A/31/PV.44 General Assembly

It is comforting to note that, since the Portuguese colonialist regime laid down its arms in Africa at the behest of any angry people, the course of liberation has been advancing inexorably in this part of Africa. It is advancing particularly towards that part of Africa in which the minority regime imposes its will on peoples whose only crime is the colour of their skin. The apartheid regime is only too well known to this Assembly. We are familiar with its premises, and every day we witness its bloody and savage manifestations. What is most surprising and astonishing is that our Assembly has not yet taken satisfactory decisions to solve this problem. The causes for this inaction are well known. 2. Every year in this forum, pious words are pronounced and everyone professes his good faith and opposition to apartheid. In reality, the majority of the Western countries have always maintained-some openly, others more dis- creetly-their support of the South African regime. Their commercial, strategic and political interests have prevailed over the noble goals of our Organization, namely, the protection of human rights and the eradication of racism. It is distressing to note that it is the very people who speak most of human rights that are helping to trample those of the peoples of southern Africa. Can it be that here, as there, a special law exists for whites and another for blacks? 3. Resolutions have been adopted here by a large majority, calling for economic sanctions or the breaking off of economic, political and cultural relations with South Africa. Of course these United Nations resolutions have remained a dead letter. The non-implementation of the United Nations resolutions with regard to the South African regime have the natural consequence of maintaining the system of apartheid. They avoid pressure in favour of the redistribution of the income necessary for an expanded Wednesday, 27 October 1976, at 3.40p.m. NEW YORK domestic South African market, maintaining and height- ening the inequality of whites and blacks. They also enable that regime to preserve a good conscience as it fancies Itself a member of the civilized world. Where economic pressure has failed, we might at least expect that countries would agree to support moral pressure completely isolating' the apartheid regime, just as we quarantine persons afflicted with shameful or contagious disease. 4. The triple veto of October 19741-the first in the history of the Security Council-of the expulsion from the United Nations of South Africa confirmed for the whole world what everyone had long known, namely that the great Western Powers would take the side of the whites in the event of a crisis in South Africa. This radical and unequivocal stand by Western leaders has caused stupor and even disillusionment in Africa and no doubt elsewhere, and has confirmed the views of those who thought that the situation in Namibia, Rhodesia and South Africa would not change, unless violence was used. 5. The second triple veto which has just been used with regard to the question of Namfblas can only strengthen us in this belief, at the same time that it shows the tendency of the Security Council to become increasingly ineffective. For after noting South Africa's disregard for resolution 385 (1976), adopted unanimously by the Security Council, any observer would have expected that the Council would take the necessary steps. But once again we have the sad spectacle of embarrassing explanations of vote. In this context who can be surprised at the events in Soweto? Who can be surprised at the fact that the front-line countries have deflne; a consistent position for the intensification of the armed struggle until the rights of the African people are achieved? 6. At one time, the apartheid regime did everything possible to present a smiling face to us. This was the case in 1974 when that regime, already in the dock in the Security Council, tried to deceive us by asking for six months to change its policy; in fact, some minor concessions were made. But never has it questioned the policy of apartheid. Some have even tried to make it more strict. Moreover, as long ago as 12 November 1974, Mr. G. P. Mulder, the Minister of the Interior and of Information of the racist regime, said: "To ask us to give up our whole policy of separate development in order to conform to majority rule and to ensure integration is quite out of the question. This is Hot our intention and we refuse to do it." 7. The aggression against Angola on the eve of its independence and against Zambia last July were felt by the whole of Africa as an insult to its dignity. This shows that the policy of apartheid threatecs not only the domestic security of South Africa, but also the African States,which will never accept the present situation. That is why apartheid is a threat to peace. 8. The ferocious repression of the blacks by the apartheid regime and the carelessness with which the great Western Powers have viewed this problem to date have created an explosive situation not only in South Africa, but in Rhodesia and in Namibia. 9. Recent developments in South Africa, the demon- strations at Soweto, Alexandra, Johannesburg and other towns in South Africa are in substance simply the logical reply to the ineffectiveness of our Organization with regard to the cause and the just struggle of these people. After 30 years of waiting for the supreme hope they had placed in our Organization to become a reality, these people have decided to find the necessary strength in themselves to bring about the change denied them by the international community. 10. It seems that the situation in South Africa at present must be irreversible. Resistance will continue and wi" '() doubt be organized even at the cost of thousands of human lives. It is known that, beyond a certain threshold, the oppressed prefer death to oppression; but it is even truer that they will try to drag down the oppressors with them. Since 16June, 377 people have been killed in South Africa and thousands have been wounded. The majority are schoolchildren, but now the situation is so tense that the slightest incidentgives rise to demonstrations. 11. Newspapers report that genera! strikes are in the offing and that pamphlets are circulating among the blacks inciting them to murder. It seems that the situation ismore than explosive. Savage and brutal exploitation can only galvanize the energies of a frustrated population as well as its desire to break the bonds of apartheid. That is why we think it extremely urgent to find a solution to the problem of southern Africa. 13. It would be futile to try to establish a new political order in southern Africa without taking into account those who have always been the spearhead of the struggle for independence and who have devoted their lives to it. The results of any decision taken without the liberation movements would be ephemeral and would only delay final solution of the problem. 14. Constitutional conferences on an ethnic basis, because of their inherent inequality, can achieve nothing, and we have a striking example of this in the Turnhalle consti- tutional conference. 15. It may also be said that the central problem of southern Africa is South Africa and its system of apartheid. The problems in Nambia and Rhodesia are only con- sequences of that. However, it would be dangerous to think that all these problems can be solved with a single stroke and in the same way, This is why we await impatiently and eagerly the results of certain initiatives taken for the independence of Rhodesia and Namibia. 16. The policy of bantustanization practised in South Africa and elsewhere by the illegal regime of Vorster is a source of concern to my Government. We have had frequent occasion to condemn that policy, both in the United Nations and elsewhere. Every year the General Assembly calls upon all Governments and all organizations to refuse to recognize in any way the institutions or authorities set up under this policy of apartheid. 17. As far as the non-aligned countries are concerned, they entered into a solemn commitment at the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries in Colombo not to recognize these factitious bodies, a trap which was conceived by the racist Prime Minister to perfect and perpetuate hishateful policy of apartheid. 18. This policy will have as consequences not only the Balkanization of Africa with a mini-State economically and politically dependent on white South Africa, but first and foremost the deprivation of many millions of African people of their citizenship. 19. How long will the international community allow itself to be defied by the South African regime? Will the United Nations, already the subject of scepticism in many parts of the world, again pass up this chance finally to assert itselfas the hope of mankind? 20. My delegation thinks that it is time for the United Nations to take the necessary measures to ensure that the anachronistic situation rampant in South Africa should cease. In Africa we have decided, everyone to the extent of e deflected from its chosen path of separate development for 21. Mr. PANDA (India): Thirty years ag03 India drew the the blacks through the establishment .. of the so-called attention of the United Nations to the immoral and bantustans. What this means in actual practice is that the inhuman discrimination practised by the white minority in African majority will be concentrated in 13 per cent of the South Africa on racial grounds against the black, Coloured land area in South Africa, while the rest of the land is and brown peoples who comprise the majority of the occupied by the white minority, which continues to exploit population. A great deal has happened since then. The the impoverished African majority as a source of cheap United Nations has adopted some 150 resolutions con- labour. demning the policy of apartheid. The vast majority of States Members of the United Nations have broken off all relations with the white regime in South Africa. 22. The United Nations has declared that apartheid constitutes a threat to international peace and security. The Security Council has been called upon to take enforcement action against South Africa under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. The General Assembly has recog- nized the right of the people of South Africa as a whole to self-determination and to majority rule based on universal adult suffrage. Indeed the General Assembly has also recognized the legitimacy of the struggle of the people against apartheid by all possible means. In other words, the white minority regime has been denounced as illegitimate. 23. Unfortunately all our resolutions and recommenda- tions have not yet made any impact on the white regime in South Africa. Furthermore, the Security Council has not taken any effective enforcement action, because of the veto power exercised by some Members. As a result, the downtrodden majority in South Africa has no option but to resort to force to acquire and exercise its legitimate rights. The States Members of the United Nations also have apparently no option in these circumstances but to lend full support to the struggle of the majority for equality. 