficult chapter, a conflict the origins of which stretch back years and the There is no military solution to this war. Continued violence only prolongs civilian suffering and dims any hope of peace. History has taught us that wars are rarely settled on the battlefield; rather, every resolution comes at the negotiating table. Dialogue and diplomacy are the only path to lasting peace. We take note of the meetings in Istanbul regarding prisoner exchanges between Russia and Ukraine. These talks, however incremental and challenging, are an important step forward on humanitarian grounds. In this spirit, we call for a revival of comprehensive peace negotiations aimed at ending the war. It is imperative that all parties return to the negotiating table in good faith, with a clear commitment to dialogue, and work towards an end to this conflict. The international community must support every effort at diplomacy and the pursuit of just and lasting peace. A sustainable peace will require compromise, trust and confidence-building measures. We call on all sides to de-escalate, renew their commitment to dialogue and pursue an immediate and comprehensive ceasefire. In conclusion, my delegation reaffirms its unwavering support for all efforts aimed at tackling the root causes of this conflict and achieving a just and lasting solution, consistent with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. The people of Ukraine and everyone affected by this war deserve a future defined by peace, security and dignity.

Last night, Russia launched more than 300 drones and eight missiles that struck residential areas in Kyiv, killing at least seven people and injuring more than 60. The United States expresses condolences to the victims and their families and demands an end to such attacks. Ukraine, a sovereign Member of the United Nations, has a right to defend itself. As President Trump announced on 14 July, the United States will sell defensive United States weapons to NATO allies, who can then send them on. Our support for Ukraine’s defence cannot be compared to the supply of arms and materiel to Russia, which enables Russia to continue its full-scale invasion and occupation of Ukrainian territory. Last week, we called on all United Nations Member States to help to bring the war to an end by ceasing any and all support to Russia’s war efforts. We do so again today. In particular, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea has supplied ammunition, missiles, military equipment and approximately 12,000 troops to Russia. Such transfers and Russian training of troops from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea violate multiple Council resolutions and endanger peace and security in Europe and on the Korean Peninsula. Iran has supplied Russia with ballistic missiles and uncrewed aerial vehicles (UAVs), among other technologies. In particular, Russia continues to use Iranian- design Shahed drones in attacks causing thousands of Ukrainian civilian casualties. China, as its representatives have pointed out, does not directly provide weapons to Russia. Nevertheless, China has become the decisive enabler of Russia’s war effort by being the most important supplier of Russia’s industrial war machine. Both Russia and Ukraine must negotiate a ceasefire and durable peace. It is time to make a deal. President Trump has made clear this must be done by 8 August. The United States is prepared to implement additional measures to secure peace.

We meet for a second time in the course of one week on the subject of Ukraine. Yet, the wording of the request for today’s meeting is in itself misleading. What is described as the “Ukrainian conflict’’ is in fact a war of aggression against Ukraine, ongoing for the last three and a half years, disrupting the life of nearly 40 million people and causing ripple effects for regional as well as global security and stability. Allow me to state the obvious. Ukraine has the inherent right to defend itself, according to Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations, as it was subjected to a full-scale invasion in brutal violation of its sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity, three of the most fundamental principles of international law and the Charter of the United Nations. In recent months and despite the peace process initiated by the United States and the repeated calls by Ukraine and the majority of the United Nations membership for a full and immediate ceasefire, Russian attacks continue, claiming civilian lives, among them women and children, and destroying civilian infrastructure, in violation of international humanitarian law. This meeting takes place in the aftermath of another wave of severe drone and missile strikes against Kyiv and other residential areas, a further testament to Russia’s continued aggression. Ukraine has the right to procure the necessary means for its defence, including from allies and partners, provided it fully complies with the applicable international legal framework, including relevant Security Council resolutions. This procurement has been transparent and well documented. On the other hand, Russia has been receiving massive amounts of weapons and ammunition from its allies, and, as it has now publicly admitted, has been engaging the support of thousands of soldiers from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea in violation of multiple unanimously adopted Security Council resolutions. The continuation of this manifest violation of the Charter of the United Nations needs to stop. We reiterate our call for a full and unconditional ceasefire as a first step towards a just, comprehensive and lasting peace, in line with the Charter of the United Nations and international law. What we need is to focus on peace and reconstruction. The bloodshed has to stop.

