S/PV.9993 Security Council

In accordance with rule 37 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representative of the Sudan to participate in this meeting. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. Members of the Council have before them document S/2025/566, which contains the text of a draft resolution submitted by the United States of America. The Council is ready to proceed to the vote on the draft resolution before it. I shall put the draft resolution to the vote now.

The draft resolution received 15 votes in favour. The draft resolution has been adopted unanimously as resolution 2791 (2025). I shall now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements after the voting.

The United States thanks fellow Security Council members for their constructive engagement to renew the Sudan sanctions measures and extend the mandate of the Panel of Experts on the Sudan. We welcome the alignment of the Panel of Experts and sanctions renewal timelines, which ensures a more cohesive and efficient approach to addressing the crisis in the Sudan. The situation in Darfur remains dire, with widespread violence, severe humanitarian challenges and mass displacement, all repeatedly underscored in the Panel’s reporting. This adoption sends the clear message that the international community remains focused on stemming the flow of arms and promoting accountability for those who perpetuate violence and instability in Darfur. The United States remains committed to the Sudanese people and will continue to work with Council members, regional actors, and key stakeholders to protect civilians, enable humanitarian access and support a path toward peace and reconciliation in the Sudan.

I have the honour to deliver this explanation of vote on behalf of the African members of the Security Council, namely, Algeria, Somalia and my own country, Sierra Leone, as well as Guyana (A3+). At the outset, we wish to express our appreciation to the penholder for their efforts at securing broad consensus on the renewal of the sanctions regime on Darfur pursuant to resolution 1591 (2005). We voted in favour of this resolution (resolution 2791 (2025)), because the text covers our main concerns, including the alignment of the timelines for the renewal of the 1591 sanction measures and the mandate of the Panel of Experts, which, over the years, continued to symbolize a major rallying point for the A3+ and a significant number of Council members. The A3+ welcomes Council’s adoption of the resolution and looks forward to the Council’s collective resolve to ensure the implementation of the sanctions regime on the Darfur region with the ultimate objective of easing the sanction measures The ongoing massacre of civilians along ethnic lines and the scale and scope of unimaginable conflict-related sexual violence are largely facilitated by violations of the arms embargo. We therefore strongly underscore the importance of compliance with the sanction measures and accountability for those responsible for such violations and abuses. We conclude by reiterating that the conflict in the Sudan will only be resolved through the facilitation of an all-inclusive Sudanese-led and -owned process premised on genuine dialogue and that focuses on addressing the root causes of the conflict.

Let me thank the United States for leading this negotiation. Denmark voted in favour of this resolution (resolution 2791 (2025)). We welcome the extension of the sanctions regime in the Sudan and its alignment with the mandate of the Panel of Experts on the Sudan. For far too long, the people of the Sudan have suffered while perpetrators have enjoyed impunity. We are extremely alarmed by the sustained siege in El Fasher by the Rapid Support Forces, now ongoing for more than 500 days. Attacks have destroyed critical medical infrastructure and created a humanitarian catastrophe, while basic social services are overstretched, and food insecurity soars. We strongly condemn attacks on civilians, as well as humanitarian personnel and facilities, which have become far too common. We continue to witness severe human rights and protection crises in the Sudan. Decisive action, including immediate and sustained humanitarian pauses, is necessary to prevent atrocity crimes and allow life-saving assistance to reach those in need. The suffering is not confined to Darfur. Fighting in the Kordofans continues to escalate, with a catastrophic toll on civilians and the collapse of essential services. Conflict-related sexual violence continues to be wielded as a weapon of war. We welcome the recognition of that scourge into today’s resolution. Against this dire backdrop, the arms embargo in Darfur and the whole of the Sudan sanctions regime are more important than ever. We urge all parties to the conflict and all Member States to fully comply with the embargo and other measures. We call on States to cooperate promptly and fully with the Panel of Experts and with other efforts to ensure accountability for violations of international law. Words of condolence and concern are no longer sufficient. The Council and the international community must come together and act decisively for peace in the Sudan.

