A/32/PV.29 General Assembly

Mr. President, since I am speaking for the first time here in this Assembly, by your ieave I should like 46. It is also a pleasure to pay a well-deserved tribute to your eminent predecessor, Mr. Amerasinghe who, with his wisdom and talents as an enlightened diplomat, guided with exceptional success the work of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly. 47. Finally, I 'should like to thank the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for the devotion, perception and dedication with which he guides the destiny of the Organization. I should like to exprest: to him our complete satisfaction and total support for his .,raiseworthy efforts in his lofty and exalted post. 48. I could not go into the substantive problems inI11Y statement without first expressing my personal happiness at seeing seated among us the representatives of the brother people of Djibouti and the Vietnamese people. Those two States will, I am certain, make a dynamic contribution to the work of our Organization and to the attainment of the noble objectives of the Charter. Their admission represents also a further step towards the universality at which the United Nations aims. 49. I wish now to touch on some of the complex and disturbing questions that deserve the full attention of our Assembly. Despite exceptional efforts made by our Organi- zation and the international community, the world is beset with grave problems that require urgent solutions·first and foremost the problem of southern Africa. 50. Southern Africa remains a dangerous tinderbox which threatens peace in that region and in the world because apartheid is violence, both moral and physical. and because apartheid represents a total contempt for our Organization and its Charter. Upper Volta, whose philosophy is based on respect for man, wh&tever his civilization or culture, denounces and condemns once again the anachronistic and ignoble scourge of apartheid which stops at nothing to repress and massacre innumerable Africans, whose onlv crime is that they have a black skin. From this rostrum -I wish to pay a tribute to the memory of Steven Biko and to all the martyrs of southern Africa who courageously fell before bullets or were crushed by torture, and to all those who, while we are meeting here. are paying dearly in the horrors of the gaols of Vorstcr and lan Smith for their rejection of apartheid and for their ardent quest for dignity, justice and independence. 51. The situation in southern Africa is all the more disturbing since the racist regimes strive ferociollsly to increase and improve their means of repression and destruc- tion. including nuclear weapons. From this rostrum we 52. The illegal occupation of the international Territory of Namibia by the racist regime of Pretoria and the introduc- tion into that country of the policy of apartheid and bantustanization constitute a defiance of the United Na- tions and of the international community. It is necessary decisively to counter that action by South Africa so as to hasten Namibia's accession to independence by democratic means and under United Nations supervision. In this respect we reaffirm the need to give SWAPO all the political and material support it needs in the just struggle it wages for freedom. 53. The obduracy of the rebel racist minority in des- perately holding on to its power and the resulting situation of conflict jeopardize the very existence of the white community of that country. We believe that it is more urgent than ever to find a final solution for the Rhodesian problem on the basis of majority rule. 54. The Anglo-American plan is the last chance for a peaceful settlement. If it fails Africa would have no choice other than to resort to the only solution capable of making lan Smith give way-armed struggle to the end. 55. The situation in the Middle East continues to threaten the peace and development of the region. Upper Volta attentively follows the evolution of that disturbing question and hopes that in the Middle East a just and lasting peace will soon be established on the basis of the fonowing elements: withdrawal from the Arab territories occupied by force since 1967; the right of every State in the region to live within secure and recognized borders; and the recogni- tion and implementation of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. 56. All that leads us to deplore the recent measures taken by Israel to establish new settlements on the West Bank. It is, nevertheless. our hope that the negotiations under way for a resumption of the Geneva Pe-dce Conference on the Middle East will be positive. However. it would be an illusion to imagine that that Conference will arrive at lasting results without the effective. full and complete parti- cipation of the Pafestinian people represented by the Palestine Liberation Organization. 57. The separation of the island of Mayotte from the rest of the Comoros is still a situation that worries all African States. Wc trust that the lofty mission entrusted to the current President of the OAU with respect to the President of France will rapidly produce a satisfactory solution to this question. '58.. We welcome the efforts made by the Secretary- General to find a lasting solution to the painful problem of Cyprus. Upper Volta deplores the interference of other 59. In 1976 military expenditure reached the fabulous sum of 5350 billion~ that is the equivalent of the combined gross national product of all the nations of Latin America, Mrica and the Middle East; it is the equivalent of national expenditure for education throughout the world, double the expenditure for health, and 15 times higher than foreign aid to developing countries. 60. Given such waste and the destructive potential it entails, the disarmament problem becomes acute. We are pleased. therefore, with the many attempts at, and labor- ious discussions on, disarmament. The initiative of the non-aligned countries to convene in 1978 a special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament will perhaps allow us to lay the groundwork for effective disarmament. 61. These developments warrant the hope that mode'rating influences will carry more weight on behalf of the cause in which man, by his inalienable right to existence, happiness and to a future, must always have the final word. 62. Among the matters involving our Organization. I wish to highlight the consensus agreements reached here and State sovereignty. a sacrosanct principle of international law. which, in current circumstances. no one could think of renouncing. 63. Yet, here perhaps more than in ideological confronta- tions and conflicts of interest lies the bone of contention, since it is obviously inconceivable that United Nations resolutions should be perceived or received with indif- ference by the countries concerned without serious damage to international order itself. The pressure tactics or retalia- tory measures which have sometimes been resorted to, and their generally unfruitful results, are certainly among the most basic causes of the feeling of dissatisfaction with the international political order in our times. 64. The bitter fruits of this state of affairs are: violence in all its forms, the crystallization of selfish interests. intol- erance, the balancing act between the great Powers now elevated to a new diplomatic art. and the feeling of helplessness experienced by the weakest. 65. Now, let us not be misled: never has our world been in .greater need of an. international morality endowed with the essential legitimacy which would derive from its unreserved acceptance, without ulterior motives, by the whole inter- national community. 66. Indeed, what led to the creation of the United Nations on the morrow of an atrocious war was mankind's need for new foundations for his future and for his survival, for a new approach to the world's problems. for a new phi- losophy of international relations--in short. for a new in tern~tional morality. 67. But, as you will agree, that new ethic has not. unfortunately, gained ground as it should have because of the narrow interests of States. 69. Hence it is with particular seriousness that I appeal for an attempt to define this new international morality so urgently needed by our world. Otherwise there may be a dangerous escalation of unbridled competition, violence, and perhaps. alas, the ultimate apocalypse. What our world needs, individually as well as collectively, is a reason to believe-a reason that is sufficiently imperative to justify forgetting circumstantial interests, so "as to rise above selfish interests. In a word, what our world needs is a new brotherhood of mem, Cl new practice in international relations based on the innate feeling of justice common to every man. Only such a practice will be able to create a feeling of real and binding obligation before which even the principle of State sovereignty itself will be bound to yield. 70. True, centuries of traditions, ways of life and thinking will not easily be altered. Nobody wants to give away his trump cards, his ability to respond to events, that enable him to perpetuate his dominant position or his material interests. Yet, some doctrines would lose much of their attractiveness and would more clearly reveal the price to be paid it this new international morality, the requirements and implications of which are certainly not difficult to define, could find its proper course in the light of the profound crisis which our world is undergoing, and could in the immediate future be established boldly where con- frontations are becoming manifest. namely in Africa 71. I have deliberately dwelt on the political factors and prospects which form the backgr:ound of international relations, but I would be remiss were I to overlook economic problems, because the survival of our civilization is threatened not only by conflicts and the arms race, but also, if not more so, by disparities in economic develop- ment. In this field, the countries concerned must, of course, make the major effort~ but, regrettably, such efforts have often failed because of external forces entirely beyond their control. That is what is happening, for example, in the Sahelian countries, ~here droughts and floods alternate, leaving in their wake death. devastation and poverty, Who can affirm in all conscience that this seasonal disruption is in no way related to all the atmospheric and stratospheric experiments that have been carried out'? Meanwhile. the submission to States, for their consideration, of an inter- naHonal Convention on the Prohibition of Military or Any Other Hostile Use of Environmental Modification Tech-~ niques proves, if that were necessary. that man can now deliberately manipulate the natu'ral elements. 72. Upper Volta, despite these difficulties. is tirelessly pursuing a policy which combines a desire for rapid economic growth and a concern for integrated develop- ment. After the five-year plan which has just been completed with specific achievements, a new plan is under way which will place greater emphasis on agricult"ral production, the essential basis and principal vehicle (l~uur economic development. 73. If. in spite of everything, our situation still encounters obstacles to be overcome, it is not so much because of our 74. We must perforce learn to centrol water by a sound and rational policy with regard to water resources. In this respect, two world conferences have indicated their vital importance this year. One was the United Nations Water Conference, held in Mar del Plata some months ago, which reached positive conclusions on the most rational method of managing water resources throughout the world in order to meet the growing requirements, particularly in the arid-zone countr-ies.6 The other was the United Nations Conference on Desertification, held in September last in Nairobi This important Conference, at which more than, 100 States of our Organization met, induding the Scandi- navian countries, bears witness to the ffiterest that mankind attaches to this problem. 75. However, my country, Upper Volta, did not wait fo~ the Conference on Desertification to attack the evil at its roots. In fact since 1963 our public authorities have undertaken a vast anti-erosion campaign in the north of our country. Thus we reclaimed more than 300,000 hectares. Since then, action by the Government has also been carried out on a certain number of strategic projects intended in particular to remedy ecological imbalances. Among, these measures, Upper Volta gives a high priority to reforestation, and that is why, within the framework of the regional development organizations, we are experimenting with reforestation in villages. It is true that in our' Sudan- Sahelian zone deforestation is at present the most serious form of ecological deterioration. Therefore a bold policy must be undertaken by an extensive and intensive pro- gramme of reforestation. For such a programme to be effective it must be included in a subregional or regional context and have the support of the popular masses through their being made aware of the problems and being mobilized to deal with them, because it is the attitude of men and their ability to assimilate new factors which will largely determine productivity. 76. The United Nations has an eminent role to play in the success of this vast and sound undertaking. It is from this standpoint that the Government of Upper Volta would like to propose to this Assembly that the tree should constitute the theme for our thinking when it comes to fighting desertification. We are prepared to seek with all States concerned the appropriate context for action along these lines. 77. The hopes of half a billion human beings are at present based on the plan of action which marked the end of the work of the Conference. 7 Even though we did not attain 6 See Report of the United Nations Conference on Water, held at Mar del Plata, from 14 to 25 March 1977 (United Nations pUblication, Sales No. E.77.II.A.12), chap. I. 7 See document A/CONF.74/36, chap. I. 78. This new economic order, as we have all recognized, assumes a redefinition, or rather a readjustment. of North- South relations, with a systematic search for justice and equity. We are bound to recognize that in this matter the rich and the poor do not speak the same language. The fourth session of UNCTAD, the results of which did not fulfil our hopes, aJld the Conference on International Economic Co-operation, or North-South dialogue, which did not succeed in making positions more flexible, both bear eloquent testimony to the differences in assessment and equally in the approach to relationships based on interests. The situation we are witnessing at the end of this century is not only a worsening of the terms of trade but also a deterioration in the terms of negotiation. 79. Yet a little attention to the actual facts is all that is needed to be convinced of the need for international action for the benefit of the poor countries, in which the tragedy of man daily becomes more distressing. 80. In most of these countries the per capita annual growth does not exceed 0.3 per cent, whereas the rate scheduled for the Second United Nations Development Decade is 3.5 per cent. This rate appears to be even lower in the Sahelian countries, where most of the least advanced poor countries are located. When one notes that in the region nature is inclement and that the shortage of rainfall so far this year threatens to aggravate the grain crisis at a time when it is at a critical threshold, one immeaiately realizes how necessary and urgent a solution is. 81. As far as trade is concerned, the balance of world trade has deteriorated at the expense of the developing countries, whose exports have risen by a little less than 4 per cent since 1975, that is, far below the 7 per cent target set for the Second Development Decade. Conversely. their imports have risen in the proportions imposed by the persistent inflation, the rising prices and the economic recession in the developed countries. Hence they have experienced a trade deficit of approXimately $35 billion. 82. The same tendency is apparent in their external indebtedness, which remains disturbing, particularly be- cause of the high rate and unequal distribution of the indebtedness of the developing countries to their creditors. This indebtedness has doubled in three years and it has now risen to $130 billion. For this year alone statistics foresee an increase of the order of $30 billion. 83. In these circumstances aid for development becomes marginal, particularly if one takes into account the financ- ing needs of the poor countries, which will rise to approximately $60 billion at the end of the present decade. 84. It is evident that one can no longer expect these countries to finance, by borrowing, a deficit imposed on 86. Those among them which have not hesitated to devote I per cent of their gross national product to development aid above all deserve our profound gratitude. We appeal to them to intensify this effort and to make it more dynamic by increasing assistance for our development. In particular we appreciate the decision taken by States which. like Canada, have decided to convert debts into selfless aid. Upper Volta firmly believes that the future of the world depends on co-operation among men if we wish to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. as was proclaimed as long ago as 1945 by the nations among us which had the historic mission of laying the foundations of our Organization. An international conference, the Afro- Arab summit,8 paved the way for this form of multilateral co-operation. May it lead to other similar initiatives so that our world may advance in peace and prosperity. 87. For our part we wish to reiterate our commitment to discharge our common responsibilities unflaggingly along- side the other nations represented here, not only to liberate mankind from the spectre of war but also to ensure for coming generations a universe of justice, progress and prosperity.