28. The duty of the United Nations is clearly to ensure that the interests of the African majority in South Africa are properly safeguarded. This overrides all other interests. Above all, the malignant cancer of racism, which has its last stronghold in South Africa, should be removed by con- tinued exposure to the beneficial rays of world opinion, if not surgically through revolution. Mr. Dessande (Chad), Vice-President, took the Chair. 24. We must continue to give this support until the white regime abolishes the existing legislation depriving the black majority of its political and economic rights and social equality, and until the people are enabled to exercise their right to self-determination on the basis of the principle "one man, one vote". Simultaneously, the Security Council should consider the imposition of selective and effective sanctions designed to pressure South Africa to abolish the policy ofapartheid. 25. Consistent and effective pressure on South Africa is imperative, because it is extremely unlikely that the white regime elected by the white minority will change its racist policies without sufficient external pressure. We have recently seen ample evidence of growing internal pressures against the white regime. Uprisings in Soweto and Cape Town, and revolts in universities and schools, have made a profound impression on the outside world. The impetus for these mass protests has come from both the young and the old generations, and from the underprivileged labour force which has been sustaining the economy of South Africa. 27. Such a situation is clearly unacceptable and should be denounced. We cannot and do not recognize Transkei as an independent State because it is nothing more than an African ghetto under the political and economic domina- tion of the white minority regime in Pretoria. My dele- gation holds that this illegal white regime has no com- petence to dispose of parts of the territory of South Africa, or to establish separate homelands for the black people of South Africa. Such actions constitute a gross violation of the right of the South African people to self-determination as well as a violation of the unity and territorial integrity of South Africa. The majority of the people of South Africa continue to be under a form of colonialist and racist domination by a white minority, and that is why the General Assembly has rejected the credentials of the white regime. The normal processes of decolonization should be applied to South Africa, because in the early part of this century the white minority usurped political and economic control over the African majority.

Although the peoples of the world, in the United Nations Charter, three decades ago reaffirmed their faith in fundamental human rights, in human dignity and in the equal rights of men and women as well as of nations large and small, the aspirations of the oppressed people of the southern part of Africa have remained unfulfilled. The international community is pain- fully aware of the plight and untold sufferings of the people of southern Africa under colonialism, racism and apartheid. The very concept of apartheid is an insult to humanity. Neither science nor religion justifies apartheid of any form or kind. It is therefore unfortunate that a world forum such as the United Nations has not been able to do away with such a ridiculous and despicable policy in South Africa. 30. The United Nations has denounced apartheid as a crime against humanity and in its numerous resolutions it has asked the racist regime to abandon this most hated policy and to ensure equality, justice and human dignity for the people of South Africa. But the voice of the world community has gone unheeded by the criminal regime of Pretoria. On the contrary, in its mischievous attempt to perpetuate the obnoxious policy, South Africa has resorted 32. In its desperate attempt to suppress the legitimate demand of the people, the racist regime has used police retaliation against peaceful demonstrators and massacred many people, including innocent schoolchildren, in Soweto and other parts of the country. Thousands have been arrested, intimidated and imprisoned. But the unrest and protest against apartheid continues unabated and it has spread far and wide in the country. At tremendous risk to their lives, the courageous people have succeeded in organizing demonstrations, strikes and boycotts. Let there be no doubt that the spontaneous resistance to apartheid will continue until this scourge of humanity is abolished and majority rule is established in South Africa on the basis of equality and justice. 33. In a statement issued after the Soweto massacre last June, His Majesty's Government of Nepal expressed deep shock at the inhuman killings by South Africa and condemned the high-handed behaviour and actions of the South African authorities in the strongest terms. 34. The 'Special Committee against Apartheid, of which Nepal is privileged to become a member, has spared no effort to fulfil its responslbilities for the total elimination of apartheid from South Africa. My delegation would like to thank the Rapporteur of the Special Committee for presenting a very comprehensive report on the work of the Committee before this Assembly {41st meeting}. The report {A/31/22 and Add.1-3] covers the various world- wide activities undertaken by the United Nations and the co-operation of governmental and non-governmental organi- zations and others. 3:". In view of recent events, the growing militarization and the increasing collaboration with some States, as stated in the report, the situation in South Africa is grave and constitutes a threat to international peace and security. The international community, therefore, should continue to exert more pressure on South Africa. My delegation endorses the recommendations of the Special Committee against apartheid, which aims at the total liquidation of apartheid in South Africa. 36. The General Assembly, in its resolution 3411 G (XXX), strongly condemned collaboration between the racist regime of South Africa and certain States and called upon those States to cease such collaboration. It is distressing to note that, in spite of repeated appeals by the United Nations, collaboration in the political, military, 37. Denounced by, and isolated from, justice-loving people over all the world and under the pressure of growing disturbances inside the country, South Africa has inten- sified its oppression of the people through the Terrorism Act and the introduction of new discriminatory legislation. The apartheid regime has not only vastly increased its defence budget, but has also committed open aggression against Angola and Zambia, for which it has been con- demned by the Security Council. 38. It is the pressure of the widespread liberation struggle of the heroic people of Zimbabwe that compelled the rebel regime of lan Smith to accept the principle of majority rule in Zimbabwe. My delegation welcomes constructive efforts to solve the problems of South Africa. But the so-called positive role played by the Vorster regime in solving those problems is nothing more than propaganda. The recent interview with the racist Prime Minister published in The New York Times on 19 October 1976 has further exposed the negative and adamant attitude of South Africa towards the solution of those problems. The South African Prime Minister said that South Africa would never impose sanctions on the rebel regime of lan Smith. With regard to recognition of the South-West Africa People's Organization {SWAPO], he said, ~'I have nothing to talk to SWAPO at all". The illegal regime which is occupying the international territory of Namibia is not prepared to talk to SWAPO, which is recognized by the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity {OAU] as the authentic representative of the Namibian people. The racist Prime Minister's strong opposition to the abolition of apartheid and the sharing of power with the majority of the population proves that its so-called reforms inside the country are nothing but a desperate attempt to camouflage its sinister intentions. 39. My delegation reaffirms its strong opposition to the policy of bantustanization. The so-called "homeland" or "separate development" policy is designed to perpetuate white domination on the basis of apartheid. It is a sinister plan to deprive 70 per cent of the population of their inalienable rights and to compel them to stay in segregated reserves covering less than 13 per cent of the area of the country. It is a manoeuvre of the white minority regime to make the indigenous inhabitants aliens in their own birthplace, to undermine their ethnic qualities, traditions and culture, and eventually to stamp them out. The granting of a sham independence to Transkei on 26 October 1976 is nothing but "eyewash" designed to perpetuate the political domination of the racist regime, and my delegation a~opted resolutions to that end [see A/31/i97, annex IV}. 41. It has been stated in General Assembly resolution 3411 C (XXX) that the United Nations and the interna- tional community have a special responsibility towards the oppressed people of South Africa. The international community has found it difficult to fulfil its responsibility because one of the Members of the United Nations is flagrantly violating its obligations to adhere to the prin- ciples enshrined in the Charter. Furthermore, the failure of the Security Council to adopt a resolution on 19 October 1976 imposing an arms embargo on South Africa is an impetus to future violations. Those States which opposed the resolution should know that the anguished cry of the oppressed people of South Africa can no longer go unheeded. Collaboration with a regime based on inequality, racism and apartheid will only encourage it to become more intransigent. 42. Nepal is a consistent opponent of colonialism, racism, racial discrimination and apartheid. My delegation firmly believes that the liberation movements will triumph soon and that the last remnants of colonial domination and racist regimes will be eradicated. I should like to conclude with a quotation from the address made by His Majesty King Birendra to the Fifth Conference of non-aligned countries held at Colombo in August 1976. His Majesty King Birendra observed: "The continent of Africa, which till yesterday bore the brunt of centuries of colonialism, now breathes the air of freedom except for some colonial and racist regimes still entrenched in southern Africa. As a result of the fall of Portuguese colonialism, these colonial vestiges have been dealt a severe blow. We have no doubt they will soon crumble under the pressure of the people's just struggle. Our support for the national liberation movements arises out of our commitment to non-alignment, to the ful- filment of whose goals we, as members, are bound."