Pakistan has joined consensus on the renewal of the sanctions regime concerning Darfur, the Sudan. We appreciate the penholder, the United States, for its constructive approach in taking on board the views of Security Council members and the country concerned during the consultations. We welcome the alignment of the sanctions regime with the mandate of the Panel of Experts on the Sudan. We remain deeply concerned by continued violations of the arms embargo. The unrestricted flow of weapons into Darfur has fuelled the conflict, exacerbated human suffering and undermined peace efforts. It is imperative that all States comply with the embargo. Our support for the resolution (resolution 2791 (2025)) reflects Pakistan’s consistent commitment to peace and stability in the Sudan and the wider region. We reiterate our support for the sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity of the Sudan. Any measures by the Council must respect these principles and should not substitute for political dialogue or national ownership of solutions. Sanctions, we believe, are a means and not an end and should be used judiciously. We note that the text reflects two key objectives: the technical extension of the sanctions regime and the synchronization, with that regime, of the mandate of the Panel of Experts of the Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 1591 (2005) concerning the Sudan. The Panel is likely to resume its work, albeit in a limited composition. Unfortunately, the situation in the Sudan, and in greater Darfur in particular, is far from stable. For more than a year now, rebels have been besieging the capital of North Darfur, El Fasher, and the situation in other states in the south of the country is also complicated. The combat capability of the elements opposing the armed forces is largely maintained through external support and supplies of weapons and equipment, which is in breach of the embargo imposed on that region of the Sudan. The effectiveness of the sanctions regime, which was introduced more than 20 years ago and under different circumstances, leaves much to be desired. However, we expect that the Security Council’s restrictions will be implemented and that any attempts to circumvent or ignore them will be identified in a timely manner. It is important that the sanctions regime not be used to thwart the efforts of the current Sudanese Government to restore order and constitutional lawfulness in the country. Unfortunately, this is precisely what is happening at the moment. The country’s authorities and the army, which for all these years have scrupulously complied with the restrictions imposed by the Council vis-à-vis Darfur, are bearing the brunt of the deprivation and restrictions, while their opponents emerge unscathed. We consider this approach to be unfair, and we view this as an attempt to turn things upside down. We would like to stress that if the Council is seeking to regularly extend the sanctions regime against Darfur, then it must act as it is meant to, namely to shield civilians in the region from growing violence and instability. We categorically reject any proposals, even as a topic for discussion, to extend sanctions to other regions of the Sudan. We believe that rash and ill-considered steps with regard to the Sudanese file could undermine the prospects for inter-Sudanese dialogue and reconciliation, and must be avoided at all costs. Unfortunately, some delegations have been unable to resist the temptation to fill this purely technical resolution with extraneous elements, such as the issue of sexual violence. We would like to highlight that humanitarian issues, the protection of civilians, human rights and sexual violence are not the cause but the consequence of the hostilities that have been ongoing in the Sudan since spring 2023. Accordingly, the resolution of these problems hinges on ending hostilities and moving to a political and diplomatic settlement through a nationwide dialogue. At this stage, it is important for all conscientious representatives of the international community to establish constructive cooperation on these issues with the Government of the Sudan, rather than harness sanctions as a means of exerting pressure on Khartoum.

Slovenia thanks the United States, the penholder, for their efforts in steering the renewal of the sanctions regime on the Sudan and aligning the Panel of Experts’ mandate with the regime’s timetable. We welcome today’s adoption. Slovenia voted in favour of the resolution (resolution 2791 (2025)) not because we see sanctions as an end in itself, but because they remain a necessary tool to support broader peace and stabilization efforts in the Sudan. The Panel of Experts has provided a body of evidence of violations of the arms embargo and of widespread violations of international humanitarian law and We also emphasize that it remains crucial that the Panel of Experts be made fully operational as swiftly as possible, so that the decisions of the Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 1591 (2005) concerning the Sudan and of the Council remain informed and effective. At the same time, we are mindful that the crisis in the Sudan is not confined to Darfur, as is the current sanctions regime. Violence, with patterns of instability, displacement and human suffering, extends far beyond Darfur’s borders. It is essential that the Council’s deliberations, including on sanctions, reflect this wider context. Before concluding, I must speak to the brutalities exposed in recent reports, including that of the independent international fact-finding mission for the Sudan. Over the course of this conflict, we have been made aware of atrocities across the Sudan, especially in Darfur. The mission has documented mass killings, torture, enforced disappearances, sexual violence and the deliberate denial of food, water and medical care. This can only be summarized as terror. So today we issue a plea to all actors: enough is enough. This spiral of atrocities must end, and those who fuel, commit or profit from it must bear responsibility for their actions and be held to account.