How is it that Russia can sit here and claim any sort of commitment to diplomacy while at the same time ramping up missile and drone strikes on Ukraine? A 6-year-old boy was among those killed last night by Russian missiles in Kyiv. The problem is that, for all its words, the Russian State has geared itself for war — a war of aggression, and a war of Russia’s own making. The Government bolsters its legitimacy and suppresses opposition by stoking fears about external enemies. Russia’s economy is now highly dependent on military industrial production, with almost 40 per cent of government spending on defence — more than 8 per cent of gross domestic product. The President has defined himself politically as the man who can conquer so- called neo-Nazism in Ukraine and the threat that he claims NATO poses to Russia. In reality, these are challenges of his own creation. Ukraine is not ruled by neo-Nazis, The consequences of a militarized Russian State are not limited to the appalling tragedies felt every day by Ukraine’s brave people. Russia itself has suffered more than a million casualties as a result of its own war. The wider region is also directly dealing with the effects of Russia’s aggression, and, ultimately, we all are. Russia’s actions are an affront to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and international law, the very foundations of peace and security for all of us. The consequences for the wider international system are also clear. While members of the Council discuss how to bring peace to the Sudan, Russia tries to leverage access to a naval base. While we discuss peace in Mali, Russia has pushed out the United Nations to secure advantage for its private military contractors. While we discuss sanctions to prevent nuclear proliferation on the Korean Peninsula, Russia tries to undermine those sanctions to access military supplies for its war machine. There is another pathway. President Putin could accept the truth that there is no threat to Russia — not from neo-Nazis, and not from NATO. He could choose to engage in good faith in a ceasefire and in peace talks based on the Charter of the United Nations. Until then, this state of war remains a choice that President Putin is making. We need to continue to show that there is no good outcome for Russia from its aggression and that we will remain staunch in our support for the defence of Ukraine, including through the provision of weapon systems in the face of relentless Russian attacks on critical national infrastructure and civilians. We must be vigilant in clamping down on any military-industrial support for Russia, including by preventing the export of dual-use items. And we need to continue to demonstrate to Russia the economic costs of the choice it is making and not give its militarized State a lifeline that it can feed on. Ultimately, we must not let up in affirming the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. Every Member State of the United Nations has a responsibility in this to support a peace process that Russia — only Russia — is rejecting. As President Trump has made clear, there is no reason for delay. Russia must make progress towards a meaningful peace immediately. But the world has once again seen Russia’s response. This is why, as President Zelenskyy said, peace without strength is impossible. It is now that we need to meet our responsibility to stand together and to demand that Russia immediately cease its aggression and adhere to the call for a just and lasting peace.

The situation is unbearable. It is unbearable because Russia, which called for us to meet this morning to discuss obstacles to the peace process in Ukraine, launched just last night large-scale air strikes against Ukrainian cities, in particular against Kyiv. Russia launched more than 300 drones and missiles. France condemns in the strongest terms these massive strikes, which have once again targeted civilian infrastructure and caused many civilian casualties. The facts are clear and damning for Russia. The primary obstacle to peace is this relentlessness in striking Ukrainian cities with ever-increasing intensity. Last night’s attacks demonstrate yet again a deliberate strategy of military escalation. Russia seeks to sow fear among Ukraine’s people. On 16 July, the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) published its seventh report on reported violations of international humanitarian law and international human rights law in Ukraine. That report documents how indiscriminate shelling in densely populated areas by Russian Armed Forces has intensified and civilian casualties consequently increased. Russia ignores all calls for peace. Last night’s strikes came as President Trump set an ultimatum for Russia on 14 July, urging Russia to engage in good faith in negotiations. What hinders peace is that Russia never seems to balk at jeopardizing international security and stability. Russia is increasing at breakneck speed its production of drones in factories it built with Iran’s assistance. Russia is illegally equipping itself with ammunition, ballistic missiles and troops from North Korea. More than 11,000 North Korean soldiers have been deployed together with Russian forces on the Ukrainian front line. Russia is violating Security Council resolutions that it itself has supported, undermining the very foundations of the international non-proliferation architecture. The Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine was clear in its report published on 29 May: drone attacks against Ukrainian civilians constitute crimes against humanity. Supporting Russia means becoming complicit in these crimes. France urges all States to refrain from supplying Russia with military equipment, dual-use goods or any other items that fuel this war of aggression. France continues to call upon the Council to demand an immediate, comprehensive and unconditional ceasefire. That is the first step needed by those who genuinely wish to embark on a path to peace. In the immediate term, France will continue to provide Ukraine with the military support crucial for defending its people, independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity in accordance with Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations.