Before beginning its discussion of the current grave manifestations of the 4J. There can be no question that the apartheid regime of South Africa is primarily responsible for the greatly increased tensions and sufferings of the people in the region. By resorting to increasingly brutal measures to suppress resistance to the crime of apartheid, by its continued illegal occupation of Namibia in defiance of Security Council resolutions and by its aid to the illegal racist minority regime in Rhodesia, the Pretoria regime has opened the eyes of the entire international community, confirming that the policies of racial discrimination are the root-cause of the imminent danger of a racial conflagration in southern Africa. It is therefore incumbent upon the Members of the United Nations to take steps to provide all necessary assistance to the oppressed people and their liberation movements in their just struggle, thereby pro- moting the maintenance of international peace and security. 46. In order to meet the needs of the struggling people in South Africa in particular and of the region as a whole it is ?f speci~l importance in the view of my delegation. tha~ the international community devise a concrete prigramme of political action and assistance for the needs of the peoples of southern Africa. In this connexion, my delegation wishes to express its full support of the Programme of Action formulated by the International Seminaron the Eradication of Apartheid, held in Havana in May of this year [A/31/104, annex IIJ. 48. This responsibility has been compounded by the refusal of some permanent members of the Security Council to permit the international community to take effective action against the racist regimes through the imposition of sanctions as provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter. The continuing use of the veto by these Powers in the face of the blatant defiance of successive Security Council resolutions on South Africa has undermined the authority of the United Nations and its ability to take effective action in the case of any future threats to international peace and security, should they occur. 49. In the view of my delegation, existing conditions in southern Africa require that the Security Council consider all means, including those contained in Chapter VII, to compel the South African Government to comply im- mediately with the decisions of the international com- munity. 50. In view of the continuing intransigence of the racist Pretoria regime, and in view of its resort to brutal repression against the great majority of the people of that country and against their liberation movements which have culminated in the mass killings of innocent schoolchildren at Soweto and in other places, my Government firmly supports the struggle of the African people to secure recognition of their basic human rights. 51. In the view of my delegation, the international community should strictly enforce the decision of the United Nations and stop all collaboration with the racist regime. As the Special Committee against Apartheid has pointed out in its report of this year, "All such collabo- ration encourages the South African racist regime to persist in its criminal policies ..." /A/31/22, para. 244/. With- drawal of that encouragement is imperative if any hope of avoiding racial conflagration is to be realized. 52. Of great importance is the termination of all military collaboration with the racist regime. This would ensure that that regime would no longer have at its disposal the sophisticated weaponry which has been a key element in its ability to resist the just demands of the people to date. All nations, and particularly those which bear tIle special responsibilities of permanent membership in the Security Council, should take steps to ensure that their relations do not contribute to increasing the capacity of the Pretoria regime to repress its black citizens. 53. No less important is the aid South Africa has been able to draw from economic collaboration of other States and multinational corporations with it. The profits from such collaboration have not only supported the exploitative economic aspects of apartheid but have enabled the regime to increase its expenditures in the military sphere. 55. The South African Government has continued to show its contempt for the considered opinion and resolutions of the United Nations by proceeding with its bantustan scheme, designed to weaken the opposition of the African people to apartheid through the classic colonialist tactic of "divide and rule". Some of the most extreme forms of human suffering resulting from apartheid have been mani- \'. fested as the regime has forcibly moved millions of Africans from their beloved traditional homes to desolate locations in these reserves, many of them virtually incapable of supporting human life. Concurrently with these actions, it has stripped those Africans living outside the reserves of their elementary human rights. Eventually, it plans to force the Africans, who constitute 80 per cent of the country's population, to live on less than 15 per cent of the land. 56. In spite of the many United Nations resolutions condemning the bantustan policies of fragmentation and disenfranchisement, the racist regime in South Africa has adamantly continued its preparations for the establishment of these enclaves. Only yesterday, by declaring the so-called independence of the "Republic of the Transkei", the Pretoria regime once again sought to deprive millions of South African people of their rights of citizenship. 57. The General Assembly therefore took a correct stand when it unanimously adopted resolution 31/6 A, con- demning the racist regime of South Africa for its irrespon- sible action. My delegation was a sponsor of tha t draft resolution, and the Indonesian Government will therefore not recognize the Transkei. In the view of my delegation, any form of recognition of this so-called independence can only be seen as an attempt to help the racist regime preserve the control of the white minority and to consoli- date the inhuman policies of apartheid. 58. Even now it is not too late for the supporters of the racist regime to reconsider their position and to withdra w their support. They must ask themselves the question, Are they going to align themselves with the inhuman practices of the racist regime, whatever the consequences, or are they going to uphold and defend the dignity of man in support of the oppressed people in South Africa? 59. If they choose to close their eyes and ears to the appeals of the suffering people there, would that not mean that they themselves are racists? 60. For its part, Indonesia is firmly committed to support the just struggle of the people of South Africa to regain their inalienable rights and will strive to assist them to attain this goa1. 61. The "front-line" States in southern Africa have made a special contribution to the efforts of the international community to assist the people of southern Africa in their struggle. By providing direct material support and the' necessary facilities to the freedom fighters to carry out their historic task, these States have borne the brunt of the 62. An additional area which deserves the serious con- sideration of the Member States is that of apartheid in sports. My delegation has been gratified to note that substantial progress has been made during the past year in the implementation of United Nations resolutions against apartheid in sports. Indonesia has strictly adhered to these resolutions, and my delegation hopes that Member States will not permit national teams to tour either Rhodesia or South Africa as part of athletic competitions. 63. My delegation also recognizes the need to provide assistance to the struggling peoples of southern Africa through the various United Nations funds established for the purpose. In the past Indonesia has been able to make a modest contribution to these funds and it will continue to do so. 64. My delegation would also like to appeal to the Members to support the work of the Special Committee against Apartheid, in which my delegation has the honour to serve as a member. The Committee has done much to mobilize and to co-ordinate the efforts of the world's peoples to combat racial discrimination in all its forms. In particular, the missions to the main trading partners of South Africa and the organization of a World Conference for Action against Apartheid deserve the special support of the international community, in the view of my delegation. 65. My delegation is convinced that the continued support of the United Nations for the efforts of the freedom fighters and the struggle of the oppressed people in southern Africa as a whole will constitute a significant contribution to the solution of the crisis that now confronts the intemational community in that region. Apartheid and racism in all its forms cannot long withstand the concerted will of the entire community of nations. Such unity of purpose is the greatest consideration that the United Nations can make to the just struggle of the South African people.