Mr. President, on behalf of the Chairman and the Government of the Supreme Military Council of Ghana I must first of all congratulate you most warmly on your election to the presidency of this As- sembly. This session has come at a critical time in the history of the United _Nations, when the strength and purpose of our Organization will be tested, particularly in the next few weeks. But we have no doubt that the diplomatic skill, competence and tact which have char- acterized your distinguished career in the service of your country will be employed in conducting the affairs of this Assembly. By.this election the international community represented .here not only gives recognition to your personal merit but also does honour to your country and its great leader, Marshal Tito. As you are aware, we in Ghana have for many years enjoyed cordial relations with Yugo- slavia and have always held its leader in the highest esteem . as a founding member and mentor of the non-aligned movement. Marshal Tito's singular association with this movement is well known. If the concept of non-alignment has today secured international recognition and respect, we in Ghana believe, as indeed many others have confirmed, that this is due in large measure to his conviction, interest and perseverance. The election of Yugoslavia to the presidency of the General Assembly for this session undoubtedly gives recognition to this fact and in a way reflects honour on the non-aligned world in general. 95. It is precisely because of this threat to peace that any constructive initiatives aimed at peaceful solutions in th~ - region would be welcome. At the same time, until there is a guarantee of the success of these initiatives, we will continue to support the armed struggle against apartheid, colonialism and racial oppression as the surest means of 8 First Conference of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity and the League of Arab States, held in Cairo from 7 to 9 March 1977. 90. It is itldeed a happy event that at the current session we welcome the admission of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of Djibouti to membership in our Organization. 91. On the happy occasion of the admission of Viet Nam, therefore, the delegation of Ghana salutes its Government and people. Ghana has no doubt whatsoever that in assuming its rightful place in the United Nations the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam will make an invaluable contribution to the Organization's understanding of third- w~)fld aspirations as well as to the promotion of peace and stability in the world. The Government and people of Ghana look forward to most fruitful and lasting co- operation with the Vietnamese people and Government. 92. Similarly, the admission of Djibouti to the United Nations gives particular satisfaction to the Government and people of Ghana, for it sets the seal on what has been the latest triumph of the liberation movement in Africa 93. It was only in March this year that the Government o·f the Supreme Military Council of Ghana played host in Accra to a round-table conference on Djibouti sponsored by the OAU-an event that brought the various leaders of the then colonial Territory together in preparation for independence from France. My personal knowledge of and association with the tremendous difficulties involved in the final stages of the negotiations in Accra make our joy at the admission of Djibouti all the more sincere. It is with all sincerity that I express in the name of the Government of Ghana the hope th~t the independence won by Djibouti will continue to be jealously guarded by all parties concerned. We are happy that for Djibouti there will now be added to the safeguards of OAU membership the invaluable protection of the United Nations Charter. 94. Our struggle against colonial domination, racism and racial bigotry in southern Africa still rages and political events in that part of our continent since the thirty-first session of the General Assembly make us all the more convinced that our cause is just. We have proclaimed in the past and wish to reiterate today our total rejection of apartheid and other forms of colonialism and racial inequality. Our uncompromising stand against these socio- political evils is made not because we are black, for justice and equality are not denied only to the black race, but because the practice of these evils constitutes a grave threat to international peace and security. 97. It is our hope that the Territory will see a smooth transition to freedom and independence without being subjected to such a reign of terror and anarchy as characterized the birth of the independent Congo in the 1960s. Should any such degeneration set in, Ghana will give its fullest support to the United Nations Security Council in taking firm action, including action under Article 42 of Chapter VII of the Charter, to ensure that the Territory becomes independent on the basis of majority rule. 98. On the question of Namibia, our stand is equally firm. As we are all aware, the decisions taken by the United Nations on the Territory and the advice given to Vorster have throughout the years been scorned by the South African regime. Today, the plight of the Namibian people is no better than it was a year ago when this Assembly last discussed the problem. We are thus compelled to declare that, in spite of the initiatives of the West to find a lasting solution to the situation in Namibia, we will continue to give SWAPO our fullest support in its fight against the South African administration until we are convinced that majority rule is guaranteed for the people of the Territory. 99. Since the thirty-first session of the General Assembly, the world has been gravely disturbed by the developments, as publicized in the press, concerning the nuclear pro- gramme of South Africa It is indeed ironical that while the international community is concerned about the dangerous proliferation of nuclear weapons that threatens our security and civilization, some of the States Members of our Organization should place their knowledge and personnel at the disposal of South Africa to develop a nuclear capability. Tins is indeed a terrifying prospect about which we cannot remain silent or condone. We are compelled by this development to raise our voice in utter condemnation of those Western Powers which, through this collaboration, have helped place the security of the African continent in serious jeopardy. 100. Since the last session of the General Assembly. the United Nations has sponsored two very important meetings on southern Africa. I refer, of course, to the International Conference in Suppo"rt of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, held in Maputo in May 1977, and the World Conference for Action against Apartheid, which took place in Lagos in August 1977. In particular, the Maputo Declaration and its Programme of Action l 0 contain signifi- cant recommendations, to which we call the General 9 Sce Official ftecords of the Security Council, Thirtv-second Year, Supplement for July, August and September 1977 d-ocumcllt 5/12393. ' 10 Scc document A/32/109/Rcv.l-S/12344/Rcv.1. anncx V. 101. Secondly, the World Conference for Action against Apartheid, held in Lagos recently, adopted a Declaration which might serve as our charter for the final onslaught on apartheid. In addition, the same Conference made recom- mendations to the international community as to how this system could be eliminated. The Ghana delegation wishes to reiterate its acceptance of the Declaration and pledges support for the recommendations. We would have preferred them to go further than they do, but we accept the resulting consensus as a point of departure, and hope that the reservations made on it by some Western Powers will be withdrawn in good time. We are prepared in the meantime to work hand in hand with all countries on the basis of the two documents for the total eradication of apartheid and political subjugation. Let us hope that this session will advance the anti-apartheid cause beyond the position so far achieved in these documents. 102. As far as South Africa itself is concerned, nothing significant has occurred in the last I2 months to alter our resolve against the apartheid system and all its related injustices. On the contrary, we salute the black majority, particularly the schoolchildren of Soweto, whose deter- mined efforts have testified eloquentiy to the non- acceptability, to them and to mankind. of the Fascist rule of the majority by a racist minority 103. In this regard, the proposed constitutional changes recently announced by the Republic deserve the close and serious attention of this Assembly In our view, the move to continue to exclude the black majority from parliament, even though some representation will be accorded the Coloured population, is one more subterfuge of the South African administration to further enslave the black majority politically and economically. Little wonder then that even the Coloureds have rejected the proposal. We feel morally bound to denounce the so-called constitutional proposals. We therefore call upon this Assembly to deliver the moral verdict of our common conscience. 104. It is indeed a matter of happy coincidence for my delegation that our statement in this Assembly should fall on the Day of Solidarity with South African Political Prisoners. On behalf of the Government of Ghana. and on my own behalf, therefore, I wish to convey our warmest felicitations to the struggling people of South Africa on the occasion of this anniversary. Even though the fight against apartheid and minority rule has ente-red a crucial phase. wc in Ghana are not daunted. We share with our brothers and sisters today the hope that our cause will be victorious over those of racism and racial discrimination. IOS. At this stage, permit me to pay the Ghana delega- tion's tribute to the memory of our comrade and brother. Steven Biko, who was foully murdered only a few weeks ago by the security forces of the Vorster regime. The death of comrade Biko should serve as a grim reminder to all those involved in the fight against apartheid and ra~ial injustice that the struggle is still at a critical stage and that the enemy will continue to be more and more ruthless as 106. I cannot end my remarks on Africa without touching briefly on the unfortunate war which has been raging with growing ferocity in the Horn of Africa. Attempts by the OAU to settle the conflict through peaceful negotiations proceed with determination. But my dele6ation regrets that success has not attended the efforts of the OAU. It is an accepted historical fact that the present African frontiers were drawn by the colonial Powers, almost a century ago, with scant regard for ethnic and other relevant considera- tions. African frontiers have always, therefore, constituted potential sources of conflicts between one country and another. It was in order to bury for ever such inherent dangers that the founding fathers of the OAU in their wisdom adopted, as an essential element in the Charter of their organization, the principle of the inviolability of frontiers, by which the boundaries inherited from colo- nialism were to be accepted without question by the successor States. For it should be fairly obvious that, if one were to proceed to a general modification of African frontiers in response to the dictates of ethnicity and other reasons, there would be no end to friction between African countries. It is our hope, therefore, that all the parties involved in the present conflict 'will cease their fire and talk, so that the scant resources of the area can be channelled to the economic and social advantage of their peoples. 