I welcome the participation of the Permanent Representative of Ukraine in this meeting. Sierra Leone takes note of the request by the Russian Federation to discuss the critical issues surrounding the conflict between the Russian Federation and Ukraine, in particular the transfer of weapons. We acknowledge that the provision of military assistance to Ukraine continues, and information from various governments regarding these transfer requests remains publicly accessible through open sources. In this regard, we reiterate our principled position that all transfers of weapons in conflict situations must comply with the applicable international legal framework and relevant Security Council resolutions. Such transfers should include pre-transfer risk assessments and end-user verification to prevent the diversion of arms and ammunition. Over the past year, we have witnessed a dramatic escalation of hostilities, with intensified missile and drone strikes by both parties causing severe humanitarian consequences. This escalation has been marked by the heavy bombardment of Kyiv in recent days, resulting in further civilian fatalities and the destruction of civilian infrastructure, including the strikes that reportedly hit Kyiv apartment blocks and killed many just eight hours ago. Recent reports of attacks on a prison in the Zaporizhzhia region, which killed 16 prisoners and injured more than 100 people, and the strike on a hospital in Kamianske, which damaged its maternity ward and resulted in the deaths of three people, including a seven-month-pregnant woman, illustrate the devastating human toll of this conflict. Civilians, particularly those in front-line regions, continue to face daily struggles for survival. Humanitarian aid delivery is being increasingly impeded by the perilous circumstances. The worsening impacts on civilians underscore the urgent need for all parties to prioritize civilian protection and to refrain from strategies that seek to achieve military victory at all costs. Dialogue and diplomacy must be the primary tools for resolving this conflict. The international community, including the Council, must remain committed to supporting efforts towards a just and sustainable peace, in line with resolution 2774 (2025). Sierra Leone urges all parties to engage constructively, addressing legitimate concerns through political and diplomatic means as envisaged under Article 33 of the Charter of the United Nations. We welcome the three rounds of talks held in Istanbul and call for renewed engagement at the highest political and diplomatic levels in order to achieve an immediate cessation of hostilities. In closing, Sierra Leone stands ready to support all legitimate diplomatic efforts aimed at achieving lasting peace. We emphasize the importance of aligning political and diplomatic efforts towards a ceasefire as the first step toward this goal. We believe that the Council has a critical role to play in safeguarding any eventual peace agreement for lasting stability in the region.

Barely a week has passed since the Council convened to urgently call for a cessation of hostilities in Ukraine (see S/PV.9965). Yet, in the days since, we have witnessed not a reduction but, instead, an intensification of attacks by the Russian Federation, continuing its large-scale drone and missile strikes on civilian targets. And now, today, we find ourselves called to this Chamber once again — not to address a humanitarian emergency, but at the request of the very country fuelling the violence, in what appears to be yet another effort to distract and deflect from its own actions. The Republic of Korea believes that the Security Council’s time and moral authority must not be misused for narrative manipulation, especially while innocent lives continue to be lost on the ground. Today, in this regard, we briefly reaffirm the principled position that we have consistently and persistently expressed. First, we strongly condemn the continued and indiscriminate attacks on civilians and civilian infrastructure by Russia. On Tuesday, the large-scale overnight drone attacks in southern Ukraine killed more than two dozen people, including a pregnant woman and 16 inmates. And, just last night, Russia once again launched a massive aerial assault against Kyiv, killing numerous innocent civilians and injuring many others. These attacks constitute clear violations of international humanitarian law. We remind all parties — particularly the aggressor — that civilians must never be targets of war. The protection of civilians is not optional; it is a legal and moral obligation. Thirdly, we express grave concern about the ongoing military cooperation between Russia and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. Despite the repeated condemnation of the international community, Russia and North Korea continue to engage in a series of activities that are explicitly prohibited under multiple Security Council resolutions. This illegal partnership not only prolongs the war in Ukraine and extends civilian suffering but also threatens the security of the Korean Peninsula and beyond. The Security Council must not be a forum for deflection or distortion. Instead, it must serve its founding purpose: to maintain international peace and security. As such, we once again call on Russia to end this war immediately. The Republic of Korea remains committed to working with all responsible members of the international community to bring this war to an end, help the people of Ukraine achieve a just and lasting peace, and restore a semblance of normalcy for the innocent civilians who have endured more than three years of war and immense hardship.