The United Kingdom welcomes the renewal of the Sudan sanctions regime, including the alignment of the Panel of Experts mandate. We are grateful to the United States as penholder for facilitating negotiations and to Council members for their engagement. I will make three points. First, we welcome the new language in the mandate expressing concern at reports of conflict-related sexual violence. In its most recent report, the independent international fact-finding mission for the Sudan documented widespread and systematic sexual and gender-based violence, including rape, sexual slavery and forced marriage, often targeting individuals based on their gender and ethnic identity. We urge the Committee to impose sanctions on perpetrators. Secondly, the United Kingdom stands ready to support the further strengthening and expanding of this sanctions regime. The conflict continues to intensify, with a devastating impact on civilians. This sanctions regime needs to be effective. This should include tackling the growing use of mercenaries and drones and addressing the expansion of fighting and arms flow into the Kordofan states. Thirdly, we urge all Council members to support the work of the Panel of Experts of the Sanctions Committee established pursuant to resolution 1591 (2005) concerning the Sudan. It is regrettable that, for many months, the Panel’s work has been held up by some Council members. We hope this can now change. The Panel plays a critical role in ensuring that sanctions are effective. This sanctions regime remains an important tool in the search of peace and security in the Sudan and the region. It can help in the protection of civilians, including by constraining the flow of arms. We remain committed to working with Council members and regional partners in support of a peaceful future for the Sudan.

I welcome the Permanent Representative of the Sudan to today’s meeting. China voted in favour of the resolution adopted just now (resolution 2791 (2025)). China and many of its fellow Council members have consistently and responsibly called for addressing the misalignment of the mandates of the Sudan sanctions regime and that of the Panel of Experts of the Sanctions Committee established pursuant to resolution 1591 (2005) concerning the Sudan, respectively. China commends this resolution for resolving that issue. China has repeatedly underscored that sanctions are a means rather than an end and should not be abused as a political tool for interference and pressure. The priority now is to achieve a ceasefire and end the fighting as soon as possible, mitigate the humanitarian plight and steadily advance the political process. The international community should earnestly safeguard the Sudan’s sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity; support the mediation efforts led by the United Nations and the African Union; and help the Sudan restore peace and stability at an early date.

We acknowledge the participation of the representative of the Sudan. We welcome the adoption of resolution 2791 (2025) and thank the United States, as penholder, for its leadership in conducting these negotiations. We also appreciate its efforts to facilitate a text that reflects a balance between the different positions of Council members. We would also like to thank the United Kingdom for its initiative to include specific considerations on conflict-related sexual violence in the text. We recognize the importance of highlighting this issue in the context of the Sudan, where the civilian population, in particular women and girls, continue to face serious human rights violations. We also appreciate the alignment of mandates achieved with the resolution. This consistency among the Council’s instruments is essential to ensuring more effective and coordinated action. We wish to emphasize that the measures contained in the resolution are intended to address specific conduct that threatens peace, security and fundamental rights in the country. In that regard, we insist that sanctions should remain a selective, temporary and continuously reviewed tool, adjusted to developments on the ground, and not an end in itself. We reiterate our concern about the persistence of violence in the Sudan, as well as the deterioration of the humanitarian situation. This resolution constitutes an additional tool that we hope will bolster strict compliance with international law.

I now give the floor to the representative of the Sudan.