107. Furthermore, we Africans in particular should realize that the situation existing in the Horn of Africa has unfortunately created a fertile ground for super-Power rivalry in that region. It is, however, the African countries concerned who, in ~he final analysis, will have to pay the price for such rivalry. It is therefore vitally important for the peaceful development of our continent that the two super-Powers, which have agreed to observe the principle of detente in their mutual relations and with regard to questions of European co-operation and security, should not depart from that principle when the issue relates to Africa. For, to be valid, a principle should lend itself to general application in comparable circumstances. What is good for Europe's peace is also good fvr the peace and stability of Af.rica. 108. As we look around us, in Africa, Europe, the Middle East and Asia, we see tension and conflict engulfing mankind and threatening to negate the principles upon which our Charter stands. Month after month, and year after year, global peace and security have proved illusory and we, especially in the third world, have become helpless witnesses to a world severely divided by ideologies and rendered unsafe by the stockpiling of the most destructive and efficient nuclear weapons. It is in such an uncertain world that Ghana, true to the tenets of its foreign policy, has placed implicit faith in detente. 109. Admittedly, there has been a thawing in the cold war in Europe and the major Powers are no longer plagued by the siege complex that characterized the I950s and 1960s. However. the arms race continues, and the competition to gain international influence, particularly in Africa,- is keen. Our territories have thus become the jousting ground for 110. For these reasons, we have a deep commitment to detente not only in Europe but throughout the world. It must be understood, therefore, that what the world needs now is not ideological bickering and ne~colonialist in- fluence but the development of responsible relationships between nations, which alone can guarantee us all security from conflict and catastrophe. We again call on the major Powers to continue relentlessly to pursue detente so we can all live in a world that is free from fear and motivated only by the will to provide the best for mankind in an atmosphere of peace and harmony. Ill. Another area of crucial importance to peace and stability in the world is the Middle East. It is true that the situation in that region has seen some improvement, especially since the signing and coming ipto force in 1976 of the second Israelo-Egyptian disengagement agreement.!! However, within the intervening period there has been the civil war in Lebanon, which proved singularly dest.ructive. in spite of the heavy toll claimed by that unfortunate war, we are encouraged to note the strenuous efforts made to contain the war and to prevent it from engulfing the other countries in the region. The need, however, to move faster towards a permanent peace settlement in the Middle East is perhaps greater today than at any other period in recent times. We in Ghana have always maintained, and still maintain, that the self-determinaHon of the Palestinian people and the withdrawal of Israel from all Arab occupied territories are indispensable conditions to any lasting peace. 112. The Government of Gha~a considers that the United Nations has a sacred responsibility in helping to establish a national home in Palestine for the largely dispersed Pales- tinians, in the sam_e wqv as it accepted and endorsed the creation of Israel in 1948. The justice of the intense struggle for freedom in which the Palestinian people have been engaged has been accepted by the international community and due recognition should be taken of this fact in determining the eligibility of the Palestine Libera- tion Organization to represent the Palestinian people at the proposed Peace Conference on the Middle East to be held in Geneva. The new Israeli regime should therefore take into account the long-term interests of Israel, and not let slip the opportunity for restarting the process towards the achievement of permanent peace. I 13. Before I touch briefly on the current situation in Cyprus, please permit me. on behalf of my delegation, to express to the Government and prople of Cyprus the shock and pain with which the Government and people of Ghana received the sad news of the death of His Beatitude Archbishop Makarios. It was only last June that we met in London on the occasion of the meeting of the Common- wealth Heads of Government. Archbishop Makarios' de.ar exposition of the Cyprus problem. as well as other 114. It is a matter of deep regret for my delegation that practically no progress has been made on the Cyprus problem since the thirty-first session. For the Cypriots. each passing day is a painful experience in their present predicament. In various resolutions on the Cyprus issue. both the General Assembly and the Secudty Council have stressed the importance they attach to the sovereign independence, territorial integrity and non-alignment of Cyprus. The United Nations has also called for the withdrawal of all foreign armed forces from the island and the resumption of the intercommunal talks between the Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities. None of these objectives has been attained in Cyprus, and there is still no encouraging sign.that a just solution will be found in the foreseeable future. 115. Ghana is, in principle, opposed to any invasion of sovereign States and therefore recognizes only one sov- ereign State of Cyprus. It is in the over-all interest of all parties -that the conflict should be resolved through discussions and negotiations rather than by military con- frontation. The Ghana Government would therefore lend its support to efforts tending towards such a solution, including measures decided upon by this Assembly to ease the humanitarian problems created by the war. 116. If the general political situation in the world is characterized by widespread dissensions and gr~ve in- justices, which are largely the result of man's own making, the area of international economic co-operation to which I now wish to turn my attention has not been spared the ravages peculiar to our time. Since the events of October 1973, economic co-operation among States has never been the same. The general recession that occurred essentially in the developed market economies of the world and the unprecedented hardship that was visited upon non-oil- producing developing countries underscored the importance of taking urgent and effective measures to reverse the downward economic trend It was indeed generally con- ceded that the Bretton Woods system, set up more than 30 years ago, could no longer meet the needs and growing aspirat;ons of poor countries, and could therefore no longer be tolerated without further hardship to those countries. At its sixth special session, the General Assembly addressed itself to the problem inherent in the restructuring of the system and adopted its Declaration and Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order {resolutions 3201 (S- VI) and 3202 (S- VI)]. The General Assembly at the seventh special session, despite the reservations expressed by some States, was able to indicate the steps by which the objectives of the Declaration were to be attained {resolution 3362 (S- VII)}. Three whole years have passed since the adoption of those texts, and the world has hardly been brought any nearer to the actual realization of the goals that we had solemnly set b~fore us. 117. It therefore appears that the movement towards a basic reform of the international economic system has lost 118. The restructuring of the international economic framework should also encompass policy changes on the part of the developed countries that would support the process of industrialization and the technological develop- ment of the developing countries. These policy reorienta- tions should include adjustment assistance policies, sub- stantial reductions in trade barriers to the manufactured exports of developing countries, and the strengthening of the technological capabilities of the developing countries. Furthermore, the process of restructuring would riot be fully effective without a thorough reform of the interna- tional monetary system as well as of the rules governing trade flows. There must be a substantial increase in the volume of official development assistance on terms and conditions that are more appropriate than those applied hitherto to the weak economic position of the majority of the developing countries. At the same tin,e, the growing external indebtedness of the developing countries requires more urgent attention than ever before. Finally, the efforts of the individual developing countries to pursue this economic development on the basis of self-reliance-a concept to which my Government attaches great inl- portance-would be very greatly strengthened by ever closer economic co-operation among ourselves. We, the developing countries, canIlot afford to neglect this type of co- operation if we are fully to exploit the complementarities ir. our various economies and, above all, if we are to enlarge our collective countervailing power in our negotiations and economic relations with the developed countries. 119. Another area where the need for reform has become urgent is constituted by the regime regulating the use of the sea. New problems arising from the technological and economic developments over the last decade have increas.ed the need for a comprehensive international agreement concerning the question of jurisdiction related to the sea 120. These c:re but a few of the considerations that led mlmy of us to support the continuation of the negotiations notwithstanding the heavy financial burden incurred by many countries. especially developing ones. in servicing the Conference. The sixth session of the Conference ended barely three months ago here in New York. Its principal result is the agreement. to bring together in one document the draft articles relating to the entire range of subjects before the Conference.! 2 The text shows that significant progress has been made on vital issues relating to interna- tional security, navigation, pollution, the transfer of tech- nology, scientific research and the setting up of an international regime for the conduct of sea-bed mining. In spite of certain reservations here and there, the composite text embodies the principal elements of the future conven- tion on the law of the sea. I::! 1. My delegation hopes that the necessary political will to bring the Conference to a successful conclusion will not fail to assert itself. 122. It is the sincere belief of my delegation that this year'S session of the General Assembly will witness sub- stan:ial progress in man's continued search for greater justice, freedom and equality. The United Nations was created in order to help to achieve these objectives and to promote peace and selidarity among nations. The difficult '<"lfC1blems confronting the international community-in par- ,;_..Ilar the problemf of southern Africa and the Middle East-and the efforts to install a new economic order are among the most serious challenges of our time. Their solution will not be easy. But whether the United Nations can continue to justify the trust and confidence that millions of people have placed in the world body will depend largely on the collective and sincere contribution of Member States and the fervour with which they are prepared to carry out their obligations under the Charter. The Ghana delegation will not be found wanting in this regard.