I welcome the representative of Ukraine to the meeting. Let me make a couple of points on behalf of my delegation. First, every country has the inherent right to defend itself in line with Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations. By extension, a defending country may develop or procure the means necessary to do so, provided such acquisitions are made in line with the international legal framework. Let us not forget that it is a sovereign and independent Ukraine that is defending itself in this war. On the other hand, procuring weapons from a country under a weapons embargo is not in line with the United Nations Charter. The recent acknowledgment of the involvement of the troops of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea in the war against Ukraine gives further credibility to reports about its weapons transfers to Russia. These violations must end immediately. Secondly, we need a just and lasting peace grounded in the United Nations Charter and anchored in its fundamental principles; a peace that ensures accountability for violations of international law, including breaches of territorial integrity and violations of international humanitarian law and international human rights law; and a peace that will bring back forcibly transferred children and reunite families. For months, in the Council, we have heard nothing but calls for a ceasefire. Yet for months, we have heard nothing but excuses and ultimatums from one country, while its drones and missiles are repeatedly destroying Ukrainian cities, as in the latest aerial attack on Kyiv, which targeted multiple urban areas and caused numerous civilian casualties. We condemn this attack and express our condolences to all those who have suffered a loss. The unabated death and destruction must stop. The aggression must stop. We need a ceasefire, and we need it now.

Despite constructive diplomatic efforts and three meetings between the parties, the war between Russia and Ukraine continues, tragically, to claim innocent lives and cause many victims. The current situation risks plunging the region into a cycle of conflicts and crises, with inevitable repercussions for the entire world  — particularly for developing countries, which continue to be affected by disruptions in global food and energy markets. Accordingly, we wish to emphasize the following points. First, my country expresses its grave concern about the continued escalation and strongly condemns all violations of international law, including international humanitarian law. In this context, we call on both parties to exercise restraint, avoid further escalation, comply with the provisions of international humanitarian law, refrain from actions that endanger civilian lives and avoid targeting civilian infrastructure. Secondly, my country renews its call for both parties to pursue the path of dialogue over confrontation and understanding over escalation, and to reject the logic of international polarization — especially in the light of emerging signs of direct negotiations. We also urge the international community to redouble its efforts to create favourable conditions that facilitate direct negotiations, bridge viewpoints and enable consensus in order to prevent escalation and conflict between the two parties. In conclusion, my country reaffirms its steadfast commitment to support all diplomatic efforts aimed at securing a ceasefire and achieving a just, lasting and comprehensive peace. That peace must be grounded in the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and take into account the legitimate security concerns of both parties.

I would like to begin by extending my sincere congratulations to the Permanent Mission of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan to the United Nations and its Permanent Representative, His Excellency Mr. Asim Iftikhar Ahmad, for his efficient and exemplary leadership of the Security Council presidency during the month of July. The efficient and meticulous preparation that has characterized his work serves as a valuable model for future presidencies. We acknowledge the participation of the representative of Ukraine in today’s meeting. Just a week ago, we were convened for a meeting requested by Denmark, Slovenia, the United Kingdom, France, Greece and the Republic of Korea to address the maintenance of peace and security in Ukraine in the light of the conflict between the Russian Federation and Ukraine (see S/PV.9965). That meeting took place on Friday, 25 July, and, as expected, prompted the Russian Federation to request the meeting we are holding today. We thank Russia for requesting the convening of this meeting, which allows us to follow up on recent developments. In that context, we take note of the latest incidents that occurred last night, which further escalate the conflict, and we regret the impact on the civilian population and the mounting civilian casualties. Tomorrow, Panama, an elected member of the Security Council for a two-year term, will assume the presidency of the Council for the month of August. Panama will approach this responsibility with seriousness and with the humble aspiration to uphold the principles of transparency, inclusivity and efficiency in our stewardship of this organ. My delegation wishes to reiterate — at the risk of repeating ourselves — our unwavering call on all Member States, including the parties to this conflict, to A lasting peace in Ukraine can be achieved only through a peaceful and negotiated settlement. Resorting to force to resolve conflicts is counterproductive. Violence between States sows the seeds of resentment and extremism, undermining prospects for agreement and laying the groundwork for the inevitable continuation of conflict in future. The transfer of ammunition, drones and weapons by external actors to the front lines in Ukraine has undermined the promising discussions held in recent months and the prospects for peace negotiations. It is also deeply contradictory for the parties to organize and carry out attacks on infrastructure and civilians using those same weapons and drones while simultaneously claiming a willingness to engage in dialogue. That reality shows that the necessary will for a genuine commitment to de-escalation is still lacking. Nonetheless, we welcome as a positive step the negotiations currently under way in Istanbul, and we hope that they will continue with greater sincerity and determination, without being derailed by counterproductive tactics or skirmishes. Without political will, good faith and a genuine prioritization of human life, peace will never be achieved. We urgently call on the Russian and Ukrainian authorities to establish a ceasefire swiftly and to continue sincere dialogue in good faith towards a negotiated solution. We also urge Member States to refrain from fanning the flames of the conflict and from supplying large quantities of lethal equipment to the front lines at a time when dialogue appears to be the only viable path out of the crisis. The international community must support negotiation efforts to ensure a just peace that guarantees Ukraine’s territorial integrity and political independence.