We congratulate you, Mr. President, on assuming the presidency of the Council for this month, and you can count on our collaboration in the discharge of your duties. We thank the United States, the penholder, for cooperating with the Sudan during the negotiation period and the acceptance of the technical extension of the mandate. We also thank China, Russia and the three African members of the Security Council for their efforts to achieve this goal. The status and the dynamics of resolution 1591 (2005) has been negatively affected over time since 2004. The Sudan has long requested a review of the measures included in the resolution in order to align the two mandates, in line with We therefore commend the Council and the Secretary-General for condemning the attempts to divide the Sudan and the regional levers that are conspiring in neighboring countries, including the countries that hosted a plan to launch a virtual Government, with Nyala as its capital, after the failure of the attack yesterday morning that the rebel Rapid Support Forces militia launched in order to topple El Fasher. The leniency in implementing this resolution has undermined Sudanese sovereignty, emboldened the rebel militia and led to the continuation of the siege on El Fasher and other key cities in Darfur and Kordofan. It has also exacerbated the continuous siege and the blatant Emirati foreign interference, which have prolonged the war and jeopardized the safety of civilians. This has also given the regional sponsors an opportunity to change the nature of the war. When the Sudanese army was able to disperse the rebel militia fighters and defeat them, Colombian mercenary gangs were brought in. We have shared with the Council the details of their invasion of the country through private security companies, headquartered in the United Arab Emirates, under the leadership of retired Colombian Colonel Álvaro Quijano. They act under the umbrella of security and protection services within the Desert Wolves organization. They also rely on Emirati military bases and facilities for transport and training. We have confirmed to the Council that nearly 248 flights were operated, with aircraft rented from the United Arab Emirates, to train the mercenaries in the Sudanese territories, particularly in Nyala, El Fasher and Darfur. Their training also included plans for urban warfare, open ground tactics using heavy weapons and drones, as well as the recruitment and training of child soldiers between 10 and 12 years of age. The participation of mercenaries in the hostilities against the Sudanese army led to terrible violations, which were documented by the intelligence services and the security units. There were massacres and summary killings, as can be seen in one example in the period from 22 January and 11 February, with the killing of 87 Sudanese civilians with sniper fire, 12 civilians with artillery fire, 17 in direct confrontations, 16 in raids and dozens in suicide drone attacks. In addition, 115 civilian buildings were destroyed. Among the evidence that the Sudanese authorities found is a confidential operational manual with 18 platforms in Spanish, dated 1 December 2024, found in El Fasher. It has been proven that a faction of the Colombian mercenaries was deployed under the name Desert Wolves. They used white phosphorus, prohibited under international humanitarian law. The documents also included a list of weapons and supplies that Colonel Álvaro Quijano requested in the city of Al Ain in the United Arab Emirates. The President of Colombia, Mr. Gustavo Petro Urrego, condemned this operation and confirmed that 40 Colombian mercenaries were killed. The mercenaries’ atrocities include attacks on civilians in El Fasher, displacement, enforced disappearance, unlawful detention, starvation and sexual violence. The militia also attacked, on 28 July, the Heglig oil field in West Kordofan state with a strategic drone. Radio France Internationale revealed that, according to satellite images and videos published by the Centre for Information Resilience, there is a secret military base for the rebel Rapid Support Forces militia deep in the Libyan desert near the city of Kufra, which is used as a rear base to support the rebel militia’s operations in Darfur. Military vehicles, which had been previously spotted at the aforementioned base, were identified at the Zamzam camp for displaced persons. This coincided Council members are all aware that the rebel militia is trying to establish a foothold in Jabal Uwaynat and on the border triangle, which constitutes the point of contact between the Sudan, Egypt and Libya, owing to its proximity to well-known smuggling routes. The mercenaries who are killing Sudanese citizens and the security companies that transport them across the continents to wage war to destroy the Sudan, eliminate its armed forces and displace its population are enabled by other neighbour countries in the West and the East. There are clear attempts to redraw the map of the Sudan in the context of the senseless agenda for chaos and the prevailing international crisis and turmoil. We have revealed the elements of this plan and its secret agenda and have made explicit accusations against the United Arab Emirates, supported by documents confirming its involvement in that sinful plot, aimed at toppling El Fasher and seizing Darfur. The Council’s failure to take constructive action will provide fertile ground for regional sponsors to boldly violate international law. The Minister for Foreign Affairs of Colombia has acknowledged that a number of Colombian citizens have participated in the fighting alongside the rebel militia and issued an apology to the Government of the Sudan. The planned siege of El Fasher, supported by regional forces, continues to be one of the most tragic events in these times of international crisis and uncertainty. Amid suspicious international silence, the rebel Rapid Support Forces and its mercenary allies are using starvation as a weapon. The air assets provided to the rebel militia by external actors are preventing the efforts to air-drop humanitarian supplies to El Fasher, which is the only refuge available for civilians who have been subjected to an open siege by the brutal militia. A volunteer organization has described the situation of civilians as not awaiting an inevitable death but rather resisting on a daily basis with rare courage to show the world that this catastrophe is not fate, but a