The consideration of item 52 of the agenda, will no doubt constitute a culminating point of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly. 67. As if by chance, the debate on this question is beginning on the day of the proclamation of the pseudo- independence of the Transkei, a delaying tactic used by the Fascist regime of Pretoria to deceive world opinion and to further systematize its policy of apartheid. The grand design of Vorster and his allies is and always has been the anachronistic perpetuation of a racism which has been elevated to a system of government and which is using the economic trumps of this part of our continent to gain the wager which a white minority has been trying to win for 30 years. "The policy of independence is not considered as a complete separation of the races.' The blacks must continue to serve the white and, more.than in the past, it is for them to supply all the manpower necessary for the development of our economy." 69. In the face of the many resolutions of the United Nations and DAU, shaken by the victories of the liberation movements, the so-called independence of the Transkei remains the grotesque invention of the South ~frican Government designed to legitimize and to perpetuate the Fascist domination of the African peoples. 70.. In 1963 the preparation of the new racist strategy was proclaimed; it was to end in complete bantustanization, that is to say, Balkanization, designed to undermine the birth of the future unitary State of South Africa. 71. During the ninth extraordinary session of the Council of Ministers of OAU in April 1975 at Dar Es Salaam, an appeal was launched to all justice-loving and peace-loving nations to reject completely the bantustanization policy. This appeal, repeated at the twenty-fifth ordinary session of the Council of Ministers of OAU, held at Kampala in August 1975,4 also warned all States against the puppets chosen by Pretoria. 72. Let no one be the dupe of the tactics employed by the racist Government of South Africa, which wants to create the impression that the arrangements it proposes will coincide with the desire for independence of the African peoples. 73. It is more than ever appropriate to point out to this Assembly that any recognition of the puppet State of Transkei is a deliberate act of hostility towards Africa. 74. The economic development of South Africa is based essentially on a series of repressive laws and control mechanisms to ensure that cheap black labour is perma- nently at the disposal of the white minority, the agent of the transnational companies. 75. Apartheid is a domestic colonialism based on colour in which the black represents the person colonized and the white represents the colonial master. This form of colo- nialism merely follows the rules of traditional domination, of which certain principles are the total alienation of the country through the ruin of the subsistence economy of the people and this process has the logical consequence of the formation of abundant and cheap manpower, used as a source of profit. One of the major principles of apartheid remains the practice of arbitrary rule which, violently repressing all resistance by the peoples, perpetuates the forced exploitation of the black man. 76. This is the secret of the rapid economic growth of South Africa, which is due only to the profit obtained from 4 See document All 0297, annex I, resolution CM/Res.428 (XXV). 78. Those among us who have lived through the painful nightmare of the 1940s or who have learned the history of the Third Reich find it easy to perceive in the present situation of South Africa the Fascist practices of the times ofHitler, when Jews were transported from Silesia, Poland and Czechoslovakia, in a word from Europe, to ensure the prosperity of the Nazi economy. 79. This is indeed the goal of the South African regime, which also has its psychiatric hospitals where people accused of being friends of the blacks, Communists or simply trade-unionists, disappear. In Pretoria the fate of Ernst Thalman in Nazi Germany threatens many honest people simply because they are sensitive to the misery of the South African people. How many prisoners are reported missing in Vorster's prisons? How many hanged bodies are dangling in Voster's jails? How many innocent children have been massacred at Soweto, at Alexandra ...? How many Africans are buried alive in Vorster's South African gold mines? 80. Again on 24 October, when a crowd gathered for the funeral of a young university student, Jackie Mashabani, brutally murdered the month before in a Johannesburg prison, the police opened fire, causing deaths and more than 51 wounded. 81. Only a few days ago, the police killed an African and arrested 115 persons among the crowd attending the funeral of a young woman. 82. These horrors which recall the worse genocide of the Second World War should not leave us indifferent, and we are surprised to hear certain representatives of the major Powers state in the Security Council that the situation in southern Africa does not constitute a. threat to the peace. 83. We understand clearly why, for these bourgeois pacifists, the threat to the peace is rather the will of our peoples to overthrow such odious regimes as those of Vorster. It is thus that we understand clearly the meaning of the triple veto exercised in the Security Council during the last debate on Namibia. 84. We understand perfectly well why weapons of war are being supplied to Vorster, including nuclear reactors. This is easy to explain because these countries which support apartheid are indeed those which share with the white minorities the profits obtained from thousands of African corpses. That is why we shall continue to affirm that South Africa is the bridgehead of imperialism in Africa. 85. The sincere and vigorous support of the nations of the world for Africa's struggle to cast off all foreign domination is in our opinion a duty of international solidarity and the expression of an awareness of the indivisible nature of happiness, peace and progress for mankind. The honest 86. For some time there has been intense diplomatic activity on the question of southern Africa. Already in November 1974 Mr. Vorster announced that important changes would take place within six months to one year. At the time of that statement, upheavals were about to take place in so-called Portuguese Africa: the independence of Mozambique was scheduled for 24 June and that of Angola for 11 November. The whole of this part of the defence ~ system of racist South Africa was therefore threatened. Hence the effort made by the SOUth African Government to establish a so-called dialogue with the rest of Africa and the corollary of this effect was solely the desire to institute a better social climate by dressing up apartheid and decking it out with spurious improvements. And, on the interna- tional level, a so-called dialogue, which emerged quite new from the imagination of Vorster's imperialist advisers, became fashionable and attempts are being made through corruption, manoeuvre and complicity to lure Africa into this anti-African wasp's nest. Everything appeared to be succeeding when there occurred the independence of Mozambique, reinforced by that of Angola, with truly African regimes. the humiliating defeat of South Africa in its attempt to impose on this newly liberated people puppets serving the ignoble cause of the minority met with fierce resistance by the patriots and provoked general panic in the whole imperialist camp. A so-called Communist threat, considered to be imminent in the area, enabled certain Powers concerned with the turn of events to begin a process of mediation which, they said, would avoid a bloody racial confrontation. Thus, Pretoria is hastening to improvise with its allies another so-called policy of appease- ment designed to install in the buffer States of Rhodesia and South West Africa regimes which are opposed to the profound aspirations of the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia. 87. The pertinent resolutions of the Security Council have been rejected by the iniquitous veto of the conniving Powers which feel that they may endanger the negotiations in progress. But in the matter of negotiations where do we stand? And where shall we end? 88. In Namibia, the conditions laid down by SWAPO, the only representative of the Namibian people, are considered unacceptable. And yet SWAPO is only demanding the immediate and unconditional release of political prisoners, the return of refugees, the withdrawal of South African troops and the setting of a date for immediate indepen- dence. 89. In Zimbabwe, lan Smith and his white minority, trapped by the impetuous surge of the liberation struggle and the setbacks in South Africa, do not for a moment hesitate to seize the olive branch held out by the United States of America. He has agreed to take part in a conference in Geneva under the chairmanship of the United Kingdom, which 11 years ago abdicated all its responsibil- ities by allowing the Salisbury racists to proclaim illegal independence with impunity. Can we think that the United Kingdom will assume these responsibilities if the present negotiations break down? If the answer is "Yes", we are 90. The liberation movement invited to this conference will be able, we are sure, to impose the aspirations of their people and avoid all the traps. 91. Why should the constitutional council which is envis- aged be presided over by lan Smith? Why should the important Ministries of Defence, Interior and Law and Order necessarily be held by the white minority? Mean- while, everything is being done to create, sharpen and maintain the differences between the liberation movements. 92. For the Republic of Guinea, Mr. President, we must recognize that so far the only intention of imperialism is to lull our vigilance by so-called negotiations which will give it time to catch its breath. 93. To those who today are tempted to believe in a sudden change in the mentality of the racists of South Africa, to those who are tempted to hope for anything from a possible dialogue, to those who fail to realize that the only intention of imperialism is to lull our vigilanceby so-called agreements, we would simply point to the lessons of colonial history in America, Africa, Asia and elsewhere. Here in the United States, the war of secession ended without compromise or delay in the total independence in 1776 of the English colonies in America. In Korea, Viet Nam, Cambodia, Mozambique and Angola, imperialism hung on until the last minute through so-called round tables, designed solely to recruit and instal puppet govern- ments, ready to prostitute the victory of the national liberation movements, so as to sell out their economy, for the sole profit of monopolistic imperialism. 94. The racist colonialism of South Africa is far from wishing to negotiate; it merely wishes to gain time, with the advice of international imperialism. 95. The Government of the Party-State of Guinea has often stated that it is less sensitive to intentions than to the reality and significance of acts, having regard to the specific interest of peoples. 96. No confusion must divert us from the only solution which must prevail: the burial of apartheid through armed struggle and the seizure of power by the people of South Africa so as to initiate a regime of freedom, social justice and democratic peace.