We welcome the presence of Ukraine in today’s meeting. Once again, the Russian Federation called for a meeting — not to seek resolution, but to rewrite reality; not to protect human lives, but to promote a false narrative that accuses the West of prolonging the war in Ukraine by supplying arms to Kyiv for its self-defence against Russia’s illegal armed aggression. This is not diplomacy; it is a distraction. It is yet another cynical misuse of the Council’s time, resources and purpose. Allow me to make three key points. First, as enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, all States must respect the sovereign equality, territorial integrity and political independence of other States. This is indispensable to the cause of peace. It is the foundation for a world in which might does not make right. Yet Russia has blatantly shattered this commitment with its illegal and brutal full-scale war of aggression against Ukraine. Under Article 51 of the Charter, Ukraine has the inherent right to defend itself. As part of this inherent right of self-defence, Ukraine also has the right to acquire weapons to defend itself. Secondly, as widely reported, Russia is receiving substantial military assistance from Iran and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. While Russia is accusing others of prolonging the war, it is deepening its reliance on regimes that show no respect for international norms. These are the choices of a country determined to sustain its aggression regardless of the human cost. In recent weeks, missiles and drones have continued to rain down on Ukrainian cities. Civilian casualties are the highest in three years. Last night was no exception: Kyiv was yet again the main target of a massive attack against densely populated areas. Numerous civilians were killed or injured. We deplore these heinous acts. These are the arms transfers that must be stopped. A few days ago, the majority of the Council called for an immediate and unconditional ceasefire. Ukraine has repeatedly stated its willingness to agree to one. We call on Russia to do the same. Russia could end the war today if it would only stop attacking Ukraine and withdraw its troops from Ukrainian territory. It is now high time for Russia to engage seriously in peace talks.