Mr. President, on behalf of the Liberian delegation, I congratulate and salute you on your unanimous election to guide the work of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. With your own admirable personal qualities and the pioneering and pivotal role your great country of Yugoslavia has played and continues to play in promoting pe~ce and security through non-alignment, I feel confident 12 See Offtcitzl Records of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, vol. VIII (United Nations pubUcation, Sales No. E.78.V_4), documents A/CONF.62/WP.I0_and Add. 1: 1::!5. The Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, to whom we extend our sincere congratulations on his re-election to this i~portant office, is most deserving of our special commendation, not only for the efficiency and dedication which he and his able staff continue to bring to the administration of our Organiza- tion, but for his comprehensive, incisive and realistic annual report to this Assembly. We can oQly hope that this year of groWing anxiety for the international community can also become a year of unprecedented opportunity as we resolve-all of us-to undertake bold, courageous and decisive measures to further the objectives of these United Nations. 126. Unfortunately. the note upon which we begin is not too encouraging for the failure of the resumed thirty-first session of the General Assembiy to come to an agreement with respect to the assessment of the results of the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation dem- onstrates that the international community continues to sllOW a woeful lack of the political will and of that degree of mutual accommodation which is indispensable to the establishment of the new international economic order. What is more regrettable is that agreement could not even be reached on how best the United Nations system can carry forward the work ofthe Paris Conference. 127. Let us therefore endeavour to transform our dif- ferences in respect of the assessment of this Conference into guide-posts for renewed efforts and continuing negotia- tions in the hope that we can generate greater under- standing and contribute positively to international eco- nomic co-operation. 128. Reduced to its bare essentials, what we are advo- cating in the establishment of a new international economic order is no more than asking the rich nations to do a little more to enable the poor nations to help themselves. This is the idea which inspires my President, Mr. William R. Tolbert. Jr. in his humanistic capitalism, a concept designed to build a world that is based on peace, security, equality, justice and human dignity for all men and nations.. 129. My delegation fully supports the declaration of the Ministers of Fore.ign Affairs of the Group of 77 of 29 September 1977 {see A/32/244/ and hopes that the dialogue between the developed and developing countries, of which the Paris Conference was only a part, will continue to be pursued actively at the United Nations and at other international forums. 130. The recent admission of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of Djibouti to the United Nations, which my country hails and salutes, not only represents progress for the principle of universality of membership, but bears eloquent testimony, in each case, to the changing nature of our world. Viet Nam and Djibouti 132. As perceived by my country, the challenge to the international community in 1977, a challenge reflected in the issues of moment on the agenda of the thirty-second session of the Assembly, is whether we will collectively diagnose adeq'3~tely and in a timely m2IUler the require- ments for genuine peace and progress, and then collectively undertake adequate and timely measures to advance peace and accelerate progress. We face this challenge just as much with regard to the problems of international economic co-operation and its relations'to disarmament and the issue of the law of the sea, as with regard to the critical political questions, especially of southern Africa and the Middle East. We face this challenge as well in the impasse in Cyprus and the growing crisis of human rights violations. In Cyprus, all we ask is the implementation of the resolution which we have adopted here and which has been duly endorsed by the Security Council. 133. That economic problems are priorities in our con- cerns today we have fully recognized. As we therefore continue to deploy efforts to make sanity, reason and compassion prevail in our economic relations, let us heed as well the perceptive observation of the Secretary-.General that: "The question of disarmament lies at the heart of the problem of international order, for, in an environment dominated by the international arms race, military and strategic considerations tend to shape the over-all rela- tions between States, affecting all other relations and transactions and disturbing the economy." [A/32/1, sect. IV.} 134. Because my Government sees the issue of disarma- ment in th.e context of world order and progress, not only have. we gl~en full support to the convening in 1978 of a special sessIOn of the United Nations General Assembly devoted to disarmament, but we are of the firm belief that. whether we are talking about nuclear or conventional arms limitation, nuclear proliferation, or the relationship be- tween development and disarmament, the issue is a concern of all, not simply of the more powerful of the international community or those who are members of the "nuclear club". 135.. ~y Government regrets exceedingly that there is a contmumg absence of international agreement to regulate the affairs of the oceans of the world. At a time when the call is.persistent for a new world-wide political and economic order. the vital area of the sea cannot be left 136. A happy note in international relations is the recent ~ing of the United States-Panama Treaties on the Panama Canal. My Government renews its welcome of that development as a positive step towards furthering interna- tional understanding. 137. The issue in southern Africa is continuingly one of fundamental human rights denied a preponderant majority of the people by a lunatic clique of petty-hearted racists' it is one of restoring justice and human dignity to 'an oppressed segment of humanity; of effectively curbing support and sustenance for apartheid: of following through with determination the process of decolonization and . ' removmg the anachronism of racist minority rule and apartheid from the continent of Africa. The issue is moving away from catastrophic racial confrontation to racial harmony. 138. While southern Africa is essentially an African problem, the principles which suffer flagrant violation in the subregion are universal principles. Moreover, for diverse reasons, associations have been nurtured over the years between the subregion and various elements particularly external to the continent. The international community. must be constructively involved in evolving an early but genuinely African solution. That imperative found echpes in the Maputo Declaration on Zimbabwe and Namibia, as well as the Lagos Declaration on South Africa-declarations which have the unreserved endorsement of my Govern- ment. 139. Some of the developments of late have given cause for guarded optimism. I refer particularly to the .Anglo- American proposals on Zimbabwe, proposals which my Government sees as constituting a good and important basis fo~ initiating the process of negotiation. With an emerging u~lted national patriotic leadership for the people of Zimbabwe and goodwill on the part of all the parties involved, we entertain th~ hope that the limited step already taken by the Security Council in implemetltation of an element of the proposals will gain momentum so that the anxiety we now feel for our brothers and sisters of Zimbabwe 'will be transformed into the saHsfaction of our expectations. At any rate Liberia will persevere with free Africa 'a~d the OAU in the liberation struggle until majority rule and mdependence come to the people of Zimbabwe. 140. The efforts of the contact gro.uP of the five Western members of the Security Council in respect of Namibia also deserve our commendation, as long as they remain within the. fr~mework of Security Council resolution 385 (1976). While It would seem that there is now a brief interlude in those talks. we remain hopeful that the talks will soon be resumed with no prejudice to the progress so far achieved. In the meanwhile, my Government will continue its full support of the efforts of the OAU and SWAPO until Namibia. in the entirety of its territory, attains inde- pendence. . 141. The Republic of Liberia, whose existence was the end-result of grinding oppression. will remain unrelenting in 142. We want here fully to associate ourselves with our brothers and sisters in South Africa today, 11 October-the Day of Solidarity with South African Political Prisoners-as they remember the plight of political prisoners and other victims of apartheid. We are with them in heart and spirit. 143. As regards the problem of the Middle East, Liberia considers that the question of Palestinian rights is one of the principal elements. My Government believes that all States in the region have a right to independent existence within secure and recognized boundaries. 144. We are of the view that it is imperative that the current situation in the region of "no war, no peace" should be replaced by genuine mutual accommodation and mutual preparedness to act in good faith. That would entail, among other things, the return by Israel of all Arab territory occupied since the 1967 war~ an immediate end, in the interim. to the est.ablishment by Israel of "settlements" in the occupied Arab territories~ and the recognition by Israel of the political reality of the Palestinian people and their legitimate national rights. But that would also entail unequivocal Arab acceptance of the existence and per- manence of the State of Israel. .145. Liberia believes that the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East would serve as a most useful forum for initiating negotiation with a view to resolving Arab-Israeli differences. But that "Conference can be successful only if all the concerned parties. including the Palestine Liberation Organization, participate. That is why Liberia applauds the joint American-Soviet statement 0: I October in that regard, and fervently hopes that fears and suspicions on the part of Israelis and Arabs alike can give way to courageous action and accommodation-and even calculated risk-so that the Geneva Conference can in fact be convened before the end of 1977. 146. My delegation believes that the question of the violation of human rights is also implicit in the leading international issues on our agenda. We see that fundamental principle blatantly assailed in southern Africa, in the Middle East. in Cyprus and in other areas of world tension. The issue is also of consuming concern at the important review meeting of the Conference on Security and Co-qperation in Europe which is now under way in Belgrade. And yet, as Members of the United Nations. we have all solemnly pledged. by the fact of our United Nations membership, to uphold. defend and promote fundamental human rights, especially as defined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. My Government continues to take very seriously the responsibilities inherent in Liberia's adherence to that Declaration. And we wish here to indicate our support for 147. With reference to the growing contemporary crisis of human rights violations, the President of Liberia, Mr. William R. Tolbert, Jr. said at the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU in Gabon last July: "There must be a common standard which the interna- tional community should recognize and apply equally for the protection of life and limb, liberty and property; and no one should be deprived of those sacred rights, contrary to universal laws or declarations." Continuing, President Tolbert said: "Mankind is the same everywhere, and its rights should be respected and safeguarded in every way at all times and in all places. It is therefore absolutely wrong in North, West, Central, East and South Africa or for that matter in any part of our one world for human dignity and human rights to be irreverently invaded and assailed." And in a note of admonition to the OAU Assembly, President Tolbert indicated: "The same standards of moral integrity and humane uprightness we apply to our foes must also be applied to our friends; we must consider ourselves obligated to practice the same among ourselves and accord to our own peoples." 148. Thirty-two years have elapsed sinc~ the founding of the United Nations, which was' dedicated to the active promotion of peace by constructively and co-operatively responding to world human needs which still remain central to internatienal relations. This great international Organiza- tion and the phenomenon of international organizations in general have been invaluable, almost indispensable, instru- ments in mankind!s quest for a stable, just and progressive world society. Whether young or old, regional or trans- regional, such international organizations as the Organiza- tion of American States, the OAU, the League of Arab States, the Association of South-East Asian Nations, the non-aligned countries movement, the Afro-Arab Con- ference, and perhaps even those that have grown out of the antagonism of the cold war, have each in their respective regions or areas of emphasis, complemented the efforts of the United Nations, advanced the idea of a glo~al com- munity, and thus promoted international understanding and co-operation. In recognition of this role of interna- tional organi7ations, perhaps the United Nations, the most universal of them all, should resolve to devote a year to internatio..dl organizations. 149. My delegation formally proposes that as a tribute to these great institutions for facilitating international rela- tions, the year 1980 be designated international Organiza- tions Year, a year when world-wide attention would be focused on the significant contributions of international organizations in contair..ing or resolving world problems and thus serving even more effectively as instruments for the maintenance of global peace and security. 151. And yet, ill the nature of things we. cannot despair. From every situation of conflict we must diligently seek possible elements of co-operation; from our differences we must extract the least likelihood of agreement upon which to build understanding. Our condition of interdependence on this planet leaves us no viable alternative. We must therefore nurture the forces for conciliation, co-operation, collaboration and accommodation in our international relationships. Above all, let us work at this thirty-second session of the peneral Assembly so that the growing anxiety· we feel in 1977 about the burpjng issues ort our agenda will be transformed into hopeful and wholesome break-throughs in 1978 and in the years ahead.