The tragedy of the people of southern Africa, especially Zimbabwe, Rhodesia and Namibia, is not a new one. Every year the question of the racist policy of South Africa comes up in the General Assembly, in the Security Council and in the specialized agencies, always with the same vigour and strength and bitterness. We give it a choice place in our debates with a view to adopting resolutions and recom- mendations that will be adequate, and the majority of Member States attach the greatest importance to this major item. However, the leaders of the white minority in South Africa and Rhodesia, suppoi ted by the Governments which 98. The perpetuation of the racist minority regime in South Africa, the fact that this regime takes no account of the resolutions and recommendations of the United Nations and its constant defiance and scorn, are a challenge to this Organization and discourage the States and peoples who have great hopes in the United Nations. There are no signs indicating that the racist Government of South Africa is ready to ensure majority rule in a peaceful way; on the contrary, Vorster and his supporters have repeatedly stated that apartheid is vital and immutable. 99. The policy of repression of the black majorities by the Smith and Vorster rAgimes and the repressive measures of these regimes are a flagrant violation of the United Nations Charter and of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the proof of this is found in the Soweto massacres which we have witnessed and which call to mind the terrible massacre of Sharpeville. Vorster's racist policy is a challenge to the conscience of peace-loving peoples. We are convinced that it is no longer possible, in the light of the present crisis, for countries and Governments which con- tinue to have relations with those regimes to accept the pretexts of the apartheid regime in South Africa which continues to practise its repression and kills young people and children without distinction. It is inhuman, as the General Assembly termed it in resolution 3411 (YVCX) and the Security Council in resolution 392 (1976), which was adopted on 19 June 1976. 100. The oppressed people of Zimbabwe have stated that they will continue and intensify their struggle against the rebel racist regime of lan Smith and will strike blows against it, and this has caused Smith to recognize that majority rule is inevitable in Zimbabwe. This recognition at first led us to believe that there will be a positive development, but there may be devious attempts to prolong the period of transition and to prevent the establishment of a democratic government based on equality and liberty of the whole Zimbabwean people. And thus we must prevent the illegal minority regime from having any semblance of legitimacy, especially since Smith views the situation in the following way: he will continue to be Prime Minister, and to have ministers of defence, justice and internal order who will be members of the white minority. This makes his intentions clear, and it is therefore necessary to continue 102. In view of this explosive situation, we must adopt immediate and resolute measures in the United Nations and we must prevent the South African Government from impeding efforts to establish a dialogue. The Vorster Government must recognize SWAPO, which is the only true representative of the Namibian people. It must accept dialogue with that organization under the aegis of the United Nations, so that Namibia may become truly independent and free. Also, the racist regime in South Africa must release all Namibian political prisoners and effect the withdrawal of all its military forces from Namibia. As long as South Africa refuses to carry out United Nations resolutions it is necessary for the United Nations to imposeeconomic and other sanctions which will compel that racist regime-that illegal regime, indeed-to put an end to its racist occupation and its aggression against Namibia. 103. We must support the Namibian people in their legitimate struggle by every means, including an armed struggle, so that it will be able to take over the national government. We must give them political, moral, material and diplomatic support and we must enable them to achieve self-determination, independence and territorial integrity and to be able effectively to carry out Security Council resolution 385 (1976). It is necessary that effective steps be taken, including those providedfor in Chapter VII of the Charter. 104. The racist minority regime h. South Africa does not represent the people of Azania. The General Assembly has declared that regime to be illegitimate in resolution 3411 (XXX), and stated that the policy of apartheid of that regime constitutes an international crime. It is a stronghold of racism and colonialism on the African continent. It is a danger to peace and security both in that part of the world and throughout the world. 105. The Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Govern- ment of Non-Aligned Countries, meeting in Colombo, Sri Lanka, last August, condemned the racist regime of South Africa in paragraph 1 of its resolution NAC/CONF.5/ S/RES.l, in which it stated that it: "Strongly condemns the racist regime of South Africa for its oppression of the great majority of the people of South Africa, its continued illegal occupation of the 106. On this occasion I should like to state that the State of Qatar condemns the racist minority regime of South Africa and I should also like to express our great regret at the fact' that the Security Council was unable to adopt the necessary resolution with regard to sanctions because of the negative vote of certain permanent members. The Security Council has a duty to adopt immediate measures which would be capable of compelling South Africa to apply these resolutions of the Security Council and of the General Assembly and specialized agencies. 107. My country is convinced, deeply convinced, that the methods used by the racist regime in South Africa will never undermine liberty in that part of Africa, I should like to state once again here that my Government supports all the liberation movements in Africa in their legitimate struggle and will assist them so that the peoples of those countries can gain their freedom and independence.