I welcome the participation of the representative of Ukraine in today’s meeting. As we did last Friday (see S/PV.9965), Guyana continues to express grave concern about the mounting civilian casualties in this war. Equally alarming is the fact that civilian infrastructure, including schools, hospitals and critical energy infrastructure, continues to be targeted in a manner that disregards the principles of distinction, proportionality and precaution. The prohibition of disproportionate attacks during any armed conflict is clear and is a fundamental principle of international humanitarian law. It must be upheld and respected by all. We reiterate our call for the parties to the conflict to fulfil their obligations under international law, including international humanitarian law, and to take all necessary precautions to protect civilians. Guyana has taken note of the many reports about weapons transfers to Ukraine and Russia, and the types of weapons being used in the conflict. We are compelled to reiterate our concern about the use of anti-personnel landmines and cluster munitions. Landmines are inherently indiscriminate, while cluster munitions, when used in or near populated areas, are prone to indiscriminate effects. Both will continue to have lasting and devastating impacts on the lives of civilians long after the war ends. We also reiterate our call for the transfer of weapons and ammunition into this or any armed conflict to be done in line with the relevant international legal frameworks, including Security Council resolutions, and to include provisions for controls to prevent their irregular transfer and diversion. One development that Guyana finds especially reprehensible is the reported use of drones to target civilians intentionally. The Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine has documented widespread and systematic drone attacks in its latest report, which have repeatedly killed and injured civilians in Kherson province. Guyana condemns these abhorrent actions and calls for an independent investigation into all such allegations. Anyone responsible for intentionally directing attacks against civilians in this manner must be held accountable. The monthly meetings and the statements presented in the Council have failed to garner any meaningful or positive movement in resolving this conflict. In fact, the situation continues to worsen. It is clear that the Council must go further. The only effective means of preventing further atrocities is to end this war through peaceful means. This was the stated intention of resolution 2774 (2025), tabled by the United States in February, which remains relevant today. The Council must consider what other actions can be taken by it to advance resolution 2774 (2015). At the same time, we call for an end to the hostilities and for the parties to commence substantive discussions towards this objective. The international community must continue to support all efforts aimed at achieving this outcome. Guyana will continue to do its part. In recent weeks, Russia and Ukraine have held multiple rounds of direct negotiations, reaching significant consensus on humanitarian issues such as prisoner exchanges and making encouraging progress. However, the crisis continues unabated, with no signs of the war ending. Large quantities of weapons and ammunition continue to flow to the battlefield, causing new casualties and damage to infrastructure. Alarmingly, the types and scope of weapons being deployed are expanding, with increasing lethality and destructive power. Recent reports suggest that both sides have introduced combat robots to the battlefield, indicating further that the Russia– Ukraine conflict is increasingly becoming a testing ground for advanced weaponry and that the nature of the war may be undergoing a dangerous transformation. I wish to reiterate that while weapons may win wars, they cannot secure lasting peace. Reckless arms transfers to the battlefield serve only to intensify the conflict, prolong hostilities, increase the risk of proliferation and inflict greater suffering on the people of both countries and the wider region. The urgent priority is for both sides to work together to de-escalate the situation on the ground. They must sustain the momentum of dialogue, continue building consensus and ultimately reach a comprehensive, enduring and binding peace agreement. From the very outset of the war, China has consistently advocated resolving disputes through peaceful means, urging the parties to the conflict to cease hostilities, engage in negotiations and restore peace. For more than three years, we have adhered to the “Four Shoulds” proposed by President Xi Jinping, working tirelessly to promote peace and facilitate dialogue. China will continue to work constructively with the international community to help advance a political resolution of the crisis at the earliest opportunity. Just now, the representative of the United States once again made unfounded accusations and smeared China. This is entirely unacceptable. I have responded to such claims on multiple occasions in previous meetings. Since the United States insists on repeating these allegations, I find it necessary to clarify once more and set the record straight. First, China is neither the originator of the Ukraine crisis nor a party to the conflict. China has never supplied lethal weapons to any party involved. We have consistently maintained strict controls over the export of dual-use items, including drones. Secondly, the parties to the conflict are not under Council sanctions. China has normal trade relations with both Russia and Ukraine. By doing so, it neither violates international law nor breaches its international obligations. China’s legitimate rights and interests must not be infringed upon. In fact, until now the United States has continued its economic and trade activities with Russia. If the United States is doing so, why does it not allow others to do the same? It can set houses on fire while not allowing others to light lamps — is that logical? Thirdly, the Ukraine crisis is at a critical juncture, with prospects and hope for a political solution. It is unreasonable for the United States to expect China to play a role in bringing an early end to the war while simultaneously slandering and pressuring China. We once again urge the United States to abandon its pointless blame game, to stop shifting responsibilities and to instead play a more constructive role in promoting peace talks to achieve a ceasefire and stop the war. I would also like to welcome the representative of Ukraine to this meeting. The Council is meeting yet again to discuss the Ukraine conflict and the dynamics surrounding it. Pakistan remains deeply concerned about the continuation of this conflict, which has tragically affected the lives of millions of people in the region and beyond. Just last week, in this very Chamber, we met to discuss the devastating humanitarian and security consequences of this ongoing conflict (see S/PV.9965). The persistent use of advanced weaponry and disregard for international humanitarian law and its principles has intensified the human suffering exponentially. I would like to emphasize that the protection of civilians is not only a moral imperative, but also a legal obligation. International law, especially international humanitarian law, makes it incumbent upon the parties to protect civilians and civilian infrastructure. The targeting of civilians is neither acceptable nor justified under any circumstances. The conduct of hostilities — the means and methods of warfare  — must remain within the confines of international law, especially the fundamental international humanitarian law principles of distinction, proportionality and precaution. We firmly believe that military means cannot resolve this conflict. The only viable path towards sustainable peace is that of dialogue and diplomacy. That was the message of resolution 2774 (2025), adopted in February, related to this conflict. Here in the Council, we also reaffirmed our commitment to the peaceful settlement of disputes through resolution 2788 (2025) just last week. Pakistan’s position on the Ukraine conflict has remained clear and consistent. We have always advocated for de-escalation, the immediate cessation of hostilities and a comprehensive ceasefire; for the holding of meaningful negotiations that address mutual security concerns, within the framework of the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations; and for adopting a path of inclusive and constructive diplomacy, involving key regional and international stakeholders to promote trust and build confidence in order to pave the way for a just and lasting peace. The Istanbul talks must be build upon and taken forward with a genuine and reciprocal commitment to peace. Pakistan reiterates its firm support for a peaceful resolution of this conflict and stands ever ready to support all efforts towards that end. I now resume my functions as President of the Council. The representative of the United States of America has asked for the floor to make a further statement.