I 3 Sir, I wish to say how happy I am to. associal.e myself with the pn~c,eding speakers in welcoming . with great satisfaction and friendship your election to the presidency of the thirty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly. In my view, that choice is fully in accm'd with the eminent quaHties as a diplomat and statesman for which you are noted, and is a tribute to the Federal Sor.1alist Republic of Yugoslavia, a sister country with which we have solid, friendly relations whLh were established at the beginning of our national liberation struggle and have since been consolidated. Your election also crowns the tireless efforts and dynamic action which you have constantly contributed to our Organization.in the interests of the progress of our nations and of peac,e for mankind. In other words, your election represents to us a pledge of the devotion, effectiveness and success with which you will be gUiding our work. 153. May I also, through you, extend my sincere thanks to your preJecessor, Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe, the Permanent Representative of the Republic of Sri Lanka to the United Nations. who won general acclaim by the great skill with which he presided over the thirty-first session of our Assembly. 154. May I be allowed to greet the United Nations Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, whom I am pleased once again to assure of our full co-operation. On behalf of the Government and people of the Republic of Guinea- Bissau, I offer him our congratulations en the noteworthy resuits constantly being achieved by the United Nations in the interests of our respective nations and of peace for mankind. M 155. I wish also to express my delegation's satisfaction at the admission to the United Nations of the Socialist 13 Mr. Saude Maria spoke in Portuguese. The French version of his statement was suppHed by the delegadon. 156. The entry of the Republic of Djibouti into this great United Nations family is a source of pride for all African peoples and for the world at large, which has followed with interest and supported with admiration that people's struggle for independence. We hope that the international community will give the people of Djibouti all necessary assistance in the defence and consolidation of its indepen- dence. 157. Since the thirty-first ~ssio!1. there has been but little substantial change in the problems confronting mankind. Our Organization, despite its praiseworthy efforts, has not managed to give real impetus to international detente. The conflicts which persist here and there should encourage us to unite our co-operative efforts in the search for just and durable solutions. 158. Once again the oppressed peoples send us an appeal, made urgent by their sufferings, to join them, basing ourselves firmly on the fundamental principles of our Organization, in their search for the necessary ways and means of achieving the complete eradication of all vestiges of colonialism, oppression. injustice and racism. 159. For our part, we bear in mind as a constant factor in our efforts rc:spect for human lights. equality and the right of peoples to self-determination and the choice of their own destiny. We are all the more attached to these principles because they are indissolubly linked to the documents of international law of the United Nations: the Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, the Declaration on the Granting of Indepen- dence to Colonial Countries and Peoples and the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. 160. The people of Guinea-Bissau, who throughout a long armed struggle for national liberation and at the cost of many sacrifices gained their independence and right to freedom, feel as their own the bitter trials undergone by its brothers in southern Africa, and therefor~ follow with particular interest the developments in that part of the world. 161. That is why we feel that the United Nations must show more unity and invite Member States to respect and apply its decisions rigorously in order to be able to make an effective contribution to the 3truggle for peace, and give it wider dimensions and greater impetus. 163. Armed struggle is a necessity, the only means and the only path which can lead the people of southern Africa towards total and real liberation. This means the in- transigent defence of the sacred principles with which the international community as a whole is identified. We cannot deny their justice; we cannot refute their objectivity. 164. The people of South Africa, by rejecting the policy ofapartheid and struggling against it with all their force, are defending our own freedom, that of mankind as a whole, which can only be the achievement of all men, without distinction as to race, creed or philosophical belief. 165. In other words. we· have responsibilities which we must assume in full. bringing to the peoples of southern Afr:ca assistance in accordance with their needs, inten- sifying it whenever circumstances and the extension of the struggle so demand. 166. First of all, we must concert our efforts to prevent, by all means possible, a situation in which South Africa would be in a position to use the atomic bomb in order to perpetuate its system of exploitation and oppression. We are aware of this janger, which may have catastrophic consequences, but our apprehension must not be taken to mean anything other than an urgent appeal to countries which, for trade, political or other reasons. feel they must ignore or breach the decisions of the United Nations concerning the supply of equipment, technology and fissionable" material to the racist regime of South Africa. There is no guarantee ensuring the use of such technology for peaceful pvrposes in that country, in view of the inhuman and criminal nature of its regime. j 67. By stepping up our assistance to the oppressed people of South Africa. we should also be contributing to the struggle of the liberation movements in Namibia and Zimbabwe. Only the triumph of the freedom fighters can put an end to the illegal occupation of Namibia by the racist Government of South Africa. 168. SWAPO, which is the only legitimate representative of the Namibian people. must be assisted effectively and supported by our Organization in all its efforts to eliminate totally South African domination. We firmly hope that soon, through the concerted actions of the freedom fighters and the international community, the true sons of that country can take their place in this Assembly beside us. 169. The recent decision of the Heads of State and Government at the OAU Assembly in Libreville to recog- nize the Patriotic Front as the sole representative of the people of Zimbabwe, is not only a clear reflection of the common will of the African States to concentrate their efforts on concerted and more effective action in.support of the freedom fighters of Zimbabwe, but we believe also an appeal from the OAU to the other peoples of the world, and in particular to the United Nations, for active solidarity in support of that brother people. 171. This is all the more essential since it is true that only an increase in the fighting strength of the Patriotic Front, which needs considerable material and fmancial resources, can really halt the perfidious acts of terrorism and barbarism carried out by the Rhodesian racists against the front-line countries. 17:!. The OAU Assembly, at the end of its proceedings in LibrevilIe, also took a vital decision: to-convene in the near future an extraordinary session on Western Sahara / see A/32/310, annex Il, p. 101. This session is most timely, because it is a question of reaffirming, in accordance with the principles and resolutions of the United Nations and the OAU, the inalienable right of peoples to self-determination. 173. We are convinced that this session will offer good prospects for a final solution of the problem. 174. But my Government has not forgotten that it is the peoples themselves that determine their future, and no one has the right to impose solutions on them. The peoples will choose. according to the circumstances, the best way to seize their liberty, because independence in the long run must be won. 175. That is why it is essential, in our opinion, that at the next extraordinary session on the question of Western Sahara the gap between rhetoric and reality be closed and only the voice and the highe.r interests of the Saharan people should prevail. 176. The position of my Government in regard to this problem is clear and can only take the form of militant and active solidarity with the Frente POLlSARIO and unflinch- ing support for the cause so valiantly defended by the Saharan people.-It is history itself, the history of the heroic struggle of peoples for their independence, which inspires us and encourages us in th?t course. 177. We should also like to express solidarity with the people and Government of the Comoros, in view of the illegal occupation of part of their national territory by the formet colonizing Power. The occupation of Mayotte in contravention of the principles governing international relations is an infringement of the sovereignty of the Comoros and calls for an urgent solution to restore the full rights of the Comorian people in defence of their territorial integrity and unity. 178. The situation in the Middle East remains one of the essential concerns of my Government. The heroic struggle of the Palestinian people for its most legitimate rights continues to merit particular attention and deserves the total support of all the peoples of the world. How could it be otherwise, indeed, since we are well aware of the worst oppressions and the subjection of the people of Palestine and committed as we all are to the principles of the United Nations Charter, to the defence of man and his right to freedom, peace and well·being'! 180. The flood of blood and tears caused by the an- nexationist policy of the Government of Israel, far from dampening the liberating zeal and the determination of the freedom fighters of the Palestine Liberation Organization. undoubtedly produce new forces, daily more capable of annihilating the chains of oppression. 181. We feel that we must tell this Assembly yet again that in the op"inion of our Government any negotiated solution of the problem must have as an indispensable pre-condition the recognition by Israel of the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to a homeland, to freedom and to progress on the one hand and to the evacuation of the Arab territories occupied since 1967 on the other. 182. Although we recognize the importance of the posi- tive contribution such a country can make to the much desired settlement of the conflict. there can be no substitute for the legitimate representative of the Pal- estinian people-that is to say the Palestine Liberation Organization. which, more than anyone else. defends the interests of this brother people. I should like to say again from this rostrum that the Government and people of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau support totally and uncondi- tionally the sacred cause of the brother people of Palestine. 183. Last year. on the occasion of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly, I raised with some apprehension the question of East Timorl 4 and said how concerned my Government was by the situation in that country. Today we have to say that, despite the appeal from the United Nations to Indonesia that country. deaf and insensible. contipues its illegal occupation of East Timor, and thou- sands of the people of Timor, women. children and the aged, are dying or still suffering from the fire and the arrogant boots of the Indonesian armed forces. 184. This unjust war was imposed on a people which. after haVing known and endured the long dark night of colo- nialism were calmly preparing to face courageously the no less terrible problems of development and constitutes in our .opinion a flagrant violation of the principles of the United Nations Charter. The very idea th~t, for reasons of political, military or eco:lomic convenience. a country can annex another independent country and trample underfoot the most elementary principles governing human relations is inadmissible and calls for the strongest possible condemna- tion. In our opinion the United Nations must take appropriate measures with a view to going to the assistance of the people of East Timor who, under the leadership and 185. But it must be emphasized that in this war it is not simply a matter of the interests of the victims of aggression and of the aggressors: there are also other interests at stake which are better concealed because they are more per- fidious in nature. and they shou~d De brought into the open and condemned with equal severity. The Government and people of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau firmly support FRETI UN and the people of Timor in their struggle for true independence and express again their unflinching solidarity with the Democratic Republic of East Timor. 186. The United Nations once again will have to deal carefully with the situation in Chile. where despite many a:::>peals to the Chilean authorities from the international community urging them to restore and safeguard the rights. the freedom and the well-being of the people of Chile by observing the principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Government of that country continues. with total disdain for human values. to bludgeon and make martyrs of the Chilean people. We feel that the UniteJ Nations can do more to help the Chilean people who. in extremely difficult conditions. are carrying on an exem- plary struggle for their freedom and for the return of democracy. 187. The situation in Cyprus demands that we redouble our efforts and work for the maintenance of the indepen- dence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the island, inspired by the constant dynamic activity and trle wisdom of the man who was and will remain one of the greatest figures in the struggle for peace. the late President Makarios. On behalf of the Government and people of the Republic of· Guinea-Bissau I' should like to tak.e this opportunity to pay an appropriate tribute to his stature. his merits, his talents and his valour. 188. We hope that the two Cypriot communities, Greek and Turkish. thanks to their wJii to maintain peace. will arrive at a lasting agreement which will guarantee a brotherly coexistence respecting the rights of all citizens of the Cypriot State. 189. We h-ave often proclaimed our attachment to the ideals of peace and progress of the United Nations but above all we have expressed our confidence in the unshak- able will of the international community to fight for the maintenance of world peace and security. This confidence is further strengthened by the conviction that all Member States are aware of the importance of peace for the progress of their peoples. 190. We have always followed with great interest the debates in this Assembly concerning this problem and have shared the concerns of the international community in the face of the imminent dangers inherent in the proliferation of nuclear weapons. Our apprehension is justified because it must be noted that the arms race has not slowed down but has even become a contagious disease which. if not tackled swiftly" and effectively. may have disastrous. indeed incal- culable. consequences for mankind as a whole. 192. Today. when we are talking about.the neutron bomb. a weapon which is undoubtedly of terrible destructive capacity. it is well to recall that th"is action. which we firmly support. could not reaIly have truly satisfactory results if it is confined to the simple aim of checking an expansion or proliferation of nuclear weapons. 193. What we also have to contemplate-and urgently in our opinion-is. through a stage-by-stage negotiation pro- cess. total and complete disarmament and the destruction of those weapons which. as long as they exist. are a threat to mankind. 194. Thus. wc welcome the forthcoming convening of a special session of the General Assembly on disarmament, the importance and the pressing need for which we fuIly appreci:ate. 195. ~Ve hope. for our part. that the international com- munity will be able, through constructive discussion. to create the basis essential to the signing of a general agreement on the limitation, indeed the destruction, of nuclear weapons. 