May I first of all take this opportunity to pay a tribute to Mr. Harriman of Nigeria for his distinguished services as Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid. My commendations also go to the other officers and to all the members of the Committee for their great effort in, and contribution to, the dissemination of information on the evils which the South African racist regime is perpetrating against the black people and the colouredsin South Africa, 109. This Assembly is fully aware that, since the collapse of Portuguese colonialism, far-reaching geopoiitical changes have taken place in southern Africa. The new situation has given impetus to the struggle for freedom, justice and human dignity in South Africa. Localized resistance has developed into a nation-wide uprising. We are therefore meeting here at a crucial time in the history of Africa. 110. While we talk here, white terrorists are carrying out massive and brutal repression against nationalists who are opposed to the policies of apartheid. Wanton acts of genocide have been perpetrated against South African patriots and innocent black children, women and men in Soweto, Langa and other South African townships. As the death toll increases, valiant sonsand daughters of Africa are marching forward in defiance of the racist murders. They are at war against the settler colonialists. During such a situation, there is hardly time to mourn the dead. Sorrow, grief and bitterness are sharpened into powerful revolu- tionary weapons. 111. Faced with this situation, we assemble here once more in an effort to make the racist regime of John Vorster see sense, face reality and avert the racial blood-bath that he has started in South Africa and for which future generations will hold him and his collaborators wholly responsible. 112. Numerous resolutions of the General Assembly, the Security Council and other agencies of the United Nations have been passed time and again condemning the inhuman 113. It is disheartening to see that the same Members of the United Nations that come to this rostrum and condemn the inhuman policies of apartheid and the racist repressive regime in South Africa are the same Members that openly support that regime and supply it with the means of entrenching itself in power. They are even enhancing its credibility as a champion in seeking a solution to the problemsof southern Africa. 114. The tactics of Vorster's racist regime are clear to the General Assembly and those who support him are well aware of these tactics. They support Mr. Vorster and his regime for their own interests and they know how they stand in the eyes of Africa. The countries which support Mr. Vorster and his oppressive regime should be aware that time is on the side of Africa, the liberation movements in southern Africa and the people of Azania. Those Govern- ments should know clearly that the policies of apartheid are collapsing and that the riches of South Africa will soon be in the hands of all the people of that country. If they want to have access to those riches on terms dictated by the majority, they should not keep on backing Mr. Vorster, whose oppressive regime is doomed to fail. 115. Whenever tough measures against apartheid are pro- posed to this Assembly, those who support and sustain the apartheid system vote contrary to the will of the interna- tional community. They often come up with a host of strange arguments, ranging from the claimthat any boycott of South Africa would prejudice the interest of the blacks employed by the transnational corporations to the assertion that an arms embargo by the United Nations against the South African regime would unduly prejudice the talks that are now taking place between the black nationalists and the representatives of the white minority racist regimes. This ridiculous set of arguments is nothing but a mere smoke screen used by those who thrive on the toil, sweat and blood of innocent Azanians, The actual motives for their behaviourare more than apparent. 116. The countries that have been supporting and still support Mr. Vorster in power have been stampeded into that position very often by the ruthless transnational corporations whose aim is to plunder the resources of South Africa. What is at stake in South Africa for those companies is clear. In 1969, for example, their mineral production in South Africa as a percentage of world production was as follows: gold-68.8 per cent; gem diamonds-63J) per cent; industrial diamonds-64.3 per cent; cobalt (contained)-56.7 per cent; chromite-31.5 per cent; vanadtum-29.4 per cent; platinum group metals- 117. To this loot add billions of dollars invested in South Africa by some Western industrialized countries including the United States of America with some $US 1.5 billion and the United Kingdom with about $3 billion. Then con- sider the lucrative trade of those countries with racist South Africa, which includes lethal instruments used by South Africa to kill the black indigenous people and compound all these with the transactions done by banks, insurance companies, etc. that have their headquarters in the devel- oped countries. 118. All these taken together with the so-called strategic position of South Africa with regard to the west and the bases there together with the satellite tracking station of the Unite I States National Aeronautics and Space Administration in that country explain the voting be- haviour of NATO members on resolutions condemning apartheid in southern Africa. Many of these countries appear to IUS not to be so much concerned about how the black people are oppressed by Vorster and his gang but how much of the bonanza of rich mineral resources they can exploit with the use of the depressed wages of black labour. 119. On lookingat the voting pattern of some countries in recent years on South African issues, one cannot but confirm this feeling. On 30 October 1974, the United States of America, Britain and France cast a triple veto in rejecting a Security Council draft resolution calling for the expulsion of South Africa from this world body.s The United States of America followed this a month later by casting a negative vote in the Special Political Committee on a draft resolution requesting the Security Council to meet on the race question in South Africa and to take mandatory action to halt all arms sales to the racist regime in South Afnca.s Again on 6 June 1975, the United States of America, United Kingdom and France cast another triple veto in the Security Council on a draft resolution which would have imposed a mandatory arms embargo on the Vorster regime in order to help bring about independence in Namibia." Some other countries on the Security Council who have an interest in the resources of southern Africa simply abstained in the vote on the draft resolution. 120. As my Minister said when he addressed the General Assembly on 8 October 1976, "The time has come for those who claim to be the friends of independent. Africato stand up and be counted" [24th meeting, para. 16/. We can now count the true friends of Africa on the issue of southern Africa. 121. It is against the above background that we view the recent moves by shuttle diplomacy in southern Africa. The sweet words and the secret exchanges with racialist Vorster 123. Mter Vorster had meetings with Mr. H. Kissinger he assuredhis supporters recently in Bloemfield that he had no intention for the present or for the future to share power with the blacks. He said that blacks could participate in government but only in their homelands. He has imple- mented this by granting a sham independence first to Transkei, to be followed by other homelands. This is an extremely serious development. It is now clear that the white mint .tty regime in South Africa is a colonialist settler clique. The creation of bantustans is a corner-stone of the system of apartheid. It is being employed to ensure tribal fragmentation and fratricidal corflfct in South Africa to the benefit of white supremacy. That policy of "divide and rule" is as old as colonialism itself. By establishing bantustans Vorster is denying the indigenous people of Azania citzenship in their own country. He is getting a settlement on his own terms. 124. Vorster's heinous designs would ensure that the vast majority of people in South Africa are cramped in just about 13 per cent of the total land area, whereas the white minority will continue to occupy over 80 per cent of the territory, where most of the natural resources are found. According to this plan, the for-tunate black Africans will continue to labour for the racists in the so-called white homeland. 125. Is this the solution that is being given to Africa? Does the international community wish to witness the creation of another settler State in Africa as happened in the Middle East in 1948? We shall not agree or ba a party in any way to this sell-out.Committed to the territorial and national integrity of Azania, my delegation believes that the illegitimate racist regime has no right to determine the structure of that territory. My Government will therefore not recognize any bantustan whatsoever. We wish to urge all those who stand for justice, dignity and peace not to recognize or co-operate in any way with the puppets set up 126. In conclusion, may I quote from a statement made by the President-for-Life of Uganda, Alhajji Field Marshal Mr. Idi Amin Dada, which he issued on the eve of the so-called Transkei independence: "October 26th, 1976, willgo into the annalsof modern Africa as the final travesty of human justice, with the birth in South Africa of the first of bantustan bulwarks of racist Vorster in the Transkei. It will also mark Vorster's defiance of world opinion and belief in the rights of man, his freedom and inalienable right of self-determi- nation ... The day marks also the beginning of the Balkanisation of South Africa in the wicked interests of a handful of settler colonialists. "The Transkei and its artificiality is a visible symbol of the type of friendship imperialism has to offer to Africa. The imperialists cannot deny that it is on the basis of his confidence in their support that Vorster has defied United Nations resolutions and the opinionsand views of peace-loving nations of the world and gone ahead and established this. mockery of human dignity on the continent of Africa. The establishment of the Transkei bantustan is a clear demonstration that Vorster will never mean well for Africa. We must therefore question the sincerity of his role in the so-called proposals to bring about majority rule in Zimbabwe. "The imperialists and their messenger Kissinger are trying to portray Vorsteras the man under whose blessing majority rule will come about in southern Africa. The establishment of the Transkei bantustan is a mockery of the principle of self-determination. A Fascist concentra- ticn camp has been created in Azania where people are herded together because of the colour of the skin ... We appeal to Africa and the entire peace-loving nations of the world to condemn the so-called independenceof Transkei in solldarity with the people of Azania."