Materials and components supplied by China are ending up in Russian weapons, which Russia is using to strike Ukraine, killing civilians and destroying infrastructure. If China is uncomfortable being mentioned in our remarks, it should stop enabling Russia to prolong the war. China has said many times that it wants peace. I urge China to bring its actions into line with its words. China’s direct actions supplying Russia with the materials that it needs to carry on the war make peace difficult to achieve.

The representative of China has asked for the floor to make a further statement.

I think that I made it very clear in my response just now. The Security Council has not imposed sanctions on the parties to the conflict. China maintains normal economic and trade exchanges with Russia and Ukraine, without violating international law or international obligations. The United States is also trading with Russia. Why can China not do so? It is a completely normal venture. In fact, it is not China but rather the United States that

I now give the floor to the representative of Ukraine.

The Security Council is meant to meet and discuss real problems and threats to international peace and security. And the name of the real problem is written on the name plate of the Russian Federation. There are not two parties attacking civilians. There is one country, Russia  — one problem for peace and security in Ukraine, in our region and globally. Just last night, on the eve of this meeting, Russia unleashed yet another ruthless assault on Ukraine with 309 uncrewed aerial vehicles and eight cruise missiles from different directions. As of now, 11 people were killed in the attack on Kyiv, one child among them, with the death toll rising. Another 135 civilians were wounded across the capital, including 11 children. Ukraine has requested the presidency to convene a separate Security Council meeting to discuss these real attacks on peace and security. Let us be clear here. Today’s meeting — convened at the request of the Russian Federation — is both cynical and morally repugnant. The very State that launched the largest war of aggression in Europe since the Second World War now attempts to portray itself as a victim of so-called Western interference. This is not only a grotesque distortion of reality that has been used by the Russian State for years. It is also an insult to multilateralism, to the United Nations, to the principles enshrined in its Charter and to all the distinguished members of the Security Council — but above all, to the memory of the tens of thousands of Ukrainians who were killed as a result of Russia’s war of aggression. We should make no mistake: Russia has no genuine interest in peace. If it did, it could end its war at any moment. But instead, it continues to pursue conquest, domination and the total destruction of a sovereign State, Ukraine. Let us also recall the basics. In this century alone, Russia has invaded Ukraine twice: first, in 2014, with the illegal occupation of Crimea and parts of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions; then again in 2022, when it launched a full-scale war of aggression. These actions represent blatant violations of the Charter of the United Nations and the core principles of international law. Council members all agree to that. At this very moment, Russia is still trying to illegally occupy more Ukrainian territory. It bombs cities, targets civilian infrastructure and kills innocent people every single day. It has staged sham referendums and denied Ukraine’s sovereignty, and it is working openly to erase our independence and statehood. And yet, while committing these egregious violations, it dares to accuse others of undermining peace. Simultaneously, the Kremlin continues to fuel its war of aggression and draw other actors into its campaign of terror. Since 2022, Iran has supplied the Russian Federation with hundreds of uncrewed aerial vehicles, flagrantly violating resolution 2231 (2015) while its restrictions remained in force. This impunity for gross violations of international law by both Russia and Iran has emboldened others — particularly the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea — to exploit the situation and advance their own destabilizing agendas. Since 2023, the regimes in Moscow and Pyongyang have significantly deepened their military and military-technical cooperation, including unlawful arms transfers and the reported deployment of North Korean military personnel in support of Russia’s armed aggression against Ukraine. Let us speak plainly about Russia’s true motives. Its war of aggression is not about the so-called protection of Russian-speaking populations or the denazification or demilitarization of Ukraine, and it is not about NATO. Russia claims that it invaded Ukraine to prevent NATO expansion, yet through its actions it has achieved the opposite. Russia now shares hundreds of kilometres of new borders with NATO. And of course, it is not about the so-called security concerns of the Russian Federation, because what security guarantees are needed for the largest nuclear-armed State in the world, whose officials have repeatedly threatened to use these nuclear weapons against Ukraine and other States? At its core, this war is about the survival of the Kremlin’s authoritarian regime, which has ruled the Russian Federation with an iron fist for more than a quarter of a century. It is also about the imperialistic ambitions of Russia, which is trying to