196. I wished to mention some of the dangers threatening international security. but the situation currently prevaiIirtg in Africa also deserves special attention from us. Africa. despite its differences and peculiarities. is above all a geopolitical whole which history has forged into a vigorous and .at the same time sensitive body. The only frontiers in Africa are artificial ones. and no African people. regardless of its economic potential. can ensure its happiness. well- being and development by ignoring the problems affecting its neighbours. It is the very interdependence of African States which is at once their weakness and their strength-- which means that any problem. any intra-Afric~n conflict. however grave, can always be given a peaceful solution based in African wisdom. This tradition is one of the major strengths of our continent and has largely contributed to the establishment of the OAU and has made it an effective instrument in the search for peaceful solutions to problems which sometimes divide African States. 197. The OAU Charter embodies a set of principles the observance of which. by all member States. constitutes the pre-condition and the guarantee for a united Africa. committed to the construction of progress in peace. 198. The major upheavals currently affecting the eco- nomic bascs of international relations affcct an countries and. above all. the developing countries. That is. in any case. why we are all responsible foF' finding a way out ~f this situation. But it is not enough to take partial measures to plaster over the existing system. The present system of international economic relations is long out of date. and is detrimen~al to our interests. It has to be replaced by another system. one that is more just and more equitable. To do this what is needed is not evolution but reaIly revolution. 200. Indeed. one must look increasingly for solutions taking precisely into account the differenc~s in political and economic systems at the end of the twentieth century. New methods, concepts, rules and institutions must be found, harmonized, agreed to and applied. so that, finally and in practical terms. we can start along a path ensuring satisfaction and the meeting of the legitimate aspirations of aII peoples, with no discrimination whatsoever. It is well known that these aspirations are being expressed through claims for independence and equality in international relations and for the establishment of economic conditions which make it possible for everyone to live in peace by restoring to the majority of mankind the rights to which they are entitled: 201. This claim is basically each country's sovereign right to dispose of its natural resources, including the right to nationalize them~ the need to introduce into this system of international economic relations instruments which will ensure compensation and make it possible to set up special protective funds against dislocations on the world market; the need to develop a code of conduct for the transfer of scientific and technological discoveries, it being understood that we have to facilitate the access of the developing countries to modern technology, which they. must be able to use on advantageous terms~ the need to reinvigorate the search for supplementary sources of financing for economic and social progress in the developing countries. 202. These claims are nothing new. They were in par- . ticular set forth in the Economic Declaration of the Fourth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries in Algiers in 1973.) 5 We can find them again in a number of United Nations documents and in documents of other international bodies. They were re- stated in the Manila Declaration) 6 by the Ministerial Conference of the Group of 77 and in the Economic Declaration and Action Programme for Economic Co- operation of the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Govermnent of Non-Aligned Countries,) 7 the proceedings of which were held at Colombo from 16 to 20 August 1976. But to date they stilI meet with the _organized opposition of the industrialized countries. particularly the most powerful among them. This was clearly shown once again at the North-South Conference at Paris, where the refusal of those countries to arrive at a general agreement caused those proceedings to fail. The reasons were many. The most important. doubtless, is that the industrialized Powers are seeking to safeguard their position of domina- tion in the world economy. However, it should be added 15 Sce document A/9330 and Corr..!. 16 Sce Proceedings of th~ United Nations Conference on· Trade and Development, Fourth Session, vol. I, Report and Annexes (United Nations publication. Sales No. E.76.II.D.I0), annex V. 17 See document Al31/l 97, annexes 11 and Ill. 203. One thing is certain: these industrialized countries have themselves admitted the need to reform the eXIsting international trade and monetary system. So it is not a matter of an unexpected attack on the interests of the industrialized capitalist Powers. but an inevitable measure taken in the interests of all. The deficit 'of the developing countries, which derives from the discrimination they suffer in the international economic system. is continuing to worsen in disquieting proportions. Needless to say, this worsening is a supplementary burden for those countries whose indebtedness is known to us all and which was clearly one of the concerns of the Colombo Conference. 204. The major documents adopted at different interna- tional conferences bear witness to our will, as non-aligned countries, to enter into a dialogue with the developed countries in order to establish more equitable relations in the worlrl. But over and above this willingness, we are working for the rapid establishment of a new international economic order. 205. The Colombo documents offer in themselves a more dynamic basis for this resumed dialogue. We are also thinking in particular of the Economic Declaration and the Action Programme for Economic Co-operation. That is of course understandable when we realize that the principles of those documents reflect the broadest interests of the peoples and give the policy of peaceful coexistence, mutual assistance, solidarity and active co-operation an economic basis resting on both the Charter of the United Nations and that of the non-aligned movement. 206. In view of the seriousness of the problems we are facing, the developing countries are more than ever aware of the imperative need to devote their energies to the consolidation of their national independence and the strengthening of their front-line struggle for the final eradication of the existing arrangements for economic exp~oitation The action of the non-aligned countries at the Conferences of Belgrade, Cairo, Lusaka and Georgetown. the decline of coloniaIist or neo-colonialist groups, the strengthening of the unity of action of the Group of 77 on the basis of the provisions of the Algiers Charter and the Declaration of Lima and the action taken for regional co-operation or integration, are so many stages on the way from passive claims to the active affirmation of the will of the developing countries to rely first and foremost on their own resources. individually and collectively, to assume respons~biIity for the defence of their fundamental interests and to organize their development by and for themselves. 207. It should be recalled here that there is a sacred principle, accordirlg to which every country has a right to adopt the economic and social system which it regards as the most advantageous to its development, and that States have an inalienable right to exercise their national sover- eignty over their natural resources and over all the economic activities of the country. We feel that any infringement of those rights or of the right of each State to 208. It would be unrealistic to think that there could be any true equality between donors and recipients, or that our political emancipation could have any reality without economic independence obtained through co-operation in equality and mutual respect. 209. These are the considerations we wished to bring to the attention of our Assembly. 2 IO. May I. in closing, repeat on behalf of my delegation that we arc willing to contribute to the search tor a just solution to the problems affecting the international com- munity, and we wish to state that we hope to see the thirty-second session of the General Assembly of the United Nations achieve satisfactory results and thus satisfy our joint will to work for international peace and security.

May I be allowed first of all to express to the President my congratulations on his election to preside over the present session of our Assembly. My delegation is convinced that, thanks to his experience and competence, the work of the thirty-second session of the Gen~ral Assembly will be crowned with success. My delegation teels special satisfaction because of the links of friendship and close co-operation which exist between our countries and also because of our solidarity within the general framework of the non-aligned movement. 212. I also take this opportunity to pay a tribute. to the outgoing President, Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe, who showed so much competence in the honourable discharge of his responsibilities during the thirty-first session of the General Assembly. 213. Finally, on behalf of my Government. 1 wish to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for the' efforts which he exerts continually to assist in the maintenance of peace, security and justice throughout the world. The re-election of that apostle of peace has reassured the oppressed peoples and those who struggle for just causes.. 214. My country had the honour and privilege to be a sponsor of the resolutions on the admission of two new Members to this Organization: on the one hand. the Republic of Djibouti, which has the same colonial past as our :ountry and with which we hope to maintain the best possible relations~ on the other hand, the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam which, after 30 years of heroic struggle. has emerged victorious and unified. I wish to offer them our congratulations and to welcome them to this great family of the United Nations. 2 I5. We are also convinced that the peaceful reunification of Korea and its admission to this Organization will take place shortly. 217. With regard to those problems. the Republic of the Comoros also wishes to make its modest contribution. commensurate with the means at our disposal. 218. Much has been humorously said about "micro- States", including the Comoros, with the concealed inten- tion of showing to the international community that those States are not viable and are incapable of carrying out their national and international duties. 219. But in the Comoros we are deeply convinced that the only criterion which should be applied to assess the stature, efficiency and morality of States is the constant determina- tion of those States to·act day after day in conformity with the principies of the Charter. 220. Hence the respect which we feel for certain States and our judgement of them are not dependent on their economic might and still less on their military might; they depend rather on their will to assure peace. security and progress for mankind as expressed in their deeds. 221. That is why, in speaking of the liberation movements in Africa. the Middle East and elsewhere. my country unconditionally offers its support to all those peoples in their struggle to regain their dignity. their freedom and the enjoyment of their inalienable rights prescribed in our Charter. :222. The international community must support the action of the five front-line countries, the sacrifices of whose peoples need no further proof. We must support every initiative aim.ed at a just and acceptable solution of the problem of Zimbabwe. 223. In so far as the Anglo-American plan recognizes the legitimacy of the power of the majority in Zimbabwe and in so far as that plan demonstrates the determination of the United St.ates and the United Kingdom to assume their respective responsibilities. the Republic of the Comoros considers that plan as an acceptable basis for negotiation. 224. But so long as Ian Smith and his repressive forces have not been put out of action, the international com- munity must continue to give its moral and material support to the armed struggle in Zimbabwe. 225. If today, because of the harrassment caused by the struggle for liberation and the diplomatic pressures exerted on lan Smith, the settlement of the Zimbabwe problem can be considered to be very near. the same cannot be said about South Africa, where criminal repression against innocent black children is continuing. The Vorster regime is killing and torturing them. It is killing the Afr~cans at Sharpeville. at Soweto and at other localities of South Africa. It is torturing men and women in dungeons that are quite similar to Hitler's cuncentration camps. A few weeks ago we learned with indignation that the Vorster Govern- 226. Must we really recall to -those who collaborate with and who, directly or indirectly, help the Vorster regime that they ar~ sharing a heavy responsibility with Vorster in any act that is perpetrated against the black people of that country'? Only a total embargo and a systematic boycott will compel Vorster to come to his senses. 227. This same Vorster recipe that we have just described was applied to the letter in Namibia, a Territory which he should have left once and for all by August 1976 and restored to the United Nations to make it possible for the Organization to hold free elections in the Territory. 228. We encourage the consultations of the five Western countries members of the Security Council that were undertaken within the framework of resolution 385 (1976) of the Security Council. However, we feel that no solution that does not reflect the views of the authentic repre- sentatives of the peoples involved-and in this case it is SWAPO-can bring about a viable solution in that country. Only the conditions proposed by SWAPO can truly guarantee genuine independence and a durable peace in Namibia. 229. With regard to the Middle East, the situation of "no war, no peace", which now obtains in that region, can only favour the annexionist and expansionist policy of Israel, which continues to defy international opinion by occupy- ing Arab territories in an endeavour to modify to its advantage their demographic an'd geographic features and to destroy their Islamic culture. We must unreservedly con- demn the Jewish settlements that were installed in the occupied Arab lands. 230. In seeking an equitable and just solution of this problem, we must necessarily associate the Palestine Libera- tion Organization with any discussion on t' e Middle East, and any discussion must of necessity prod.... Je, flrst, Israel's evacuation of the Arab territories occupied since 1967; secondly, the recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to a homeland; thirdly, the recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination; and, four- thly, the recognition of the right of the Palestinians to return to their homes. 231. My delegation considers that the settlement of the problem of Cyprus must be based on respect for the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity, and non- alignment of that country and on the recognition of the legitimate rights and aspirations of both communities. 232. On 16 December 1971, the General Assembly adopted resolution 2832 (XXVI), in which it declared the ~ndian Ocean a zone of peace. It has also asked the great Powers to begin inlmediate consultations with the coastal States of the Indian Ocean in order to put an end to the process of escalation and expansion of the military presence in that zone and to eliminate from the Indian Ocean all bases, military in~tallations and logistic support services 233. My country feels that it is high time to see to it that tangible steps should be taken to ensure that this resolution is scrupulously implemented. The adoption of such meas- ures would really prove the will of the great Powers to achieve complete and general disarmament. Mankind would then be able to emerge from the torpor and the anguish that it now feels, and the developing countries, which would benefit from renewed and expanded international solidarity, would thus be able to contemplate the future of their peoples with tranquillity and optimism 234. Convinced of the interdependence of the economies of States, my country continues to believe that the great Powers and th~ economically developed countries must suppress their selfish national interests and cf.Jnsider the future of mankind as a whole because the developing countries cannot accept a situation where the third world must recognize a ceiling for their standard of living beyond which it cannot hope to aspire. 