The question which our Assembly is now con- sidering is important for more than one reason. It is important, first of all, because for more than 30 years it has been before our Organization. DUring this entire period the United Nations had made every effort and used almost all resources available to it to try to spare Africa and mankind a conflict of tragic consequences. 129. While, during these 30 years, the African majority of the region concerned has defended its perfectly legitimate right, sometimes at the cost of the most indescribable suffering, it has never lost the hope which it has placed in our Organization. This isyet another reason whichgives our deliberations particular importance. 130. That this question concerning apartheid and racial discrimination is today being directly dealt with by the General Assembly and that it should be at the core of our immediate concern is absolutely normal and logical. During these 30 years the United Nations has become larger; it now comprises virtually all the independent States of our planet. Consequently, the debates we shall devote to the question and the approach which the General Assembly will decide upon in order to arrive at a solution can rightly be considered as being the most objective and perhaps the wisest position which the United Nations has been able to take during the last 30 years. 131. Participation in the debates of the General Assembly for the first time in the history of the United Nations by the African National Congress of South Africaand the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania, the legitimate representatives of the South African populations, while enhancing the debates of our Assembly, will also make it possible to find a solution in accord with the legitimate hopes of the populations concerned. This is the proper place to pay a well-deserved tribute to our brothers of South Africa for the wisdom, courage and sense of responsibility they have evinced throughout the arduous struggle they have waged and continue to wage againstoppression and racial discrim- ination. 132. I said a few minutes ago that our Organization has been confronted with the problem of apartheid and racial discrimination for more than 30 years. During this entire period the United Nations has not "ound a solution, not only because of the complex nature of the problem, but also because of other considerations, some of which I shall briefly recall. 133. The first consideration has to do with the attitude of the racist South African administration itself, which has always aroused hopes for an immediate settlement in order to gain time. Our Organization, whose primary role is to settle international disputes by finding the best peaceful solutions, has each time preferred to give the South African administration time to think, in the hope that the South African racistswould use that time to move in the direction of justice and reason. The General ! ~sembly, taking into account the situation which now prevails in South Africa, can with justification draw conclusions in the light of experience. 134. The second consideration has to do with the Organi- zation and the provisions of the Charter. At the creation of 135. The legal and other arguments advanced by certain countries to justify their generous use of the right of veto, at times in defiance of the most pertinent resolutions of the General Assembly or of competent organs of the United Nations system, have not been convincing. Thus, we have often been told that the situation in South Africawasnot a threat to international peace and security and that, accord- ingly, the Security Council had no reason to take enforce- ment decisions against the South Mrican racist administra- tion, and, above all, that the Security Councs had no cause to consider the implementation of the provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter. If this assessment of the situation in South Mrica was, to say the least, excessively optimistic, the status quo maintained there, which South Africa now attempts to impose, seems in any case to be destined to fail. 136. It is, furthermore, infinitely dangerous for an organ whose primary mission is to watch over international peace and security to accept an assessment which neither the United Nationsnor the international community shares. 137. The tragedy we are witnessing in South Africa daily gives the lie to the picture of peace in southern Africa for which someare attempting to gain acceptance at the United Nations and elsewhere. We still remember the appalling persecutionwhichstruck our South African brothers during the Sharpeville massacres in 1960. I shallnot dwellon these early events which caused so many victims, because more recent and more dangerous events have occurred and are occurring in South Africa. 138. Already, during the month of June last, the Security Council has had to meet to consider the massacres and acts of violence committed by South Africa at Soweto. DUring these events the eo:tire world was a witness to the acts of repression which the South African regime carried out against the population of Soweto. During an entire week, throughout the world, the information media by film and radio reported particularly striking proof of the brutality with which the South African racists attempted to repress the protests and popular uprisings at Soweto and elsewhere in South Africa. With the help of police dogs, the South African police, using clubs arid firearms, sometimes fired indiscriminately at the crowds, thus causing the death of hundreds of people, among them young students. The provisional toll, according to the South African racists themselves, was more than a hundred dead and more than a 141. Yet, the situation has remained as before, and the policy of bantustanization undertaken by South Africa follows its course, despite the protests and resistance of the populationsdirectly concerned. 142. The international community itself has repeatedly condemned this policy of bantustanization, and only yesterday the General Assembly, by an overwhelming majority-I would say almost unanimously-unequivocally rejected this specific application of the separate develop- ment policy of apartheid, as reflected in the creation of a pseudo-homeland called the Transkei. 143. If I have recalled all these problems,it is far more out of a desire to L "r recall the historical background than to try to pinpoint responsibility. We would have been glad to share the optimism of those who feel, rightlyor wrongly, that we are going too fast, if eventsduring recent years and even recent months in southern Africa and elsewhere in Africa did not lead us to consider that the vigorous action which we called on the United Nations to take, and shall continue to call upon it to take, was just in order to avoid the worst in southern Africa. 144. We had thought that the time repeatedlygiven to the Pretoria regime by the Security Council would have led that regime to face the facts and put an end to its policy of discrimination and domination in Namibia and in South Africa. However, the recent upheavals we have observed in 8 Legal Consequences for States of the Continued Presence of South Africa in Namibia (South West Africa) notwithstanding Security Council Resolution 276 (1970), Advisory Opinion, I.CJ. Reports 1971, p. 16. 145. From this very rostrum we have already had occasion to refer in unequivocal terms to the strengthening of co-operation between the South African racists and the Tel Aviv Zionists. At that time we limited ourselves to stating the problem, out of a desire to assist those who thought they could bring the South African regime to its senses. We were nevertheless convinced that the South African racist regime and the Israeli Zionists were identical; we deemed this to be self-evident because, prompted by the same motivations, objectively they could only unite to strengthen their aggressive potential in Africa and in the Middle East. This co-operation, once kept secret so as not to arouse suspicion, is today unveiled, and the world is now witness to it. The world, we are convinced, will soon discover the truth, which is now beyond question. 146. Today South Africa enjoys Israeli assistance in every field and in particular with regard to the organization of the repressive South African police. It is therefore not surpris- ing to note that the repressive methods used by South Africa and by the Israeli regime against the South African and Palestinian peoplesareidentical. 147. In this connexion, the most modern and dangerous weapons are daily delivered to Israel which, by triangular trade, delivers them to South Africa in turn. If this arms race is not halted in time, it runs the riskof enabling ISrael and South Africa to cast a threat of unforeseeable consequences over Africa and the Arab world. 148. When the General Assembly decided to consider the question of apartheid, it was well aware of all these considerations. It is preciselyin order to avoid the worst for Africa and mankind that the General Assembly decided to place this problem at the core of its concerns. If, for 30 years, wehave put up with these regimes, which stand to be condemned in every respect, it is because the society of men which constitutes the international community rightly believed that before we placed some of our fellow human beings beyond the pale of mankind, we should try by all possible means to win them back and to show the path of reason. 149. Thirty years, that is the life of an entire generation. The repeated attacks which the liberation movements have made against the apartheid regime have aroused the conscience of our Organization, which had begun to be side-tracked by the frenzied propaganda of the advocates of racism. 1SO. While paying a tribute to the courage and determina- tion of our South African brothers, we should also welcome the fact that our Organization has perceived this determi- nation and, above all, that the United Nations has been able to proceed along a course which is surely in line with the trend of history. 