eliminate Ukraine as a State from the political map of the world and destroy Ukraine as a nation. Faced with domestic stagnation, a shrinking economy, demographic decline and rising political dissent, the Kremlin chose war as a tool of distraction and repression. The Russian justifications for the war, which we have been hearing since 2014, are pure lies. What Putin and his regime are truly seeking are the consolidation of power, violence and an absence of freedom in Russia and the countries bordering Russia. That is why Russia is consciously continuing this war, losing more than 1,000 of its own soldiers on the battlefield every day. Overall, it has already lost more than 1 million soldiers. The Moscow regime does not care about them and is ready to sacrifice even more for these very reasons. The Moscow regime will not stop on its own. Left unchallenged, it will continue down a path of killing and destruction, aggression, occupation, rape, torture, the deportation of children and the systematic violation of international law and the Charter of the United Nations. We will continue to defend our people, Ukraine’s sovereignty and the future of our children. We seek a comprehensive, just and lasting peace grounded in the principles of the Charter and nothing less. We repeat that a full, immediate and unconditional ceasefire is essential. It is the first step to halting Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine. Peace will not come through appeasement or equalizing the aggressor and its victim — it will come through the unity of the free world, determination and justice. The Security Council has a critical role to play here. Its voice must be strong and its stance unmistakable — this war must end, peace must prevail, international law must be upheld, and accountability must be served. Without such clarity and resolve from the Council, no combination of pressure, sanctions or military support can deliver durable results. A just and lasting peace begins with a firm and unified message from this body. That is why we call on all members of the Council to support a French-initiated draft resolution calling for a full, immediate and unconditional ceasefire between the Russian Federation and Ukraine  — a ceasefire that would apply on land, at sea and in the air, creating the necessary conditions for peace in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations. Now is the time for the Council to come together and demonstrate the unity and resolve needed to help to end this war. At last week’s Security Council meeting on Ukraine (see S/PV.9965), the Russian Federation said nothing about ending the war — not a single word. Instead, it obsessively fixated on Ukraine’s internal affairs. Today it pretends to talk peace on the one hand, while killing innocent civilians in a sovereign State on the other. This obsession is revealing. Russia cannot stand Ukraine’s development, democracy, language or identity. Its goal is to destroy everything we have built. We often hear that no one will win this war — we see it differently. International law must win. The Charter of the United Nations must win. The principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity, the inviolability of internationally recognized borders and the independence of States must win, because if Ukraine’s borders are not secure, will members’ borders be? This war is not only about territory — it is about domination, repression and fear. The Moscow regime’s insatiable hunger for occupying foreign lands exposes its deep-rooted greed. Despite Russia being the largest country in the world by land mass, it still fails to provide basic well-being and security for its own people and cannot manage its own territories, many of which are in a state of decline. Members must not fear Russia. They must not let themselves be misled or manipulated by its propaganda and paralysed by its threats, including the rhetoric they have heard also at today’s meeting. The only way to end this war is to confront its cause — Russia’s aggression — with unity, resolve and action. Let us ensure that a year from now, we are not gathered here to count more victims but rather to mark the restoration of peace, justice and security, not only for Ukraine but for the entire international system.

There are no more names inscribed on the list of speakers. Before adjourning the meeting, as this is the last scheduled meeting of the Security Council for the month of July, so far, I would like to express the sincere appreciation of the delegation of Pakistan to the members of the Council and to our colleagues in the secretariat of the Council for all the support they have given us throughout the month. Indeed, it has been a busy month, and one in which we rallied to consensus on several important issues within our purview. The Council also unanimously reaffirmed and upheld the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and our commitment to, and support for, the peaceful settlement of disputes. We could not have achieved all that without the hard work, cooperation and positive contributions of every delegation and the very efficient assistance of the representatives of the Secretariat, including the technical support team, conference service officers, interpreters, translators, verbatim reporters and security staff. As we end our presidency, I know I speak on behalf of all colleagues in the Council in wishing Ambassador Alfaro de Alba and the delegation of Panama good luck in the month of August.