235. Let us now turn to the Comoros. For the second time, the question of the Comorian island of Mayotte is submitted for consideration by the Assembly. I do not want at this stage to open a debate that will take place in due course. I will simply confine myself to describing to the Assembly certain significant facts that will make it possible for us to outline the problem in its present form and also to forecast the future. :!36. In order to do so, I must report to the Assembly on the recent developments, particularly with regard to the situation as it obtains in Mayotte itself. The situatfon that prevails in that island is most alarming. Everywhere, in the private as well as in the public sector, the Comorian citizen of Mayotte has no longer any responsibility. Public offices are reserved for staff brought in from the island of Reunion and for staff from France. In the private sector, there is an influx of businessmen who are mainly former colonial settlers with a nostalgic feeling for France's colonial empire. And as if to create an irreversible colonial situation, there are also posts of "military surveillance" that have been set up in the four corners of the island and which are all occupied by members of the Foreign Legion. The latter, the renegades of society, specialists in low tasks and depraved conduct, are today the real masters of the Comorian island of Mayotte. 237. This t~ndency to accelerate the military cornpart- mentalization of the CfJmorian island of Mayotte carries with it the most nefarious consequences for the island. Even if 130 years of French colonization could not really impair true Comorian values, one must fear today that very soon those legionnaires, exerting pressure on a defenceless population and given free reign, will bring about a situation where the Comorian of Mayotte will lose his personality and become a pleasure-seeker of the lowest type, someone who has lost eV,'n his sense of dignity, his integrity and his freedom. 239. Finally, to conclude this chapter on the internal situation in the island of Mayotte, we must point to two facts which took place recently and which signify a further escalation in the process of the occupation of Mayotte. While the international community does not recognize France's competence in Mayotte and while the French presence in Mayotte has been censured most vehemently by the resolution that was adopted last year by this General Assembly Iresolution 31/4J, France none the less IS days ago appointed Mr. Marcel Henri--the leader of the separatist movement on Mayotte-as a Senator of the French Re- public in the French Senate. 240. From now on, in the case of the Comorian island of Mayotte, we must really impute the facts to those who bear full responsibility for them. 24 I. We must have the courage to denounce what we consider a most serious violation of international morality. and of the legitimate rights which history, culture, the economy and law have always recognized as belonging ·to the Comorians. In this case France has violated its own Constitution, its own laws, its own regulations. 242. The French Constitution in its preamble states that France will respect the rules of international law. ~mong those rules, of course, there is also the Charter of the United Nations which has been signed both by France and the Comoros. Thus the first duty of States is to respect the principles which they have committed themselves to de- fend. 243. On the other hand, all pertinent French laws and regulations, from 1889 to 23 November 1974, which was the date when the French Parliament passed the lav,' organizing a referendum regarding the accession of the Comoros to independence, have each time recognized the political. unity and territorial integrity of the ComoTOs. 244. Because of Senegal's discreet mediation through the intermediary of its prestigious chief, President Leopold Sedar Senghor, two French missions went to the Comoros, one in December 1976, and the other in January 1977. Those two meetings held with the chief of the Comorian State, our brother Ali Soilih, led us to the painful realization that the position of France in· this matter had not changed, despite all the appeals which were launched by the non-aligned countries in Colombo and also the appeals of the General Assembly of 21 October 1976. 245. The last action which shows the ill will of France in the matter is the suspension on 18 June last of the two flights of Air-Comores. the national airline, over Mayotte. 246. To this political situation, which is of much concern to the international community, we must also add the social and economic problems which are inherent in our situation, that of a developing country that has gained independence in exceptionally diffIcult circumstances, while a part of its territory is being occupied by a foreign Power. 247. The missions of the United Nations which went to the Comoros successively in December 1975 and in April and the beginning of September of this year have realized the poverty and the misery into which France has allowed the people of Comoros to sink. 248. In this year of 1977 there were two new catastrophes in the Comoros: one was due to the repatriation of 16,000 Comorians from Madagascar because of the distressing events in Majunga; the other to the eruption of a volcano which has completely destroyed an entire village and which has left over 5,000 people homeless. 249. Because of the help and solidarity offered by many countries and international organizations, the Comorian people somehow avoided complete catastrophe. But it is nonetheless a fact that we need the political support of Members of the United Nations to settle the problem of the Comorian island of °Mayotte. We also need their financial assistance in order to begin our economic development. 250. In concluding-and this is in keeping with the action taken by the President of the Gabonese Republic, El Hadj Omar Bongo, who is the current President of the OAU-I want to say that our Government is always prepared to begin a dialogue with France. We have always stated that, and it is in this spirit that we shall approach the question of the Comorian island of Mayotte when it is discussed here.

Several representatives have re- quested to speak in reply to statements made in the general debate. Members wiII recall that the General Assembly at its 5th plenary meeting decided that statements in exercise of the right of reply should be limited to 10 minutes. "

The delegations to this august body were stunned yesterday to hear what General Moshe Dayan, Israel's Foreign Minister, had to say to them. They listened in disbelief to the head of the Israeli delegation affirming to them that any reference to the 1967 cease-fire lines is pure nostalgia, that any settlement which includes Israel's withdrawal from the occupied. Arab terri- tories is nothing but a simplistic solution, that Security Council resolution 242 (1967) does not require Israel to withdraw from the territories it occupied in 1967, that the call of the overwhelming majority of nations for the establishment of a Palestinian State in the West Bank and Gaza is Ha futile exercise in wishful thinking" /27th meetii1g, para. 184/, that the Jewish settlements in the occupied Arab territories arc legal, that the fourth Geneva Convention is not applicable to the occupied Arab terri- 253. I do not th'ink I need to answer or to comment on each and every one of these incredible Zionist arguments. They speak for themselves. They are in my opinion a hundred times more expressive and more eloquent than any Arab speech or statement about the true nature of Israel and its expansionist-militaristic policies. 254. It is most significant that that ultra-extremist state- ment, which defines the official policy of Israel by the chief of Zionist diplomacy, comes at the very moment when so many countries are exerting painful efforts in order to achieve a peaceful, negotiated settlement and to establish a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. I should like, however, to set the record straight in relation to just a few points in this statement of the Israeli Foreign Minister. 255. I do not think I have to answer the repeated and vicious Zionist campaign about Syrian citizens of the Jewish faith who have lived for centuries and still live in full equality and harmony with their Moslem and Christian brothers. The Zionist lies about the Jewish Syrian com- munity have been exposed atld refuted in fact by many representatives of the foreign press and television, neutral reporters, visitors and guests, including American Jewish senators and other members of the American Congress. What a Zionist representative can never understand-and I do not blame him because the Zionist ideology is based on the very opposite concept-is that the Arabs do not discriminate against their own people or against any other people on the basis of religious affiliation even though all the tragedies and the sufferings they are subjected to emanate from an entity which is based on the ideology of religious superiority and Jewish exclusiveness. 256. In hi~ outrageous attempt to vilify the Arabs and attack them, General Dayan even contradicted himself about Syrian Jews and Arab Jews in gen~ral when, forgetting he had described Syrian Jews a moment before in his statement as hostages in the hands of Syria, which- prevented them from leaving the country, he continued later, inadvertently, to affirm that "Jews who had lived for thousands of years in Arab lands were forced to leave" / ibid., para. 205j. General Dayan should make up his mind. Were Arab Jews forced to leave, or are they forced to remain as hostages'? 257. Another distortion by the Israeli Foreign Minister is his interpretation of Security Council resolution 242 (1967). According to the Zionist General, Israel is not required in that resolution to withdraw from the occupied Arab territories. I shalI not refer to the very principle on 258. Before the Israeli Knesset on i 9 June 1968, General Dayan, who at that time was against Israel's agreement to resolution 242 (1967), said the following: "The Security Council explicitly resolved that Israel should withdraw to the lines of 4 June 1967. It is no good playing with words and trying to interpret the Security Council resolution in any other way. Israel must be frankly reserved as regards the Security Council resolution, which clearly calls for Israeli withdrawal to the 4 June lines." That was published in the Israeli newspaper Davar on 20 June 1968. 259. Again, General Dayan distorted the meaning of the term "secure and recognized boundaries". The Israeli argument is misleading, and in his opinion resolution 242 (1967) does not call for secure and recognized bound- aries for the Arabs, but only for Israel. He forgets that the resolution calls for secure and recognized borders for "every State in the area". 260. Israel, with its unprecedented record of aggression and expansion, should be ashamed to talk abotlt the security of borders or the recognition of borders when it has constantly violated every national and international boundary and armistice line in the region throughout the 29 or 30 years of its existence. 261. What boundaries does Israel or General Dayan want to be secure or recognized? The boundaries allotted to Israel by the United Nations partition plan of 1947, the boundaries of the armistice lines of 1949, the boundaries of the tripartite Suez invasion of 1956, the boundaries of the June 1967 war of aggression, or, as General Dayan now shamelessly admits, the boundaries of Mandatory Palestine resulting from the total annexation of the West Bank and Gaza? 262. General Dayan should know that boundaries cannot be secure unless they are recognized and they cannot be recognized unless they are just; they must not be imposed under the weight of aggression. 263. According to General Dayan's statement, Israel also objects to the establishment of a Palestinian State on the premise that the Arab countries voted against General Assembly resolution 181 (H), which partitioned Palestine into two States-an Arab State and a Jewish State. No wonder. How does General Dayan expect the Arab coun- tries to accept the dismemberment of their own territory and the gift of 56 per cent of that territory as a present to alien invaders? 264. The international legal basis for the establishment of a Palestinian Arab State in Palestine has long been 265. The United Nations resolution to which I have referred-resolution 181 (11) of 29 November 1947- partitioned Palestine into an Arab State, a Jewish State and an internationalized City of Jerusalem. The resolution describes in detail the boundaries of each State and the international City of Jerusalem, and an official map of the partition. plan was annexed to the said resolution, which can still be found in the archives of this Organization. 266. If today the Israelis insist on denying the legitimate right of the Palestinian people to their State they would, in the same breath, be denying the legitimacy of their own State and forfeiting its only legal basis according to the United Nations. 267. One last word about terror and terrorism. General Dayan insulted all the Arab countries and accused them of encouraging international terror. The irony is that that vicious lie and affront comes from the representative of the regime whose whole history is nothing but a series of acts of t~rror and terrorism. I shall not refer to the personal black record of the chauvinistic General himself, whose hands are forever dyed with Palestinian Arab blood and whose .name is synonymous with Zionist brutality and Israeli aggression. I shall not refer to the Government of which he is the Foreign Minister and which is headed by a man whpse record in terror and terrorism is unprecedented in history. Nor shall i enumerate the crimes of the leaders of his Government, from the massacre of Deir Yasin and Qibya to the destruction of the King David Hotel with the loss of innocent men, women and children, the assassination of the United Nations Mediator, Count Folke Bernadotte, and so on. 268. I want to ask only the following question, Who is the real terrorist, the alien who occupies one's territory. disperses a people and causes them to become desperate refugees twice in a lifetime, or the indigenous inhabitant who carries arms in spite of his limited resources and possibilities in defence of his land and his human rights'? 269. Israel, which was established solely through terror and aggression, should be the last to speak about terror or . terrorism. 270. The bitter fact is that Israel is not interested in peace and does not want even the convening of the Peace Conference. Of course Israel cla'ms the opposite and expresses its readiness to attend the Geneva Peace Con- ference; but, at the same time, it imposes several impossible conditions that it knows or hopes the Arabs will not and cannot accept. 271. The road to peace is clear and well defined. It is evident that the only obstacle to peace is Israel's refusal to evacuate the Arab territories and its persistent violation of the national rights of the Palestinian people, in particular their right to political independence, repatriation, self- determination and a State of their own in their own territory. A just and honourable solution to the Middle East ".t is my duty to inform the Assembly that the question has been raised whether observers could par- ticipate in the general debate. I have held consultations with those concerned and, as a result of those consulta- tions, the understanding has been reached that, in order to avoid creating a precedent that could give rise to certain problems and could prolong the general debate beyond the period aUotted to it, the matter will not be pursued. •'. am greatly obliged to those who have helped me to arrive at this understanding for their co-operation. "I must make it quite clear, however. that if any speaker in the course of the general debate should make any remarks which caU for a reply from an observer, I shaU call on that observer in the plenary Assembly so that he may reply.") 8 273. The last sentence of this statement, which sub- stantially was a ruling by the President of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly, was not challenged by the Assembly and as such stands as a decision by the General Assembly. On the basis of that, I am intending to call on the representative Gf the Palestine Liberation Organization. 274. The representative of the United States would like to speak on a point of order. .275. Mr. LOWENSTEIN (United States of America): As we have just heard. the Palestine Liberation Organization has asked to be allowed to reply to the statement of the Foreign Minister of Israel. .276. I wish simply to recall the consistent position of the United States that only represent~tives of Member States are qualified to participate in the general debate. We believe this is a sound practice which contributes to a more effective and expeditious general debate.