151. It is the duty of our General Assembly to indicate the course to be followed by the Security Council so as to hasten the coming into being in South Africa of a more just 153. Until apartheid is destroyed and justice done to the direct victims of this inhuman doctrine, my country will continue to denounce and oppose its perpetrators when and wherever it has the opportunity to do so. 154. Racial discrimination in itself is evil and must not be encouraged. When it becomes institutionalized into a doctrine that does not only prevent members of a certain race from enjoying social privileges provided by the Government in their own country, but even questions whether a people because of their colour are human beings, it becomes an affront to humanity and a threat to world peace and security. It becomes therefore a world problem, and the whole world must be involved in the search for a solution to it. No country can afford to be indifferent to this evil, for it affects the very survival of the human race. 155. My delegation condemns apartheid and condemns its perpetrators, who stubbornly persist in their humiliation and exploitation of the indigenous Africans in South Africa and Namibia. 156. In the same vein we reject and condemn bantustans, the establishment of which serves only the interests of the perpetrators of apartheid. In fact it is ridiculous for anyone to imagine that the world community would accept such diabolical creations as pacification for its outrage over apartheid. But then, whoever expects the perpetrators of such an inhuman political doctrine as apartheid to be reasonable? 157. Their decision to go ahead with plans to grant so-called independence to the Transkei even against the wishes and strong opposition of the rest of the world is a fitting demonstration of the recklessness and arrogance of the regime we are dealing with, and it therefore becomes necessary for all of us to close ranks against its policies. 158. The apartheid regime of South Africa in creating bantustans hoped to preserve the statusquo in South Africa and to protect apartheid. Bantustans were never intended to improve the status of Africans in South Africa. Instead, they were intended to keep them in perpetual back- wardness and slavery; why else would over three fourths of the population be crammed into only 13 per cent of the land, which in fact is the most infertile in the country? 159. Apartheid for the South African regime is too advantageous to be abandoned. It is too lucrative and too convenient for that regime. Therefore that regime is working ceaselessly to preserve it, and the creation of settlements such as the Transkei is one way of assuring the continuation of apartheid. 161. General Assembly resolution 3411 D (XXX), adopted 28 November 1975, declared bantustans as "de- signed to consolidate the inhuman policies of apartheid, to perpetuate white minority domination and to dispossess the African people of South Africa of their inalienable rights in their country". This is the position of my delegation' on bantustans. We therefore do not recognize the so-called independence of the Transkei, which in fact ridicules the sacred struggle of people under the yoke of colonial rule and apartheid to achieve independence and rightly to assume control of their own affairs. 162. How independent of apartheid can a pillar of it be? Puppet States like the Transkei in South Africa will always be wholly dependent on the South African regime and will continue to be ruled by it. No sooner would opposition to apartheid be sensed in such puppet States than the South African authorities would descend on them with ruthless efficiency to crush them. If there were any doubt about this, the recent incidents in Soweto have dispelled it. A regime which will use guns to disperse a demonstration of unarmed schoolchildren justly expressing their frustrations under the suppression of apartheid will not hesitate to move in tanks and bombs to crush an opposition which threatens the survival of apartheid. Bantustans in fact provide a convenient means of putting the Africans where it will be easy to supervise them and keep them under control. This way the survival ofapartheid is assured. 163. My delegation calls on States Members of this Organization to deny victory to apartheid by refusing recognition to the Transkei as-a sovereign State. 164. Apart from creating bantustans such as the Transkei, the South African regime has adopted other tactics to assure the preservation of apartheid. It has made apartheid so attractive to businessmen from the free world that they all now rush to invest in South Africa and Namibia. The excuse given for this rush is the desirability of free trade. This, however, is not the reason why the competition between industrial countries which free trade stimulates has shifted from Europe to South Africa and Namibia. The reason is that businessmen find the climate in South Africa and Namibia the healthiest that could ever be found anywhere for business. Apartheid provides the conditions under which any investor could make a quick profit. There are no strikes allowed and no demands for improving working conditions. Above all there are no demands for pay increases and labour is almost free because it is so cheap. .05. Everyone, therefore, with a little money to invest, is rushing to South Africa and Namibia to make his fortune. The actions of these businessmen give tremendous moral support to apartheid, and the countries they come from which do nothing to stop them are by their inaction approving ofapartheid despite their public denunciations of the doctrine. 167. On a more serious note is the military alliance that is .: growing between South Africa and the so-called free world. To win the sympathy of the West, South Africa has preached that it is needed to counter the Communist influence in the Indian Ocean. 168. It now seems as if South Africa has succeeded in convincing the West that it is indispensable to its defence, for the arms flow to South Africa from Western countries has increased tremendously. Its navy has been replenished with sophisticated weapons and has engaged in exercises with other navies from the West. Its communications systems scan the whole of the continent and therefore give it the advantage of tracing the activities of the African liberators who are struggling to free their lands from the tyrant's grip. Helicopters have been supplied and are even now being manufactured in South Africa. What else will these be used for if not for transporting killer squads to areas of resistance to apartheidin South Africa? 169. It is these arms also that have been used to attack and destroy parts of the sister State of Zambia, because its leaders refuse to bow to apartheid. My delegation deplores the unwarranted raids into Zambia and other sister African States by the ruthless authorities in South Africa. 170. Above all, my delegation is gravely concerned that South Africa is now in the position to produce nuclear weapons. We have drawn attention to the callousness and desperation of the South African regime, while the South African regime's attitude to the blacks in South Africa has clearly revealed that the regime has no respect or concern for black people. My delegation therefore believes that the South African regime will not hestitate to try its new weapons on Africans even outside South Africa and Namibia. The arming of South Africa, especially with nuclear arms, therefore poses a serious threat to the security of the whole African continent. 171. We cannot overlook. the fact that, despite the advances in medicine in both Europe and the United States especially, the first heart transplant had to take place in South Africa. No one will ever know how many live, healthy blacks were sacrificed before the announcement was made. Added to this is the fact that we have been hearing only about a black heart being given to a white person, not the other way round. 173. In presenting his case for the expulsion of South Africa from the United Nations, my Foreign Minister said in 1974: "In accordance with principles of the Charter all Members are called upon to give the United Nations every possible assistance in any action it takes in accordance with the Charter, and Member States are urged to refrain from giving assistance to any State against which the United Nations is taking preventive or enforcement action."? 174. I therefore appeal to all Stateswhich maintain trade, sports, military or diplomatic relations with the South African regime to sever them in accordance with the decisions of the United Nations. We must respect the decisions of the United Nations. Only then can we isolate the perpetrators of apartheid, and effectively deal with this abhorrent doctrine. 175. Finally, my delegation wishes to congratulate the Special Committee against Apartheid for its efforts in bringing out so much information on the activities of the apartheid regime of South Africa {see A/31/22 and Add.1-3], and to urge the members to continue their vigilant struggle against the evils of apartheid.

I am grateful for this opportunity to make a statement on the vote which took place yesterday on draft resolution A/31/L.5. Because this draft resolution was put forward and voted on yesterday, we did not have enough time to receive instructions on how to vote on the draft resolution. Moreover, the fact that some reference was made to the presence of a Uruguayan citizen at the ceremonies which took place in the Transkei make it necessary for us to state our position after a careful consideration of the facts. We are now statingour position after having considered all the events. 177. The Uruguayan who attended the ceremonies in the Transkei did so as an invited guest and it can by no means be considered that he was there asan official representative of the Government of Uruguay. Hence, his presence certainly does not imply any kind of approval, even tacit; on the contrary, I should like to tell the General Assembly as a concrete token of our solidarity, which we were unable to express yesterday, that the official decision of our Government is in favour of the draft resolution which was adopted yesterday, which means that we shall not recognize the Transkei. 180. Therefore, on behalf of my delegation 1 wish to say that if we had been presenlt when the vote took place in the Assembly yesterday afternoon, we would have voted in favour of the draft which condemns the artificial creation of the state of Transkei. I also wish to state that the Government of my country will certainly not recognize that State. I wish to make this perfectly clear.