deliberate crime. The militia and mercenaries have cut off all supply lines to prevent the delivery of humanitarian aid. This has been confirmed by the United Nations, which reported that the militia looted aid convoys. The rebel militia and the mercenaries turned the Zamzam camp for displaced persons into a military base, leading to the displacement of half a million displaced persons. The atrocities and brutal crimes committed by the militia are being carried out in a systematic and deliberate manner. The militia ignored the Secretary-General’s calls last June to accept a humanitarian truce to enable the delivery of humanitarian aid to El Fasher. The Prime Minister sent a letter to the Secretary-General requesting immediate action to provide support and humanitarian aid to the civilians trapped in Darfur, and he reiterated that request in a recent telephone conversation. The Sudan attaches great importance to the role of the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1591 (2005) concerning the Sudan, and the Panel of Experts on the Sudan and cooperates with them, facilitates their work and maintains constructive relations with them. We therefore urge the Panel of Experts to resolve the ongoing dispute over the escalation of the war of aggression and the involvement of certain countries in providing mercenaries and other elements, which was not addressed in the previous report even with abundant evidence and multiple reliable sources. We trust that the Panel of Experts will act with professionalism and reliability and not allow itself to be influenced in a way that undermines its professionalism. Neighbouring countries must respect the Charter of the United Nations and not open their borders to support the insurgency and allow their territories to be used as pathways to destabilize the Sudan’s security and act like support belts and hotbeds for recruiting mercenaries. One of those countries has prevented the Panel of Experts from gaining access to certain areas within its territories so as not to reveal its role in the systematic burning and destruction of the Sudan. We also expect the Panel of Experts to work in accordance with the best practices and methods. We have noticed that no effort has been made to track the flights that the Government of the Sudan referred to it in a previous report, about which we submitted comprehensive information to the Council last week. External parties, working together with the militia, have turned the war situation into a balance of power supported by mercenaries to ensure the fighting of the rebel militia continues and its control on the ground increases. They have turned the dynamics into a soft occupation that are managed remotely by the United Arab Emirates without it having to bear direct responsibility or face consequences for it, making it a project of transnational terrorism and perpetuating impunity with pathetic litanies. The lack of a firm response by the Security Council is encouraging the deliberate silence of international actors, which are making Darfur one of two things: either a lever of new nationalism and a holocaust for the enemies of the Sudan, as embodied by the war of dignity, or an incubator of a multi-ethnic terrorism that breeds counter- extremism, in which, as the saying goes, by their opposites are things made manifest. This does not further the objectives of achieving peace in the region or in the Sudan. The United Arab Emirates must be prevented from expanding the war, and the Sudan rejects the conditions for the Emirati settlement. The Sudan will oppose the establishment of any sectarian entity or parallel Government under the auspices of the United Arab Emirates. We will not allow the so-called virtual government to obtain fait accompli status, by manipulating the aid factor. The Sudan will resist the divisive plots by external enemies and their local agents and regional paid supporters. We call on the Security Council to pay attention to the following. In accordance with the 1989 International Convention against the Recruitment, Use, Financing and Training of Mercenaries, State parties engaged in such conduct must be held responsible for their actions. The Security Council has addressed the involvement of States in destabilization activities on the issue pertaining to the situation in Libya in resolutions 1970 (2011) and 1973 (2011) and considered support by external parties to armed groups a direct threat to international peace and security. The Council repeatedly stressed, in particular in resolutions 1674 (2006) and 2286 (2016), that the deliberate targeting of civilians and the use of prohibited weapons constitute grave violations of international humanitarian law. Mercenaries are not entitled to benefit from the status of combatants or prisoners of war under article 47 of Protocol I Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 1949, which was adopted in 1977, and the 1989 International Convention against the Recruitment, Use, Financing and Training of Mercenaries. Those instruments require States parties to hold mercenaries accountable and to bring them to justice. The 1977 Organization of African Unity Convention for the Elimination of Mercenarism in Africa defined mercenary activity as a crime against peace and security in Africa. The Security Council has repeatedly condemned mercenary activity, including in its resolutions on Angola, resolution 1127 (1997) and on Sierra The transnational nature of these operations constitutes a threat to peace under Article 39 of the Charter of the United Nations. The Security Council has established, in similar situations, panels of experts and monitoring mechanisms, notably through resolution 2127 (2013) on the Central African Republic and resolution 1973 (2011) on Libya, to monitor the flows of illicit arms and mercenaries. In the light of the aforementioned, the Government of the Sudan requests the Council to affirm that the recruitment, financing and deployment of mercenaries in the Sudan constitutes a threat to international peace and security and that a special monitoring mechanism for sanctions should be established, similar to that for Libya and the Central African Republic, to investigate mercenary networks linked to the United Arab Emirates and prepare periodic reports to the Security Council, impose targeted sanctions, including asset freezes, affirm the Sudan’s sovereignty, take a tougher stance and impose targeted sanctions on the militia.