According to rule 71, the Presi- dent of the General Assembly must immediately decide on a point of order raised by a representative. In what he has said the representative of the United States has not made an appeal against this decision. and accordingly • shall adhere to my intention to call on the representative of the Palestine Liberation Organization. 18 See Officilll Records of the General Assembly, Thirty-first Session, Plenary Meetings, 9th meeting, paras. 152-154. .279. Mr. ELIAV (Israel): Israel wishes simply to place on record its objection to calling on the Palestine Liberation. Organization in this general debate and to allowing it to make what is in effect a reply. Israel's objection is based on a cardinal point of principle which we believe should enjoy universal support-namely, that. the Charter of this Organ- ization and its rules of procedure be respected and upheld. Articles 3 and 4 of the Charter lay down that only States-I repeat "States"-can be Members of the Organization. Rule 73 of the rules of procedure oT the General Assembly makes the right of reply in the plenary Assembly available to members-I repeat to members-and to no one else. .280. The PRESIDENT: We have the same situation. There is no appeal against the intention to call on the repre- sentative of the Palestine Liberation Organization, but only a reservation. .28 I. I now call on the representative of the Palestine Liberation Organization. .282. Mr. KADDOUMI (Palestine Liberation Organiza- tion): Mr. President, at the outset I would like to con- gratulate you on your election to the presidency ef the General Assembly and to express to you our appreciation of your country's friendly and continued support of our cause. 283. I hesitated for a long time before I finaUy decided to speak in order to dwell briefly on General Dayan's statement which he delivered yesterday /27th meeting] before this Assembly. I hesitated because I thought, like many others, that his own words inherently carried the dictums of the international community on Israel's desire for peace. 284. However, since we are now again at the cross-roads to either war or peace, it is imperative that each side should make its position clear in no uncertain terms. In all his television, press and United Nations utterances the ex- general adhered to his cliche that the Palestine Liberation Organization is a bunch of terrorists. May I remind him that he is a member of the Cabinet of the infamous Menachem Begin, the terrorist par excellence who boasted in his book, The Revolt,) 9 which is his pride and joy, of the atrocities he had perpetrated. Since he is a retired General it should not escape Mr. Dayan's memory that terror breeds terror and intransigence breeds intransigence. 285. It is now amply clear to all concerned, that the Palestine problem is the central issue in the Middle East conflict. This Assembly has already recognized, reaffirmed, and even devised the means for the attainment of, our inalienable rights to self-determination, repatriation, and independence. The recent joint Soviet-American statement has called for the ensuring of the legitimate rights of the 19 Menachem Begin, The Revolt (New York, Schuman, 1951). 286. But the ex-General takes exception to all this. He does not see eye to eye with the international community. He has both the audacity and tenacity to refer to international law and say that in Mandatory Palestine. where Arab Palestinians lived uninterruptedly for 1,300 years, nobody has claims of sovereignty !;letter than Israel. 287. He wonders about, and almost questions. Mr. Cyrus Vance's right to sign the joint Soviet-American statement because it made reference to our legitimate rights. 288. He is diametrically opposed to President Carter, the President of his country's most indispensable ally. President Carter declared recently that the Israeli settlements in the occupied Arab. territories are an obstacle to peace. But Mr. Dayan was categorical and unequivocal when he in- formed this United Nations body yesterday that the settlements are legal. 289. Despite the usurpation of our country and the injustices that have been 'nflicted on our people, our Palestine National Council, which is the highest legislative body within the Palestinian body politic. has already opted for an independent and sovereign Palestinian State to be established under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization on liberated Palestinian soil, in congruence with the resolution of this Assembly, adopted in 1974 {resolution 3236 (XXIX)]. Mr. Dayan, however, believes that Palestine is his ancestral land-thus defying your will and flouting your resolutions. 290. Nevertheless, despite the hallucinations ami fabrica- tions contained in his statement, Mr. Dayan had one moment of truth towards the end of the statement when he declared: "The heart of the problem is the Arab refusal to recognize the right of Israel to national sovereignty in the ancient, historical land of the Jewish people." {27th meeting, para. 211.] This is a fitting epitaph to the efforts of those who nai"vely believe that Israel will budge an inch from occupied Arab territories of its own free will. Was it not the self-same General who declared immediately after the 1967 war: "If you look at the Bible, you find the land of the Bible and on no account will we give up our rights to the land of the Bible." The land of the Bible comprises most of the Arab world. 291. We are not alarmed. but we are not optimistic. We will continue to have faith in this Organization and in the good offices of all those who realize the dimensions of the eruption of a new war in our part of the world. Our armed struggle will continue because we are witnessing a voracious Israeli territorial appetite. ' 292. General Dayan may stick to his pax Israelica, inspired by his Zionist creed; and we will stick to our armed struggle. inspired by our love of justice. peace, freedom, repatriation and sovereignty in Palestine. 294. Let it be crystal·clear: no peace without the Pal· estinians and no Palestinians without the Palestine Libera- tion Organization.

At this podium, words are often expressed which justly sustain and exalt our convictions. Other words have a stranger result and entrap those who utter them, although they do not become aware of it until later. The liberation movement to free us from the snare of such words has not yet arisen, but if it ever comes into being. France will certainly fight in its i'anks. 296. I have asked for· the floor to give a short clarification concerning the statement made this afternoon by the Minister of State for External Affairs of the Comoros. As regards procedure, I would first pobt out that it was decided, despite the opposition of my delegation, to include the question of Mayotte on the agenda of the Assembly. As to the substance, my delegation will explain our position frankly and in detail, but dispassionately, when this item is considered. 297. However, my delegation wishes to point out at this stage that it is not logical to speak of a serious breach of international morality when France has merely accepted the freely expressed will of the population concerned. Nor can France be accused of violating its own ConstitutIon when it is merely applying the provisions of that Constitu- tion. I should also like to observe that in France Senators are not appointed; they are elected. .298. I do not wish to dwell this afternoon on the unfounded allegations which have been put forward here concerning the behaviour of the French authorities at Mayotte; it goes without saying that there will be a point-by-point reply to these in due course. 299. In closing, I can only regret the words spoken here by the Minister for External Affairs of the Comoros. which are in contrast with the willingness for dialogue to which he himself referred. As the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the French Republic said on 28 September, France is abso- lutely ready to express its solidarity with the Comoros. The French' Foreign Minister further saieJ: "Misunderstandings are still evident in the interpreta- tion of certain decisions regarding the island of Mayotte. The inhabitants of that island have opted by vote in favour of a future different from that of their neighbours. The status of the island does, however. leave them the possibility of stating their position about their fu ture on another occasion. France will not stand in the way of any course of action, provided it is followed with mutual regard for the rights of the parties." {10th meeting, para. 188./ 300. There can, therefore, be no ambiguity concerning our attitude. I regret, in this connexion that the Minister of State for External Affairs of the Comoros has remained 302. Ever since 1841, France has recognized this fact, and the French legislature has, since that time, endeavoured to respect this will and the historic fact of the make up and composition of the Comorian people. 303. As to the law adopted by the French Parliament, it was only a last-minute situation and does not at all reflect the French Government's constant position from the very beginning, or its position at a later date, when the Comoros and France agreed to implement the process of the Comoros' accession to independence. 304. Thus, for the sake of clarity, I should like to read out the statement made by the President of the French Republic on 24 Octcber 1974 to the press at a time when the French Parliament was considering a law relating to the organization of a referendum to ascertain the desires of the Comorian people on their accession to independence. The following is the question posed by a French journalist to the President of the Republic: "WilI the island of Mayotte "... was it reasonable to imagine that a part of the archipelago should become independent and that one island, whatever sympathy one might have for its in- habitants, should retain different status? "I believe that one must accept contemporary realities. The Comoros are a single unit, they have always been a single unit, and it is natuml that their fate should be a common fate, even if some of them-and, of course, this affects us, although we may not be able to draw any infer~nces from it-may have wanted a different solution. "On the occasion of the attainment of independence by a Territory, it is not for us to propose to shatter the unity of what has always been the single Comoro archipelago." 305. That was the statement by the President of the French Republic, who was the guarantor of LlJ.e irideperi- dence and sovereignty of that nation. Therefore, the only question I wish to pose here is, Whom shall we believe'?